.;-     .   ^  ;  '        1   -   •  -; 


LIBRARY 

University   of 

California 


TIHIE 
LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 

OF 

JAMES    G.    ELAINE, 


WITH    INCIDENTS,    ANECDOTES,    AND    ROMANTIC    EVENTS 
CONNKCTEI)    WITH    HIS    EARLY   LIFE; 


CONTAINING    ALSO    HIS    SPEECHES  AND    IMPORTANT    HISTORICAL 
DOCUMENTS    RELATING    TO    HIS    LATER    YEARS. 


"Dare  to  do  right,  anil  trust  the  consequences  to  Infinite  Wisdom. 

J.  c;.  ISLAINE, 


BY 

RUSSELL    H.    QQNWELL, 

AUTHOR  OF  "LiFK  OF  PKKSIIHCNT  HAYKS,"  "LiFK  or  PHESIDKXT  GARFIKI.D,"    "Hov 

AND  \VlIY  THK  ('IIIXESK  EsiKJRATK,"  "II ISTORY  OF  TUB  G  KKAT  Kl  RK  l.N  BOSTON," 

"HISTORY  OF  THK  GICKAT  FIUK  IN  ST.  JOHN,"  "BIOGRAPHY  OF  GIANOVELLO 

THE  WALDENSIAN  HERO,"    "LIFK  OF  BAYARD  TAYLOR."   <tc.,  &c..  Ac. 


ILLUSTRATED. 


HARTFORD,  CONN.  :  i" 

S.   S.   SCHANTOX  &   CO.,  281    ASVLI'M  ST1JKKT.     '    /  Q 


£ 


COPYRIGHT,    1884. 

E.  C.  ALLEN  &  CO. 


DEDICATION. 


TO  THE  YOUNG   MEN   OF  OUR  GREAT  NATION, 
WHO  NOW    PRESS    FORWARD    WITH    SUCH    BOLDNESS    AND    VIGOR 

INTO    THE  VACANCIES   WHICH   EVERY   YEAR  NOW 
MAKES   IN   THE    RANKS   OF  THOSE   NOBLE   MEN   WHO 

STOOD  SO  TRUE  AND  FIRM  THROUGH  THE 

MOMENTOUS  EVENTS  OF  THE  GENERATION  PASSING  AWAY, 

I  REVERENTLY  DEDICATE  THIS  VOLUME. 

R.  H.  C. 


PKEFACE 


The  child  of  1884  has  one  hundred  years  the  advantage 
of  the  child  of  1784.  If  he  choose  to  avail  himself  of  the 
experience  of  those  who  have  lived  before  him,  he  can  catch 
at  a  glance,  and  secure  in  a  moment,  important  discoveries 
and  conclusions  which  cost  his  ancestors  a  lifetime  to  solve 
or  acquire. 

Biography  is  the  storehouse  of  experience.  Its  chief 
value  is  in  the  helpful  information  it  gives,  making  the 
reader  stronger,  better,  wiser,  happier,  and  richer.  Hence 
it  is  a  great  satisfaction  to  an  author,  who  really  desires  to 
be  of  some  assistance  to  his  readers,  to  find  a  character 
whose  experience  contains  those  helpful  qualities  in  an  un- 
usual degree. 

The  writer  has  here  found  such  a  life. 

The  young  will  profit  by  its  examples  of  heroism,  self- 
sacrifice,  and  perseverance  ;  those  in  middle  life  will  be  en- 
couraged and  inspired  by  its  record  of  well-earned  success, 
after  years  of  toil ;  and  the  old  will  find  in  it  comfort  and 
entertainment,  as  it  accounts  for  their  failure  or  explains 
their  success. 


ACKNOWLEDGMENT. 


The  thanks  of  the  author  are  due  to  many  kind  f'rionds 
who  have  assisted  him  in  collecting  the  facts  for  this 
volume.  Among  them  he  remembers  with  especial  grati- 
tude:  Rev.  James  I.  Brownson,  D.D.,  of  Washington, 
Pa.  ;  J.  A.  Whitcomb,  Esq.,  of  Washington,  D.C.  ;  Mr. 
Howard  Owen,  of  Augusta,  Me.  ;  Mr.  Joseph  H.  Mtinley, 
Postmaster  at  Augusta,  Me.  ;  Mr.  Walker  Blaine,  of 
Washington,  D.C.  ;  Mr.  W.  H.  Wertz,  of  Greenburg, 
Pa.  ;  Mrs.  Krepps,  of  Brownsville,  Pa.  ;  Mr.  Josiah  S. 
Hobbs,  State  Librarian,  of  Augusta,  Me. 


DARE  TO  DO  RIGHT, 


AND 


TRUST  THE  CONSEQUENCES 


TO 


INFINITE  WISDOM. 


J.  G.  ELAINE. 


INTRODUCTION. 


STATE  OF  MAINE, 
EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 

AUGUSTA,  MAINE,  July  1st,  1884. 

COLONEL  CONWELL  ;  Dear  Sir  :  The  faithful  and  con- 
cise biography  of  our  distinguished  statesman,  Hon.  James 
G.  Elaine,  which  you  have  so  carefully  compiled,  merits 
universal  commendation  and  meets  my  hearty  endorsement. 
It  will  aid  in  a  right  understanding  of  the  character  and 
official  acts  of  one  of  our  most  illustrious  men.  It  is  by  the 
masses  that  the  biographies  of  our  great  men  are  read,  the 
history  of  our  country  studied,  and  the  destiny  of  the  Na- 
tion intelligently  considered  and  determined.  The  State  of 
Maine,  more  than  any  other  Northern  State,  is  blessed  with 
a  large  native  population.  Her  sixty-four  thousand  rural 


12  INTRODUCTION. 

homes  are  occupied  generally  by  families  of  early  New  Eng- 
land origin,  the  hereditary  representatives  of  colonial  and 
revolutionary  times.  The  State  of  Maine,  and  the  one  hun- 
dred and  eighty-six  thousand  of  her  sons  and  daughters 
scattered  throughout  the  several  States  of  this  great  Union, 
join  substantially  in  hearty  approval  of  the  action  of  the 
recent  Republican  National  Convention  in  honoring  our 
State  by  the  choice  of  a  beloved  citizen  as  candidate  for 
I'n-ulent  of  this  great  Nation. 

It  was  my  good  fortune  to  be  associated  with  Mr.  Elaine, 
in  the  Legislature  of  Maine,  during  three  of  the  most  im- 
portant years  in  the  history  of  our  State,  commencing  in 
the  year  1859,  and  I  bear  witness  to  the  integrity,  great 
fidelity,  and  commanding  influence  which  accompanied  all 
liis  efforts.  He  came  into  public  life  at  a  time  when  the 
iiiaiiagenu'iit  of  the  finances  of  our  State  required  a  search- 
ing investigation,  and  he  was  made  chairman  of  a  respon- 
siMc  committee  of  which  I  was  a  member.  This  com- 
mittee sat  during  a  recess  of  the  Legislature.  I  recall 
the  masterly  manner  in  which  he  handled  the  delicate 
tn.:l  committed  to  him.  his  searching  and  uncompromising 


INTRODUCTION.  13 

efforts  to  save  the  credit  of  the  State.  The  able  report  pre- 
pared by  him  which  laid  open  and  explained  an  unfortunate 
misdirection  of  public  confidence,  was  at  once  adopted  ;  the 
credit  of  the  State  was  saved  by  his  labor  and  by  the  action 
of  the  committee,  and  the  integrity  of  the  Republican  party 
upheld.  I  call  to  mind  his  efforts  to  develop  the  great  rail- 
road interests  of  the  State,  then  in  their  infancy  but  since 
developed  in  consequence  of  methods  which  he  advocated. 
I  recall  his  recommendation  for  State  Prison  reform,  which 
created  a  new  departure  in  our  State  and  resulted  in  an  im- 
proved method  of  prison-work  and  discipline.  I  cannot  for 
want  of  space  recapitulate  the  numerous  and  well-executed 
plans  for  the  prosperity  of  our  State  and  Nation  which  he 
advocated  with  the  fervor  of  his  youthful  eloquence  ;  but  he 
thus  early  laid  in  our  State  the  foundation  of  that  respect 
and  regard  to  which  his  untiring  services  for  education, 
temperance,  law  and  order,  and  the  development  of  the  nat- 
ural resources  of  the  State,  entitle  him. 

I  have  been  associated  with  him  for  many  years  as  a 
member  of  the  Republican  State  Committee,  and  he  has 
never  been  excelled  by  any  one  for  executive  ability,  untir- 


14  INTRODUCTION. 

ing  efforts,  and  sacred  devotion  to  the  principles  of  the  party 
and  the  supremacy  of  its  power. 

The  Republican  party  in  our  State,  as  a  unit,  has  rejoiced 
at  his  subsequent  elevation  from  time  to  time  to  a  broader 
and  more  elevated  public  service,  where  he  has  been  given 
an  opportunity  to  exert  a  powerful  influence  for  good,  which 
has  been  and  will  continue  to  be  felt  and  recognized  through- 
out the  civilized  world. 

These  are  some  of  the  many  causes  which  have  con- 
tributed to  create  and  increase  the  warm  feeling  of  attach- 
ment and  State  pride  of  this  people  for  our  distinguished 
citizen,  which  has  grown  into  a  profound  veneration  among 
the  Republican  masses.  His  character  for  purity  and  truth- 
fulness stands  unimpeached  at  home. 

"We  wait  for  the  final  verdict  of  the  people  of  this  Nation, 
whose  potent  voice  was  heard  at  the  nominating  Convention 
of  the  Republican  party  at  Chicago,  and  by  the  same  decree, 
under  the  direction  of  a  Supreme  power,  we  confidently  ex- 
pect a  glorious  victory. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

FREDERICK  ROBIE. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  WASHINGTON  COUNTY.  —  THE  VIEWS  FROM 
"KREPPS'S  KNOB." — THE  BEAUTY  OF  THE  LANDSCAPE. — 
MONONGAHELA  RlVEU. TlIE  VILLAGE  OF  WEST  BROWNS- 
VILLE.— DESCRIPTION  OF  BRIDGEPORT  AND  BROWNSVILLE. — 
THE  MEDIEVAL  APPEARANCE. — THE  OLD  DWELLINGS. — THE 
OLD  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. — ROMANTIC  IMPRESSIONS  MADE  BY 
THE  ANCIENT  STRUCTURE. — THE  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  PEOPLE.  25 


CHAPTER  II. 

HISTORIC  EVENTS  IN  WASHINGTON  COUNTY. — THE  EARLY 
TRADERS. — WAR  BETWEEN  THE  FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH. — 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON  ON  THE  MONONGAHELA. — BATTLES  OF 
THE  REVOLUTION. — INDIAN  WARS. — THE  WHISKY  INSURREC- 
TION.— WAR  OF  1812. — WAR  WITH  MEXICO. — GROWTH  OF 
THE  COUNTRY.  --......31 


CHAPTER  HI 

THE  ELAINE  FAMILY. — WARRIORS    TN  SCOTLAND. — COMMISSARY 
GENERAL  UNDER  WASHINGTON      IMPORTANT  POST. — EPHRAIM 


16  CONTENTS . 

ELAINE.— JAMES    ELAINE.— EPHRAIM    L.   ELAINE.— EMIGRA- 
TION   TO     BROWNSVILLE.— THE    GILLESPIE    FAMILY.— NEAL 

GlLLESPIE.—  NEALGlLLESPlE,  JR.— MARIA  GlLLESPIE.— MAR- 
RIAGE OF  MARIA  AND  EPHRAIM  L.— THEIR  HOME.         -         37 


CHAPTER   IV. 

ELAINE'S  CiiiLmioon.— His  BIRTH  AT  WEST  BROWNSVILLE.— His 
FATHER,  His  MOTHER.— His  PLAT.  His  CHILDISH  SHREWD- 
NESS.— His  ATTENDANCE  AT  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. — THE 
OPPOSITION  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  PRIEST  TO  His  FATHER. — His 
STUDIES. 45 


CHAPTER  V. 

COLLEGE  HISTORY. — COLLEGE  LIFE  AT  LITTLE  WASHINGTON. — 
Hi. .VINE'S  YOUTH. — His  STANDING. — TREATMENT  BY  COLLEGE 
MATES. — LIST  OF  His  CLASS. — LETTER  FROM  HIM  AT  THE 
CENTENNIAL  CELEBRATION. — His  LATENT  TALENT. — GRADUA- 
TION IN  1847. — NECESSITY  OF  EARNING  His  OWN  SUPPORT. 

56 


CHAPTER  VI. 

His  FATHER'S  DEATH. — DECIDES  TO  GO  TO  KENTUCKY. — THE 
WESTERN  MILITARY  INSTITUTE. — POPULARITY  WITH  THE  BOYS. 
— MEETS  Miss  STANWOOD. — MARRIAGE. — GOES  TO  PHILADEL- 
PHIA.— SUCCESSFUL  TEACHER  OF  THE  BLIND. — REMOVES  TO 
MAINE  IN  1854. 66 


CHAPTER  VII. 

REMOVAL  TO  MAINE. — BEGINNING  OF  His  EDITORIAL  CAREER. — 
His  POLITICAL  POSITION. — THE  KENNEBEC  JOURNAL. — LEAD- 
ING THOUGHT  CONCERNING  THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  REPUB- 
LICAN PARTY. — STATE  ISSUES. — SLAVERY. — WISE  SAYINGS. — 
DRAWN  INTO  LOCAL  POLITICS.  .....  72 


CONTENTS.  17 

CHAPrER  VIII. 

SALE  OF  THE  KENNEBEC  JOURNAL. — THE  PORTLAND  ADVERTISER. 
— His  NEIGHBOR'S  STORY  OF  HIS  FIRST  CANDIDACY. — His 
FIRST  SPEECHES. — DEFENDS  AUGUSTA. — DOMESTIC  NATURE. 
— His  MANNER  OF  CONVERSATION. — His  GENEROUS  DONA- 
TIONS.— JOINS  THE  CONGREGATIONAL  CHURCH. — MISSION 

WORK   AMONG  THE   LOWLY. TlIE    OLD   STANWOOD   HOME- 

STEAD. — SAVING  THE  FALLING. — HABITS    AS    AN  EDITOR. — 
DEALINGS  WITH  HIS  ENEMIES. — WORKMAN'S  STORY.     -        84 


CHAPTER  IX.  - 

BEGINNING  OF  POLITICAL  LIFE. — His  FIRST  OFFICE. — His  MAIDEN 
SPEECH. — ELECTION  TO  THE  LEGISLATURE. — His  GREAT  DIF- 
FIDENCE.— COMPELLED  TO  SPEAK. — DEVELOPMENT  OF  GENIUS. 
— His  GREAT  SPEECH  ON  CONFISCATION  IN  1862. — OPENING 
FAME  AS  A  NATIONAL  MAN.  .....  92 


CHAPTER  X. 

ELECTION  TO  CONGRESS. — THE  CONDITION   OF    THE  NATION. — 
ELAINE'S  COLLEAGUES. — COMMITTEE  WORK. — STUDIES  TO  BE 

QriET,  AND  TO  DO  HIS  OWN  BUSINESS. THE  MEASURES  HE 

ADVOCATED. — VIEWS  ON  PROTECTION. — ON  NEGRO  SOLDIERS. 
— DEBATES. — RETURN  OF  SLAVES.      ....         133 


CHAPTER.   XI. 

THE  THIRTY-NINTH  CONGRESS. — ELAINE'S  RENOMINATION. — His 
LETTER  OF  ACCEPTANCE. — His  POSITION  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF 
REPRESENTATIVES. — His  INFLUENCE  THROUGH  THE  COUNTRY. 
— ADVOCATES  PAYING  THE  WAR  DEBTS  OF  THE  STATES. — 
SPEECHES  ON  CONSTITUTIONAL  AMENDMENTS. — THE  GOLD 
BILL. — BASIS  OF  REPRESENTATION  IN  CONGRESS. -^-BUYING 
SHIPS  ABROAD.  ........  146 


13  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

ELAINE'S  RENOMINATION  FOR  CONGRESS.— POPULARITY  WITH  BOTH 
PARTIES.— His  GREAT  WORK  IN  THE  40TH  CONGRESS.— 
ELECTED  SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. — 
MENTIONED  FOR  A  CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENT. — His  SPEECH 
ON  THE  GOLD  BILL. — WRITER  FOR  MAGAZINES. — His  VIEWS 
OF  NEGRO  SUFFRAGE.  ...--.  195 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

ELAINE  AGAIN  IN  HIS  SEAT. — His  ACKNOWLEDGED  LEADERSHIP. 
— ELAINE'S  SPEECH  ON  IRREDEEMABLE  CURRENCY. — His  CEL- 
EBRATED DEBATE  WITH  HILL  OF  GEORGIA. — ELAINE  AND 
(IARFIELD. — ELAINE'S  SPEECH  ON  JEFF  DAVIS. — DEMOCRATIC 
HATRKD — BITTER  PERSONAL  ATTACKS. — SCHEMES  TO  PREVENT 
ins  NOMINATION  AT  CINCINNATI. — ACCUSED  OF  SPECULATING 
IN  RAILROAD  BONDS. — THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  ARKANSAS  AND 
LITTLE  ROCK  RAILROAD. — ELAINE'S  DEFEAT  OF  HIS  AC- 
CUSERS. .....----  237 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

APPROACH  OF  THE  CONVENTION  OF  1876. — ACTIVITY  OF  ELAINE'S 
I.SKMIES. — RUMORS  OF  BRIBERY. — ELAINE  MEETS  THEM  IN 
OPEN  SESSION. — OBTAINING  THE  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. — MEET- 
ING OF  THE  CONVENTION.  —  INGERSOLL'S  SPEECH. — THE 
"PLUMED  KNIGHT." — THE  VOTE. — ELAINE'S  LETTER  TO 
HAYES. — THE  CAMPAIGN. — ELAINE'S  APPOINTMENT  TO  THE 
SENATE. — His  RECEPTION  BY  THE  PEOPLE. — RE-ELECTION  TO 
THE  SENATE.  ........  307 


CHAPTER  XV. 

ELAINE  ON  SOUTHERN  WAR  CLAIMS. — THE  CELEBRATED  NEAL 
Dow  CASE. — CHINESE  EMIGRATION. — ELAINE'S  ANSWER  TO 
WILLIAM  LLOYD  GARRISON. — THE  SILVER  QUESTION. — RE- 

MONETI7.ATION  OF  SILVER.— PENSIONING  JfiFF  DAVIS. UNI- 

TKI>  STATES  TROOPS  AT  THE  POLLS. — A  SHARP  DIS«KSSION  IN 
THE  SENATE. -        321 


CONTENTS.  19 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Form  YEARS  1876  TO  1880. — THE  POPULAR  DESIRE  FOR  ELAINE. 
— THE  APPROACH  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  OF  1880. 
— THE  CANDIDACY  OF  GENERAL  GRANT. — SENATOR  CONK- 
LING'B  ADVOCACY  OF  GRANT. — THE  CONVENTION  SPEECH  IN 
FAVOR  OF  THE  NOMINATION  OF  ELAINE. — ENTHUSIASM. — THE 
LONG  CONTEST. — NOMINATION  OF  ELAINE'S  NEXT  FRIEND. — 
SUPPORTS  GARFIELD'S  NOMINATION.  ....  341 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

GARFIELD  OFFERS  THE  PORTFOLIO  OF  SECRETARY  OF  STATE  TO 
ELAINE. — ELAINE'S  LETTER  OF  ACCEPTANCE. — THE  POLICY 
OF  THE  NEW  ADMINISTRATION. — ELAINE'S  LETTER  DEFINING 
IT. — THE  INTEROCEANIC  CANAL. — MISUNDERSTANDING  WITH 
CHILI. — THE  PEACE  CONGRESS. — BRIGHT  HOPES  FOR  THE 
FUTURE. — MISUNDERSTANDING  WITH  CONKLING.  -  344 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  GARFIELD. — THE  PRESIDENT  AND  ELAINE 
RIDE  TO  STATION. — ELAINE  SEES  THE  ASSASSIN. — TRIES  Too 
LATE  TO  STOP  THE  SECOND  SHOT. — ASSUMES  THE  CARE  OF 
STATE. — VIGILS  AT  PRESIDENT'S  BEDSIDE. — THE  PRESIDENT'S 
DEATH. — PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  FUNERAL. — ELAINE'S  GREAT 
FUNERAL  ORATION.  ....  .  367 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

BLAINE  SELECTED  BY  THE  GOVERNMENT  TO  DELIVER  THE  MEMO- 
RIAL ORATION  AT  PRESIDENT  GARFIELD'S  FUNERAL. — THE 
PLACE. — His  MANNER. — His  ESTIMATE  OF  GARFIELD'S  CHAR- 
ACTER.— GARFIELD'S  EARLY  LIFE. — GARFIELD'S  MILITARY  EX- 
PERIENCE.— LEGISLATIVE  EXPERIENCE. — CAREER  AS  PRESI- 
DENT.— His  DEATH.  .......  371 


20  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

ELAINE  RESIGNS  HIS  SEAT  IN  THE  CABINET. — ELAINE'S  LITERARY 
WORK. — TWENTY  YEARS  IN  CONGRESS. — RESIDENCE  IN  WASH- 
INGTON.— THE  CELEBRATED  "COUNT  OUT"  IN  MAINE. — THE 
CHICAGO  CONVENTION  OF  1884. — THE  ENTHUSIASM  AT  THE 
MENTION  OF  ELAINE. — THE  PLATFORM. — JUDGE  WEST'S 
SPEECH  PLACING  ELAINE  IN  NOMINATION. — EXCITING  SCENES. 
— THE  FIRST  BALLOT. — ELAINE  NOMINATED  ON  THE  FOURTH 
BALLOT. 397 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

BLAINE  AT  HOME. — RECEIVING  THE  NEWS  OF  His  NOMINATION. — 
His  HOUSE  IN  AUGUSTA. — His  MOTHER'S  DEATH. — His 
HOSPITALITY. — PERSONAL  DESCRIPTION. — MRS.  ELAINE. — His 
CHILDREN. — RECEIVING  THE  CALIFORNIA  DELEGATION. — OF- 
FICIAL NOTIFICATION  OF  HIS  NOMINATION.  -  -  424 


CHAPTER  I. 

LOGAN'S  PARENTS.— His  EARLY  YEARS.— THE  FARM.— THE  OLD 
MILL.— SCHOOL.— HABITS  AND  PECULIARITIES.— THE  SQUIR- 
-KNIGHTS  OF  THE  GOLDEN  CIRCLE.— COLLEGE  LIFE.— 
ENLISTS   IN  THE  UNITED   STATES   ARMY.— THE   WAR  WITH 
MEXICO. 


CONTENTS.  21 

CHAPTER  II. 

SELECTS  THE  LAW  FOR  A  PROFESSION. — His  FIRST  PUBLIC  OFFICE. 
— RESIGNATION. — STUDY  OF  LAW. — LOUISVILLE  UNIVERSITY. 
— His  PRACTICE. — PERSONAL  COURAGE. — ELECTED  TO  THE 
STATE  LEGISLATURE. — DISTRICT  ATTORNEY. — His  LEGAL 
ABILITY. —MARRIAGE  WITH  Miss  CUNNINGHAM. — RE-ELEC- 
TION TO  LEGISLATURE. — THE  "BLACK  EAGLE."  -  -  453 


CHAPTER  III. 

ELECTED  TO  CONGRESS. — A  DELEGATE  TO  THE  CHARLESTON 
DEMOCRATIC  CONVENTION  OF  1860. — VIEWS  OF  SLAVERY. — 
TRYING  TO  STEM  THE  TIDE  OF  SECESSION. — His  OWN  AC- 
COUNT OF  HIS  ACTION. — HASTY  RETURN  TO  ILLINOIS. — THE 
SECESSION  SENTIMENT  ABOUT  HIS  HOME. — His  SPEECHES. — 
His  PERSONAL  INFLUENCE. — RAISING  TROOPS. — COLONEL  OF 
THE  31sT  ILLINOIS. — DEPARTURE  FOR  THE  FIELD.  -  459 


CHAPTER  IV. 

LOGAN'S  FIRST  CHARGE  WITH  HIS  REgiMENT. — HORSE  SHOT  UN- 
DER HIM. — FORT  HENRY. — FORT  DONELSON. — DANGEROUSLY 
WOUNDED. — A  BRIGADIER- GENERAL. — NEW  COMMAND. — 
BEFORE  CORINTH. — IN  COMMAND  AT  JACKSON. — His  CELE- 
BRATED REPLY  TO  HIS  CONSTITUENTS. — No  POLITICS,  BUT 
LOVE  FOR  THE  UNION. — THE  NORTHERN  MISSISSIPPI  CAM- 
PAIGN.— FEATS  OF  LOGAN  AND  HIS  MEN. — THE  BATTLE  OF 
JACKSON  AND  CHAMPION'S  HILL.  -----  463 


CHAPTER  V. 

SIEGE  OF  VICKSBURG. — LOGAN'S  DIVISION  BEFORE  FORT  HILL. — 
THREE  BLOODY  ASSAULTS. — THE  EXPLOSION. — LOGAN'S  DI- 
VISION THE  FIRST  TO  ENTER  THE  TOWN. — LOGAN  MADE  MILI- 
TARY GOVERNOR. — A  GOLD  MEDAL. — GENERAL  LOGAN  AS  AN 
ORATOR. — PLACED  IN  COMMAND  OF  THE  FIFTEENTH  CORPS. — 
THE  ATLANTA  CAMPAIGN. — BATTLES  OF  RESECA,  DALLAS, 
AND  KENESAW  MOUNTAIN. — ENTERS  MARIETTA.  -  -  469 


22  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  SIEGE  OF  ATLANTA. — THE  BATTLE  OF  JONESVILLE. — EVACU- 
ATION OF  ATLANTA. — RETURN  TO  SPEAK  IN  PRESIDENTIAL 
CAMPAIGN. — REFUSES  TO  SUPERSEDE  GENERAL  THOMAS. — 
JOINS  HIS  CORPS  FOR  THE  CAROLINA  CAMPAIGN. — SURRENDER 
OF  LEE. — FAREWELL  ADDRESS  TO  HIS  TROOPS.  -  -  476 


CHAPTER  VII. 

APPOINTMENT  AS  MINISTER  TO  MEXICO.  ELECTED  TO  CONGRESS. 
— ONE  OF  THE  IMPEACHMENT  PROSECUTORS.  PROMOTED  TO 
THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE.  -  ORIGINATED  THE  OBSERVANCE 
OF  DECORATION  DAY. — COMMANDER  OF  THE  GRAND  ARMY.: — 
PROMINENT  CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY. — THE  SPEECH 
OK  SENATOR  CULLOM. — GENERAL  LOGAN'S  NOMINATION  FOR 
VICE  PRESIDENT.  .......  4.90 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PORTRAIT  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  ELAINE.     Steel. 

FRONTISPIECE. 
PORTRAIT  OF  GENERAL  JOHN  A.  LOGAN.     Steel. 

OPPOSITE  TITLE  PAGE,  BIOGRAPHY  OF  GENERAL  LOGAN. 

PAGE. 

BIRTHPLACE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE 43 

VILLAGE  AND  CHURCH,  BROWNSVILLE,  PA 49 

STATE  HOUSE,  AUGUSTA,  MAINE 59 

KENNEBEC  JOURNAL  OFFICE,  AUGUSTA,  MAINE 75 

CAPITOL  BUILDING.  WASHINGTON 193 

RESIDENCE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.  ..281 

RESIDENCE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE,  AUGUSTA,  ME 305 

WHITE  HOUSE,    WASHINGTON,  D.  C 360 

ASSASSINATION  OF  PRESIDENT  GARFIELD 365 

DEATH  OF  PRESIDENT  GARFIELD 369 

PRESIDENT  GARFIELD  LYING  IN  STATE 395 

THE  CHICAGO  CONVENTION  ;  SCENE  AFTER  THE  NOMINATION 

OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE  FOR  PRESIDENT 421 

HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE  AT  HOME — UNDER  THE  APPLE-TREES  .425 

ARRIVAL  OF  THE  PACIFIC  COAST  DELEGATION  AT  AUGUSTA 431 

OCCASION  OF  THE  VISIT  OF  THE  PACIFIC  COAST  DELEGATION... 435 
HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE  RECEIVING  OFFICIAL  NOTIFICATION 

OF  His  NOMINATION 441 


LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SEKVICES 

OF 

JAMES    G.    ELAINE, 

CHAPTER  I. 

Description  of  Washington  County. — The  Views  from  "Krepps's 
Knob." — The  Beauty  of  the  Landscape. — Monongahela  River. 
— The  Village  of  West  Brownsville. — Description  of  Bridge- 
port and  Brownsville. — The  Medieval  Appearance. — The  Old 
Dwellings. — The  old  Catholic  Church. — Romantic  Impressions 
made  by  the  Ancient  Structure. — The  Customs  of  the  People. 

Washington  County,  Pennsylvania,  in  which  the  Blaine 
and  Gillespie  estates  were  situated,  is  at  the  extreme 
western  part  of  the  State,  and  near  the  Southern  line, 
being  bounded  on  the  West  by  the  State  of  West  Virginia, 
on  the  North  by  Beaver  County,  on  the  East  by  Allegheny, 
Westmoreland  and  Fayette  Counties,  and  on  the  South  by 
Green  County,  the  latter  being  the  Southwest  county  of 
Pennsylvania.  The  boundary  line  between  Washington 
County,  and  Allegheny  and  Westmoreland  Counties,  runs 
along  the  bed  of  the  Monongahela  River,  which  flows 
deeply  and  strongly  northward  to  its  union  with  the  Alleg- 
heny River,  at  Pittsburg,  Pa. 

The  county  landscape  is  one  of  the  most  varied  and  beau- 
tiful to  be  found  in  the  whole  COUP  try.  Hills,  that  rise  to 


26  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

the  dignity  of  mountains,  picturesque  valleys,  through 
which  glide  or  flow  bright  tributaries  to  the  Monongahela 
or  Allegheny  Rivers,  together  with  the  most  picturesque 
combinations  of  cultivated  and  wild  lands,  give  a  charming 
variety  and  a  satisfying  stability,  which  pleases  the  eye  and 
soul  of  the  artist  lover  of  natural  scenery. 

The  celebrated  Krepps's  Knob,  which  rises  like  a  monu- 
mental structure  from  the  narrow  valley  at  West  Browns- 
ville, and  looks  down  with  such  dignity  on  river,  field  and 
woodland,  is  noted  far  beyond  the  boundaries  of  the  State, 
for  the  marvelous  expanse  and  beauty  of  its  views.  Stand- 
ing on  its  crown  of  greensward,  the  spectator  looks  down 
upon  the  majestic  river,  sleeping  in  the  sunshine,  and 
gleaming  with  a  beauty  which  makes  a  description  seem 
overdrawn  to  any  who  have  not  stood  upon  that  favored 
spot.  The  writer  has  not  been  so  charmed  with  any  scene  of 
many  lands,  unless  it  be  the  Righi  of  the  Alps  and  the  Mis- 
sionaries' Retreat,  at  the  head  of  the  Ganges.  Away  into 
Ohio,  and  West  Virginia,  the  checkered  green  plains,  and 
the  shaded  windings  of  the  streams,  are  seen,  losing  them- 
selves in  the  haze  of  the  far-off  horizon.  The  nearer  scene 
is  exceedingly  English  in  its  squares  of  grass  land  and  forest, 
and  its  sub-division  marked  by  green  hedges,  and  cozy, 
shaded  hamlets  and  farmhouses.  Along  the  Monongahela, 
both  North  and  South,  the  hills  and  bluffs,  like  parallel, 
broken  walls,  roughly  thrown  up  by  some  old  Titanic  gods, 
guard  the  river  on  both  sides,  and  hold  it  to  its  ancient  bed. 
Populous  towns  can  be  traced  in  the  distant  scene,  by  the 
shimmer  of  bright  roofs  and  spires,  and  clumps  of  trees,  while 
close  at  hand  the  sister  towns  of  Brownsville  and  Bridge- 
port lie  below,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Monongahela,  so 
clearly  defined  that  the  streets,  yards,  gardens,  stores, 
churches,  and  people  can  be  observed  and  studied  with  an 
amusing  distinctness  and  detail.  The  packets,  gracefully 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  27 

steaming  by,  the  small  boats,  with  flashing  oars,  the  passing 
trains  along  the  bank,  the  smoke  clouds  at  the  river  locks, 
where  steamers  await  a  passage,  the  waving  grain,  the  dark, 
green  woods,  the  endless  variety  of  valley,  glen,  bluff, 
mountains,  streams,  with  the  mighty  barrier  of  the  Alleg- 
heneys  darkening  the  horizon  of  the  East,  nearly  thirty 
miles  away,  creates  such  an  impression  on  the  most  unpoet- 
ical  and  practical  minds,  that  a  spoken  word  has  often 
aroused  them  with  a  start,  as  if  lost  in  an  unexplainable, 
waking  dream.  These  words  are  written,  well  knoAving 
that  the  critic,  who  never  stood  there,  will  say  they  are 
overdrawn  pictures,  but  also  knowing  that  none  who  visit 
that  "crown  of  the  Monongahela"  will  ever  come  to  such 
an  unjust  conclusion. 

Washington  County  is  one  of  the  most  fertile  in  soil,  and 
one  of  the  wealthiest  in  wool,  in  the  country,  and  is  most 
carefully  and  completely  cultivated.  Its  farms  are  large  and 
well  kept,  with  more  of  that  Eastern  taste  and  care  displayed 
in  buildings  and  gardens  than  is  usual  with  Western  coun- 
ties. This  is  doubtless  owing  to  the  superior  productive- 
ness and  the  consequent  wealth  of  the  farmers.  The  finest 
breeds  of  sheep,  horses,  and  cattle  are  seen  in  the  fields,  the 
roads  and  turnpikes  are  well  kept,  and  an  impression  of  the 
case  and  prosperity  is  felt  by  the  traveler  who  visits  any  of 
its  townships. 

The  village  of  West  Brownsville  stands  along  a  narrow 
strip  of  the  valley,  but  a  few  hundred  feet  in  width,  between 
the  Monongahela  River  and  the  side  of  the  foothills  which 
form  the  base  of  Krepps's  Knob.  It  consists  of  a  few 
unpretentious  dwellings  built  of  wood,  with  here  and  there 
a  structure  of  brick.  But  the  narrow  space  is  so  cut  up  by 
ravines  for  the  numerous  brooklets,  and  the  railroad  em- 
bankments, that  the  village  is  most  irregularly  constructed 
and  most  inconveniently  situated.  Yet  the  appearance  of 


28  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

many  of  the  houses  indicate  that  they  are  the  homes  of  in- 
dustrious, and  often  of  cultivated  families.  But  the  prin- 
cipal mercantile  center  is  on  the  opposite  bank  and  bluffs 
of  the  river,  in  the  large  and  flourishing  double  town  of 
Brownsville  and  Bridgeport.  These  towns,  although  sepa- 
rated only  by  the  river  from  West  Brownsville,  and  closely 
connected  with  it  by  a  bridge,  are  in  Fayette  County.  For 
all  practical  purposes  the  three  towns  are  one  city,  and  a 
universal  acquaintance  and  business  relationship  exists 
among  the  people  of  the  three  towns,  the  same  as  if  they 
were  all  included  under  one  name  and  in  one  municipality. 
Hence,  to  obtain  a  clear  idea  of  the  scenes  surrounding  the 
subject  of  this  biography  in  his  childhood  days,  the  descrip- 
tion of  Brownsville  is  as  necessary  as  that  of  Washington 
County. 

Brownsville  has  not  been  disturbed  by  a  railroad  and  its 
innovations  until  within  three  years.  It  looks  like  some 
medieval  Rhineland  town  brought  across  the  Atlantic  and 
set  down  in  the  interior  of  the  American  continent.  The 
frequenter  of  European  castle  villages  will  scarcely  overcome 
the  all-pervading  impression  that  he  is  in  some  ancient  vas- 
sal town,  the  streets  of  which  must  wind  up  to  some  ruined 
and  romantic  castle.  The  river  at  Brownsville  would  be 
taken  in  a  picture  to  be  the  Rhine  at  Bingen,  while  a  photo- 
graph of  Market  Street  would  deceive  almost  any  one  if 
looking  for  a  picture  of  the  street  leading  up  to  the  Heidle- 
berg  Castle.  It  also  reminds  one  of  Sterling  in  Scotland, 
and  the  view  downward  from  the  bluffs,  or  from  the  old 
Catholic  churchyard,  suggests  the  thoughts  of  some  hillside 
town  in  Italy.  The  delusion  is  wonderfully  preserved  in  the 
details  of  the  scene.  The  Rhinelike  color  of  the  river  ;  the 
bluffs  and  hills  which  enclose  it ;  the  little  old  houses 
which  were  built  close  to  the  streets  and  after  the  European 
manner,  and  the  architecture  of  which  was  directly  copied 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  29 

from  the  builder's  old  homes  either  in  Scotland  or  Ireland ; 
there  are  the  old  worn  and  broken  flagstones  for  a  side- 
walk ;  the  cobble-stone  pavement  in  the  winding  street. 
The  moss-covered  walls,  the  European  costumes,  as  if  the 
peasantry  and  gentry  of  England  had  made  the  town  their 
especial  resort ;  the  horseback  riding,  the  mules,  the  carts, 
the  round  hay  stacks  in  the  rear  fields,  the  spires  of  the 
churches,  the  Irish  brogue  and  the  broken  German,  all  are 
suggestive  and  in  keeping.  But  the  town  is  made  most 
convincingly  European  by  the  embattled  towers  of  the  Bow- 
man mansion,  which  like  a  castle  of  the  Middle  Ages  stands 
overtopping  the  trees  on  the  highest  bluff  in  the  town. 

To  this  is  added  the  antique,  stone  church,  near  by  on 
another  eminence,  which  has  been  so  wrought  upon  by  the 
storm  and  sunshine  of  the  century  that  it  looks  as  if  it  had 
battled  with  the  elements  for  five  hundred  years.  The  stones 
are  blackened  with  age,  the  cement  crumbles  out  of  the 
joints,  the  ivy  creeps  along  its  worn  sides,  the  woodwork  is 
worm-eaten  and  brown.  The  buttresses,  gothic  windows  and 
doors,  the  flowing  tracery  of  the  church,  and  the  graves  in  the 
yard  about  the  doors,  which  so  powerfully  suggest  the  aisles, 
cloisters,  and  arches  of  castle  chapels  in  the  old  country 
make  the  beholder  turn  about  to  be  sure  he  is  in  America. 
The  inside  of  this  romantic  old  church  is  as  quaint  and  an- 
tique as  its  exterior.  The  floor  of  stone  flags  disjointed 
and  worn  with  the  tread  of  many  feet,  the  rude  wood  benches, 
the  arches  in  the  roof,  the  old  altar  and  discolored  round  pul- 
pit or  rostrum  at  one  side,  the  sacred  receptacle  for  holy 
water  at  the  door,  and  the  indescribable  antique  effect  of  the 
old  building  as  a  whole,  completes  the  charming  scene  and 
leaves  the  visitor  to  wander  among  the  tombs  and  decipher 
the  rude  letters  on  the  worn  black  headstones  with  a  be- 
wilderment strangely  illusive,  and  indescribable.  If  the 
reader  has  no  especial  interest  in  the  story  of  a  statesman's 


30  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

life,  and  has  no  belief  in  the  theory  that  such  scenes  effect 
human  character,  he  should  visit  Brownsville  for  the  ra- 
mantic  scenes  and  delightful  experiences  which  the  place  it- 
self can  furnish,  aside  from  its  connection  with  history  or 
biography.  The  town  is  wealthy,  and  contains  a  large 
class  of  most  cultivated  people,  but  simplicity  in  dress,  in 
dwellings,  in  manners,  with  an  oldtime  gentility,  are 
characteristic  of  the  Brownsville  population.  The  styles  of 
a  century  ago,  when  the  town  was  founded,  cling  with  great 
pertinacity  to  everything  made  or  done  in  these  days.  The 
Quaker  inclination  to  keep  the  old  in  fashion,  and  the  sweet 
disposition  which  is  somehow  associated  with  a  Quaker 
bonnet,  seem  also  to  be  equally  natural  to  the  natives  of 
this  wonderfully  interesting  and  picturesque  old  town. 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  31 


CHAPTER  II. 

Historic  Events  in  Washington  County. — The  Early  Traders. 
War  Between  the  French  and  English. — General  Washington 
on  the  Monongahela. — Battles  of  the  Revolution. — Indian 
Wars. — The  Whiskey  Insurrection. — War  of  1812.— War 
with  Mexico. — Growth  of  the  Country. 

The  history  of  Washington  County  contains  some  excit- 
ing events,  and  is  intimately  connected  with  the  history  of 
the  nation.  For  the  early  pioneers  who  traded  and  fought 
with  the  Indians  in  the  expeditions,  explorations  and  wars 
when  the  English  and  French  fought  so  persistently  and 
cruelly  for  the  possession  of  the  Monongahela  and  Ohio 
Valleys,  were  worthy  ancestors  of  the  heroic  sons  who 
fought  with  Washington  at  Valley  Forge,  with  Jackson  at 
New  Orleans,  Scott  at  Mexico,  and  Logan  at  Peach  Tree 
Creek. 

The  region  now  included  in  Washington  and  the  adja- 
cent counties  was  occupied  by  the  Delaware  and  Shawanese 
Indians  when  in  1670  the  first  white  men  penetrated  to  the 
banks  of  the  Monongahela.  But  it  was  nearly  a  hundred 
years  after  LaSalle  visited  the  valley  on  his  voyage  of  dis- 
covery for  the  French  government  before  any  serious  at- 
tempt was  made  to  occupy  the  territory.  Then  it  was  at- 
tempted simply  to  hold  the  title  to  the  country,  which  was 
excitedly  disputed  between  the  French  and  English.  An 
army  was  sent  by  France,  in  1753,  to  take  possession  of  the 
country  about  the  head  waters  of  the  Ohio.  It  came 
across  the  country  from  Lake  Erie  and  began  to  erect  forts 


32  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

along  the  Ohio  and  some  of  its  tributaries.  Then  the 
English  government  instructed  Governor  Dinwiddie  of  Vir,- 
ginia  to  fit  out  an  expedition  to  meet  and  disperse  the 
French  invaders.  The  Governor  set  himself  about  the  task 
and  sent  a  messenger  into  the  disputed  country  to  command 
the  French  to  evacuate  the  forts  they  had  constructed.  That 
messenger  was  George  Washington. 
His  commission  read  as  follows  : 

Whereas,  I  have  received  information  of  a  body  of 
French  forces  being  assembled  in  a  hostile  manner  on  the 
river  Ohio,  intending  by  force  of  arms  to  erect  certain  forts, 
on  said  river,  within  this  territory,  and  contrary  to  the  dig- 
nity and  peace  of  our  sovereign,  the  King  of  Great  Britian  ; 
these  are  therefore  to  require  and  direct  you,  the  said 
George  Washington,  forthwith  to  repair  to  Logstown,  on 
the  said  river,  Ohio,  and,  having  there  informed  yourself 
where  the  French  forces  have  posted  themselves,  thereupon 
to  proceed  to  such  place,  and  being  there  arrived  to  pre- 
sent your  credentials  together  with  my  letter,  to  the  chief 
commanding  officer,  and  in  the  name  of  His  Britannic 
Majesty,  to  demand  an  answer  thereto. 

On  your  arrival  at  Logstown,  you  are  to  address  your- 
self to  the  Half  King,  to  Monacatoocha,  and  the  other 
sachems  of  the  Six  Nations,  acquainting  them  with  your 
orders  to  visit  and  deliver  my  letter  to  the  French  com- 
manding officer,  and  desiring  the  chiefs  to  appoint  you  a 
sufficient  number  of  their  warriors  to  be  your  safeguard  as 
near  the  French  as  you  may  desire,  and  to  wait  your  further 
directions. 

You  are  diligently  to  inquire  into  the  numbers  and  force 
of  the  French  on  the  Ohio  and  adjacent  country ;  how  they 
are  likely  to  be  assisted  from  Canada ;  and  what  are  the 
difficulties  and  conveniences  of  that  communication,  and  the 
time  required  for  it. 

You  are  to  take  care  to  be  truly  informed  what  forts  the 
French  have  erected,  and  where  ;  how  they  are  garrisoned 
and  appointed,  and  what  is  their  distance  from  each  other, 
and  from  Logstown  ;  and  from  the  best  intelligence  you  can 
procure,  you  are  to  learn  what  gave  occasion  to  this  expe- 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLATNE.  33 

dition  of  the  French ;  how  they  are  likely  to  be  supported, 
and  what  their  pretensions  are. 

When  the  French  commandant  has  given  you  the  re- 
quired and  necessary  dispatches,  you  are  to  desire  of  him  a 
proper  guard  to  protect  you  as  far  on  your  return  as  you 
may  judge  for  your  safety  against  any  straggling  Indians 
or  hunters  that  may  be  ignorant  of  your  character,  and 
molest  you.  Wishing  you  good  success  in  your  negotia- 
tions, and  safe  and  speedy  return,  I  am,  &c. 

ROBERT  DINWIDDIE. 

Williamsburg,  30th  October,  1753. 

To  which  was  added  the  following  instructions  for  Wash- 
ington's personal  direction : 

"To  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  ESQUIRE,  ONE  OF  THE  ADJU- 
TANTS GENERAL  OF  THE  TROOPS  AND  FORCES  IN  THE 
COLONY  OF  VIRGINIA  : 

"I,  reposing  especial  trust  and  confidence  in  the  ability, 
conduct  and  fidelity  of  you,  the  said  George  Washington, 
have  appointed  you  my  express  messenger ;  and  you  are 
hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to  proceed  hence,  with  all 
convenient  and  possible  despatch,  to  the  part  or  place  on  the 
Ohio  where  the  French  have  lately  erected  a  fort,  or  forts, 
or  where  the  commandant  of  the  French  forces  resides,  in 
order  to  deliver  my  letter  and  message  to  him  ;  and  after 
waiting  not  exceeding  one  week  for  an  answer,  you  are  to 
take  your  leave  and  return  immediately  back. 

"To  this  commission  I  have  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the 
great  seal  of  this  dominion  to  be  affixed,  at  the  city  of  Wil- 
liamsburg, the  seat  of  my  government,  this  30th  day  of 
October,  in  the  twenty-seventh  year  of  the  reign  of  his 
Majesty,  George,  the  second,  king  of  Great  Britain,  &c., 
&c.  Annoque  Domini,  1753. 

"ROBERT  DINWIDDIE." 

Then  followed  those  wars,  marches,  countermarches, 
skirmishes  and  alternate  defeats  which  characterized  the 
campaigns  of  Washington  and  of  Bradock  against  the 
French.  It  seems  like  a  dream  to  look  on  the  ceaselessly 
moving  river,  and  think  of  the  time  when  along  this  same 
stream  George  Washington  glided  in  a  canoe  on  his  perilous 


34  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

journey !  This  great  tract  of  land,  where  he  saw  only  a 
forest,  or  the  wigwams  of  the  friendly  Indians,  now  peopled 
with  English  speaking  races,  and  proudly  living  under  his 
name. 

Historic  fields  abound.  "The  old  Redstone  fort  still  ap- 
pears in  dilapidated  works.  The  field  of  Washington's 
defeat  by  the  French  is  shown  by  enterprising  fanners. 
"Bradock's  field,"  where  such  disaster  came  to  the  proud 
English  regulars,  and  compelled  them  to  acknowledge 
the  genius  and  bravery  of  "Mr.  Washington"  in  conducting 
their  retreat,  has  become  a  picnic  resort.  The  trees  still 
stand  where  Indians  were  shot  by  the  daring  scouts  of  those 
early  days,  and  graves  are  still  green  where  sleep  the  brave 
frontiersmen,  who  tried  to  make  the  wilderness  blossom  as 
the  rose,  but  died  in  attempting  to  secure  the  right  to  culti- 
vate it. 

Traditions  of  adventure  with  Indians  and  French  still 
furnish  fireside  topics  for  winter  conversations  among  the 
people,  and  many  a  boy  at  this  late  day  passes  a  wakeful 
night  after  listening  to  the  tale  of  bloody  encounters  and 
hairbreadth  escapes  of  the  "great  grandfather  who  first 
came  into  this  county."  These  historic  facts  are  given  here 
more  because  of  their  having  been  recited  in  the  ears  of 
the  youth  of  the  county,  than  for  their  own  interest  to  the 
reader  as  historic  matter. 

After  Washington's  campaigns  and  the  Indian  wars  and 
massacres,  came  the  War  of  the  Revolution.  In  that  the 
men  of  the  country  now  included  in  Washington  County 
were  singularly  conspicuous.  They  had  entered  the  terri- 
tory when  the  French  were  driven  out  from  various  quar- 
ters, but  the  larger  number  were  from  the  North  of  Ireland. 
A  trading  post  was  established  at  Brownsville,  or  near  that 
point,  and  one  settler  after  another  came  to  clear  the  woods 
and  occupy  the  land.  They  were  hardy,  courageous  lovers 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  35 

of  adventure,  and  ardent  patriots.  They  were  peculiarly 
fitted  for  the  campaigns  of  the  Revolution,  and  most  ardent- 
ly did  they  undertake  them.  One  company  dressed  in  Indian 
costume,  joined  Washington  at  Philadelphia,  and  was  nearly 
annihilated  by  the- various  battles  of  the  war.  Many  other 
individuals  enlisted  in  other  companies,  leaving  the  county 
sadly  defenseless  for  the  terrible  Indian  raids  and  battles 
which  under  the  bribery  of  the  English  were  inflicted  on 
the  people  of  the  western  counties  of  Pennsylvania.  Burn- 
ing at  the  stake,  running  the  gauntlet,  death  by  torture, 
massacres  of  whole  families  with  such  cold-blooded  cruelty 
make  the  heart  tremble  at  the  narration.  -  All  these  give 
these  counties  a  historic  interest  and  a  weird  fascination, 
and  must  more  or  less  have  influenced  the  cultivation,  taste, 
and  general  character  of  those  who  grew  up  amid  such  his- 
toric scenes. 

But  no  events  of  the  past  seem  to  be  oftener  told  than 
those  connected  with  the  great  "Whisky  Insurrection," 
wherein  the  people  of  the  western  counties  arose  against  the 
Government  in  its  attempt  to  collect  the  tax  on  whisky, 
which  the  people  regarded  as  oppressive  and  unjust.  Riots, 
arson,  tar,  and  feathers,  and  finally,  in  1794,  open  rebellion, 
only  quelled  by  a  United  States  army,  grew  out  of  an  at- 
tempted enactment  of  the  excise  law.  In  it  all  the  ques- 
tions of  State  Rights  and  individual  freedom  were  most 
excitedly  but  exhaustively  discussed  by  the  entire  nation, 
and  some  of  the  principles  which  inspired  the  promoters  of 
the  abolition  of  slavery  were  declared  and  settled  in  that 
great  and  bloody  controversy.  Ever  since  those  terrible 
days,  local  traditions  constantly  reiterate  the  story,  and, 
the  boy  who  lives  in  the  locality  of  those  former  conflicts, 
becomes  familiar  with  every  phase  of  the  great  tragedy. 

In  the  war  of  1812,  Washington  County,  with  a  most 
enthusiastic  patriotism,  sent  out  a  large  number  of  volun- 


36  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

teers,  and  more  tried  to  enlist  than  the  Government  would 
take.  In  Ben  Harrison's  campaign,  on  Lake  Erie,  and  at 
Baltimore  and  Washington,  the  troops  of  the  county  saw 
active  service,  and  returned  to  add  the  stories  of  their  pat- 
riotic deeds  to  the  accumulated  historic  traditions  of  the 
county. 

Again,  in  1836,  when  the  people  were  startled  with  the 
news  of  the  war  between  Texas  and  Mexico,  a  company 
was  organized  and  led  to  the  defense  of  Texas. 

Again,  in  1846,  when  the  United  States  declared  war 
against  Mexico,  a  number  of  citizens  volunteered,  and  en- 
tered the  campaign  in  companies  and  regiments  accredited 
to  other  States. 

Thus,  through  a  discipline  of  a  century,  and  inspired  by 
the  heroic  deeds  of  many  a  hard-fought  battle,  the  people 
of  Washington  County  were  educated  up  to  that  noble 
standard,  and  inspired  to  those  great  and  patriotic  sacrifices 
which  they  made  on  so  many  deadly  fields  in  the  great  civil 
war  of  1861-4. 

With  a  name  less  widely  heralded  than  Lexington,  or 
Trenton,  because  the  events  which  tried  the  men  of  West- 
ern Pennsylvania  were  not  such  turning  points  in  history, 
yet  their  battles  were  far  more  fierce,  more  fatal,  and  were 
so  often  repeated,  that  as  tests  of  personal  valor,  or  patri- 
otic sincerity,  they  exceed  in  interest  those  of  any  other 
fields  in  the  land.  The  historic  records,  the  blood-stirring 
traditions,  and  the  sacred  memories,  together  with  the  mon- 
uments which  have  risen,  and  others  which  will  yet  rise, 
are  a  valuable  heritage  to  the  nation.  They  furnish  a  foun- 
dation on  which  to  rear  patriotic  principles,  and  insensibly 
and  surely  lead  the  native  citizen  to  love  his  country  and 
enjoy  any  sacrifice  for  the  good  of  our  free  institutions. 


OF   JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  37 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Blaine  Family. — Warriors  in  Scotland. — Commissary  General 
under  Washington. — Important  post. — Ephraim  Blaine. — James 
Blaine. — Ephraim  L.  Blaine. — Emigration  to  Brownsville. — The 
Gillespie  family. — Neal  Gillespie. — Neal  Gillespie,  Jr. — Maria 
Gillespie. — Marriage  of  Maria  and  Ephraim  L. — Their  home. 

Among  the  brave  adherents  of  the  Scottish  Prince  Charlie 
on  that  fatal  day,  of  which  Campbell  wrote,  saying : 

"A  field  of  the  dead  nuhes  red  on  my  sight, 
The  clans  of  Culloden  all  scattered  in  flight," 

was  one  humble  soldier  named  Blaine.  The  derivation 
of  the  name  indicates  that  he  was  a  Highlander,  having  his 
home  at  or  near  Loch  Lomond.  The  clan  color  was  red 
and  black  or  red  and  blue  plaid.  But  of  his  personal  his- 
tory nothing  can  now  be  traced.  It  would  not  be  difficult 
to  conjecture  from  the  traditions  and  what  few  established 
facts  are  at  hand,  the  mountaineer's  story  by  the  clan  to 
which  he  must  have  belonged,  and  by  the  cause  which  as  a 
soldier  he  espoused.  But  it  is  as  unsafe  for  a  writer  of 
history  to  conjecture  in  matters  of  pedigree  as  it  is  to  be 
guided  by  political  prejudices  or  partisan  estimation.  It  is 
enough  for  all  philosophical  purposes  to  the  student  of  gen- 
ealogy or  heredity  to  have  four  generations  before  him,  as 
we  do  in  this  case. 

The  English  emigrants  who  first  came  to  Pennsylvania 
under  its  Quaker  population  were  followed  by  a  large  de- 
tachment of  Scotch  and  Scotch-Irish,  who  came  to  the  colo- 


38  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

nies  after  the  "affairs"  of  1715  and  1745.  Knowing  their 
sterling  character  and  their  fighting  qualities,  the  Proprie^ 
t  iry  Governors,  Governors  of  Pennsylvania,  both  William 
and  Richard,  place  them  on  the  Western  frontier  to  guard 
the  non-combatant  Quakers  against  the  incursions  of  the 
Indians. 

Among  the  earliest  settlers  in  the  Cumberland  Valley, 
about  1722-3,  near  the  present  town  of  Carlisle,  was  the 
original  American  proprietor  of  the  Elaine  family — -James 
Blaine.  He  was  a  member  of  the  first  Presbyterian  church 
established  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Susquehanna  River, 
and  lived  long  enough  to  assist  in  the  building  of  the  old 
stone  church  which,  with  improvements  and  enlargements, 
still  stands  on  the  public  square  in  Carlisle. 

The  son  of  James  Blaine  who  gave  prominence  to  the 
family  was  Ephraim  Blaine,  born  in  1740,  who  took  an  ac- 
tive part  in  the  Revolutionary  War.  He  was  at  first  in 
the  Pennsylvania  line,  and  then,  for  the  last  four  years  of 
the  struggle,  Commissary  General  of  Purchases — a  dignity 
to  which  he  was  promoted  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight  years 
on  the  personal  recommendation  and  request  of  General 
Washington.  This  officer  was  the  great  grandfather  of 
James  G.  Blaine.  His  own  wealth  and  the  wealth  of  his 
wife's  relatives — Galbraiths — was  first  offered  through  him 
to  the  Government  to  clothe  and  feed  the  army  at  Valley 
Forge.  Afterwards  others  followed  his  example,  and  the 
bankers  of  Philadelphia  then  made  up  the  necessary  ad- 
vances to  save  the  army  and  the  nation. 

This  valuable  officer  died  in  1804.  His  son  James,  soon 
after  his  father's  death,  emigrated  to  Fayette  County,  in 
which  he  had  previously  acquired,  by  purchase,  some  landed 
interests.  In  1804  he  opened  a  store  in  Brownsville,  which 
he  kept  for  nearly  ten  years,  acting  at  the  same  time  as 
Justice  of  the  Peace  for  the  county.  Growing  old  he  sold 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  39 

out  the  store  and  moved  to  Alleghany  County  and  the  town- 
ship of  Sewickly,  which  is  now  the  site  of  the  Economites, 
a  few  miles  below  Pitteburg,  on  the  Oliio  River.  But  he 
soon  removed  again  to  Washington  County,  and  engaged  in 
quite  extensive  land  speculations,  and  made  careful  and 
fortunate  investments.  At  his  death  he  was  a  man  of  con- 
siderable wealth  in  lands,  and  left  seven  children,  -Ephraim 
L.,  Jane,  Ellen,  Ann,  William,  Robert,  and  Samuel. 

Ephraim  L.  Blaine  was  a  young  man  of  brilliant  intel- 
lect and  possessed  of  an  unusual  education  for  that  time  and 
place.  But  he  was  too  conscious  of  his  ability  to  use  it, 
and  too  proud  to  do  much  work.  He  was  fond  of  dress  and 
equipage,  and  was  aristocratic  in  his  manner  and  preten- 
sions. Yet,  with  all,  a  singularly  generous  man.  When 
he  entertained  his  friends,  he  did  it  with  a  princely  hand. 
When  he  gave,  as  he  often  did,  to  a  good  cause,  it  was  in 
no  small  way.  He  did  not  earn  his  money,  and  he  could 
not  appreciate  its  full  value  to  himself  or  to  others.  In 
1820,  when  he  was  twenty-four  years  old,  he  first  met  Maria 
Gillespie,  of  Washington  County.  He  was  then  a  gradu- 
ate of  Washington  College,  and  in  the  flush  of  manly  pride 
and  beauty. 

Maria  was  not  only  attractive  in  her  personal  appearance 
but  was  the  daughter  of  a  long  line  of  most  excellent  men 
and  women.  Her  grandfather,  Neal  Gillespie,  emigrated  to 
this  county  from  the  North  of  Ireland  in  1771.  He  was  of 
Scotch-Irish  extraction,  and  is  said  to  have  been  one  of 
nature's  noblemen.  Hon.  Thomas  Ewing's  observation 
concerning  the  Gillespie  character  in  general  was  eminently 
true  of  him  in  particular,  viz  :  "That  a  strain  upon  it  always 
developed  greater  strength."  He  purchased  the  old  Indian 
Hill  farm,  now  West  Brownsville,  on  which  Krepps's  Knob 
is  situated,  and  which  was  pre-empted  by  an  old  Indian 
named  Indian  Peter.  The  deed  of  this  estate  from  Peter's 


40  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

widow  is  a  curious  old  document  and  reads  as  follows  ver- 
batim et  literatim  : 

MARCH,  YE  3d,  1784. 

Memerandom  of  a  Bargain  mead  between  Marey  Peters 
and  William,  oldest  son,  and  Neal  Gillespsy,  the  agreement 
is  thos  that  we  the  above  do  bargain  and  seal  to  sead  Gil- 
lespie  the  Tract  of  land  which  we  now  poses  and  all  the 
tenements  and  boundaries  of  said  land  at  forty  five  Shillings 
per  Aker,  the  tearm  of  Peaments  the  loth  of  next  October 
lower  hundred  pounds  to  be  Paid  in  money  or  moneys  worth 
for  this  Peament  two  ton  of  Iron  at  teen  pence  Pr  pound 
and  one  negro  at  Preasmeut  of  two  men,  one  hundred 
Pounds  more  to  be  paid  at  the  same  time  of  this  Preasment, 
or  Else  to  draw  in  Trust  for  one  year,  the  Remainder  of 
the  Purches  money  to  be  Pead  in  two  Peaments  first  in 
(year)  1786,  the  Next  the  year  1788,  each  of  these  Pea- 
ments to  be  rnead  in  October  15th  the  above  bound  marey 
Petters  and  william  Petters  asserts  to  meak  the  said  Neal 
Gillespee  a  proper  Right  for  said  land  for  which  for  which 
we  have  seat  our  hands  and  Seals. 

her 

John  MaCortney  Marey  XII  Petters 

mark 
his 
John  Nixon  William  XIX  Petters 

mark 
Acknowledged  before  Thomas  Crooks,  Feb.  25th,  1786. 

This  fine  estate  descended  to  Neal  Gillespie,  Jr.,  in  1800, 
and  the  Gillespie  family  scattered  to  various  quarters,  be- 
coming the  ancestry  of  a  patriotic  race  of  statesmen  and 
scholars. 

Maria  Gillespie  was  the  daughter  of  Neal  Gillespie,  Jr., 
and  was  counted  an  heiress  at  the  time  she  became  en^ao-ed 

O      O 

to  Kphraim  L.  Elaine.  There  are  some  persons  still  living 
in  Washington  County  who  remember  the  simplicity,  the 
modesty  and  freshness  of  the  girl  who  stood  at  the -altar, 
and  gave  her  hand  and  life  into  the  keeping  of  the  genteel 
and  dignified  young" Blaine. 


OF   JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  41 

The  happy  couple  made  their  home  at  her  father's  house, 
near  the  banks  of  the  Monongahela,  at  the  Redstone 
(Krepps's)  Ferry,  not  far  from  the  present  Brownsville 
bridge.  The  house  is  still  occupied,  and  is  almost  hourly 
pointed  out  to  interested  visitors  from  distant  states. 

In  this  house  was  born  their  first  son  and  first  daughter. 
Ephraim  was  not  a  man  to  be  content  with  anything 
but  the  best,  so  long  as  he  had  the  money  to  obtain  it, 
whether  it  was  for  himself  or  for  others,  and  he  determined 
to  live  in  a  house  of  brick,  with  pleasant  grounds,  and  a 
double  veranda,  after  the  style  of  some  Southern  planta- 
tions. The  Gillespie  estate  having,  partly  by  the  inheri- 
tance of  his  wife,  and  partly  by  his  purchase,  come  into  his 
possession,  he  selected  the  pleasant  and  convenient  house  of 
his  wife's  grandfather  on  that  estate,  and  there,  with  the 
river  in  the  foreground,  and  Brownsville  on  the  farther 
shore,  with  the  numerous  steamboats  and  the  ferry  gliding 
back  and  forth  before  his  door,  with  the  narrow  valley  for 
a  garden,  and  the  bluff  and  hills  ascending  from  his  back- 
yard, he  established  his  home,  with  its  pretentious  double 
veranda.  To  this  house  he  built  a  spacious  addition.  The 
round  pillars  and  walls  of  the  old  portion  were  covered  with 
stucco,  in  imitation  of  costly  brown  stone,  and  its  yard  was 
enclosed  with  a  garden  fence  of  neat  and  costly  pattern,  for 
that  time  and  place.  The  happy  and  proud  family,  in  the 
springtime  of  the  year,  and  in  the  springtime  of  their  life, 
moved  into  their  new  home.  Congratulations,  calls  and 
evening  parties  served  to  dedicate  the  new  abode,  and  the 
hearty,  and  often  expensive,  welcome  which  the  young  men 
and  maidens  received,  made  that  year  a  bright  one  in  the 
annals  of  the  youth  of  1829. 

But  Ephraim  was  of  an  uneasy  disposition,  and,  having 
money  to  spend,  traveled  about,  and  was  much  from  home, 
and,  when,  at  home,  supported  a  costly  tandem  team,  for 


42  THE    LIFE    AXD    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

private  driving,  which  was  the  wonder  and  envy  of  the 
whole  neighborhood. 

The  old  persons  about  Brownsville  recall  many  feats  of 
rather  dashing  and  extraordinary  driving  with  that  team. 
So  well  was  it  known  that  old  settlers  remember  the  names 
of  the  two  chestnut  sorrels — Boliver  and  Beaver,  the  first 
being  named  in  honor  of  Simon  Boliver,  the  South  Ameri- 
can Liberator,  whom  Mr.  Blaine  greatly  admired,  and  the 
second  after  General  Beaver,  who  was  an  old  friend  of  the 
Blaine  family. 

His  wife,  Maria,  was  the  balance  wheel  of  the  domestic 
machinery.  Without  her  caution  and  economy,  the  estate  of 
their  fathers  would  have  been  dissipated  long  before  it  was. 
But  even  her  perseverance  and  attention  could  not  keep  her 
husband  from  occasional  extravagance  of  most  foolish  con- 
ception. He  loved  a  fine  show  in  horses  and  carriages,  he 
was  passionately  fond  of  nice  apparel,  and,  with  all,  loved 
the  old-fashioned  dinners,  and  evening  parties,  where  music 
and  wine  were  prominent  features.  His  wife,  so  loving,  so 
modest,  so  sweet,  so  patient,  so  careful,  so  religious,  was 
only  brought  into  such  gay  company  by  her  love  for  her 
husband.  All  her  inclinations  were  for  a  quiet,  affectionate 
home  and  for  hidden  deeds  of  Christlike  charity. 


OF  JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  45 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Elaine's  Childhood. — His  birth  at  West  Brownsville. — His  father. 
His  mother. — His  play. — His  childish  shrewdness. — His  At- 
tendance at  the  Catholic  Church. — The  oppositon  of  the  Cath- 
olic priest  to  his  father. — His  studies. 

Genius  has  no  pedigree,  no  parents,  no  children.  The  pos- 
sessor cannot  tell  how  he  came  by  it,  and  cannot  transmit  it 
to  others.  Mr.  Elaine's  traits  of  character,  which  have 
made  him  a  statesman  and  a  leader,  are  peculiar  to  himself, 
and  differ  widely  from  those  of  his  father,  and  are  like 
those  of  no  other  person  whose  biography  it  has  been  our 
privilege  to  write  or  to  study.  Some  of  his  old  neighbors 
give  all  the  credit  to  his  mother's  influence,  and  with  tradi- 
tional stories  of  her  prophetic  foresight,  claim  that  she 
laid  the  foundations,  securely  and  wisely,  of  that  compre- 
hensiveness and  exactness  of  mental  capacity  which  has 
carried  him  successfully  through  the  great  trials  of  his  life. 
Some  of  his  schoolmates  say  that  it  was  the  skill  of  his  in- 
structors, who  happened,  from  his  father  to  the  college  grad- 
uation, to  be  gifted  men  in  imparting  just  the  knowledge 
necessary,  and  insisting  upon  first  the  discipline  adapted  to 
the  cultivation  of  cool  and  strong  statesmanlike  character. 
Some  of  the  sages  in  the  science  of  human  nature  say  it 
was  due  to  the  natural  surroundings  of  his  youth.  To  the 
deep  and  ceaselessly  rolling  river,  on  whose  shaded  banks 
he  played  as  a  child,  into  whose  solemnly  moving  floods  he 
tossed  the  dark  pebbles,  and  whose  destructive  power  in  the 


46  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

freshet  season  startled  his  developing  mind  into  preternatu- 
ral channels.  One  claims  it  was  the  wild  forest  and  ,the 
ragged  scenery  of  the  unsettled  landscape,  and  note,  in 
proof  of  it,  the  supposed  effect  of  a  like  wilderness  upon 
Clay,  Calhoun,  Douglas,  and  Lincoln. 

But  other  men  have  had  mothers  as  foreseeing  and  as 
devoted,  even  if  the  traditions  concerning  her  extraordi- 
nary prophesies  be  true,  and  many  of  them  remain  ordinary 
and  commonplace  in  character  and  position. 

Colleges  make  no  great  men.  An  educated  idiot  will 
never  make  a  statesman,  notwithstanding  the  American 
notion  that  the  possession  of  a  diploma  should  entitle  any 
simpleton  to  a  place  in  our  social  aristocracy.  The  great, 
active,  relentless,  human  world  gives  a  man  a  place  of  real 
influence,  and  crowns  him  as  truly  great  for  what  he  really 
is,  and  will  not  care  a  fig  for  any  college  certificate.  The 
questions  which  the  great,  busy  world  asks  concerning  the 
claimant  to  their  confidence  are  what  does  he  know?  and 
what  can  he  do?  It  has  no  concern  in  the  course  or  man- 
ner in  which  that  knowledge  or  power  was  obtained.  If  a 
man  obtain  as  much  learning  out  of  college,  it  is  just  as 
valuable  to  him  as  it  would  be  if  he  had  been  taught  it  in 
college.  If  he  has  natural  genius  it  will  show  itself.  If  he 
has  it  not,  education  will  not  create  it.  Study  like  that  of 
Webster  and  Greeley,  by  New  Hampshire  pine  knots,  and 
like  Garfield's,  by  a  wood  pile,  are  the  outgrowth  of  genius. 
Like  the  mysterious  power  of  dynamite,  it  cannot  be  con- 
fined, where  there  is  the  least  friction.  Like  giant  powder 
it  hursts  every  bond,  however  adamantive,  and,  like  love,  it 
laughs  at  castle  walls. 

Scenery  however  grand  or  strange  does  not  create  genius. 
The  Monongahela  flows  by  many  a  farm  and  receives  thou- 
sands of  daily  contributions  in  the  shape  of  pebbles  from 
the  plowboys  on  its  shores  ;  but  its  eternal  song  and  its  un- 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  47 

fathomed  mysteries  are  unheard  or  misunderstood.  Wood- 
lands stretch  away  from  many  a  childhood's  home ;  moun- 
tains mighty  and  snow-capped  frown  or  glitter  above  many 
cottages  where  neither  greatness  nor  real  genius  can  be 
found.  The  student  of  history  sees  that  inherited  disposi- 
tion influences  the  character,  that  early  training  may  give  a 
bias  to  the  mind,  that  education  always  enobles,  and  that 
grand  scenery  has  some  strange  agency  in  the  unfolding  of 
the  best  characteristics  of  human  nature.  But  that  inspired 
impulse  and  intuitive  insight,  called  genius,  cannot  be  ac- 
counted for  by  such  influences  nor  fathomed  by  any  known 
system  of  human  philosophy.  While  the  life  of  Blaine 
shows  the  value  of  education,  industry,  perseverance,  integ- 
rity, and  humanity,  and  that  no  barriers  can  be  set  up  to 
withstand  the  march  of  the  truly  great,  it  also  teaches  us 
the  importance  of  leaving  the  child  and  man  in  whom  un- 
usual intellectual  qualities  are  developing,  free  to  choose 
any  honorable  calling  untrameled  by  parental  prejudices  or 
social  pride.  Neither  Washington  nor  Napoleon  could  learn 
the  classics,  while  Walter  Scott,  Lord  Clive  and  Milton,  it 
is  said,  were  not  capable  of  learning  anything  during  their 
early  childhood.  When  left  to  themselves  and  all  artificial 
restraints  removed,  their  genius  developed  in  entirely  unex- 
pected directions.  Blaine  was  a  real  genius.  He  had  ex- 
ceptional mental  capabilities  and  inclinations.  Unconscious- 
ly to  himself,  he  moved  onward  toward  political  influence 
as  a  stream  let  loose  by  the  sunshine  on  some  glacier,  creeps 
forward,  flowing  around  trees  and  about  boulders,  hindered 
at  times  by  rubbish  and  often  stayed  by  unusual  eminences, 
but  at  last  rolling  onward  into  the  wide  plains  an  irresista- 
ble  river,  deep,  mysterious,  sublime. 

James  Gillcspie  Blaine,  the  subject  of  this  biography, 
was  born  January  31st,  18?9-  His  father,  Ephraim  L.  and 
his  mother,  Maria  Gillespie,  still  lived  in  their  new  two- 


48  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

storied  house  on  the  banks  of  the  Monongahela.  No  por- 
tentious  events,  either  in  nature  or  public  affairs,  marked 
his  advent.  A  few  neighbors,  with  generous  interest  and 
sympathy  extended  their  aid  and  congratulations.  The  tops 
of  the  hills  and  the  distant  Alleghanies  were  white  with 
snow,  but  the  valley  was  bare  and  brown,  and  the  swollen 
river  swept  the  busy  ferry-boat  from  shore  to  shore  with 
marked  emphasis,  as  old  acquaintances  repeated  the  news 
of  the  day,  "Elaine  has  another  son." 

Another  soul  clothed  in  humanity  ;  another  cry  ;  increased 
care  in  one  little  home.  That  was  all.  It  seems  so  sad  now 
in  this  the  day  of  his  fame  and  power,  that  the  mother  who 
with  such  pain  and  misgiving,  prayer  and  noble  resolutions 
saw  his  face  for  the  first  time,  should  now  be  sleeping  in  the 
churchyard.  In  the  path  that  now  leads  by  her  grave  she  had 
often  paused  before  entering  the  shadowy  gates  of  the  weather- 
beaten  Catholic  church  and  calmed  her  anxious  fears,  that 
she  might  devoutly  worship  God  and  secure  the  answer  to 
her  prayer  for  her  child. 

It  seems  strange  now,  in  the  light  of  other  experiences, 
that  no  tradition  or  record  of  a  mother's  prophecy  concern- 
ing the  future  greatness  of  her  son  comes  down  to  us  from 
that  birthday,  or  from  his  earliest  years.  But  the  old  Euro- 
pean customs  and  prejudices  of  her  Irish  and  Scottish  ances- 
try seem  to  have  lingered  with  sufficient  force  to  still  give 
the  place  of  social  honor  and  to  found  the  parents'  hopes  on 
the  First-born.  To  all  concerned  it  was  a  birth  of  no  special 
significance.  Outside  the  family  it  was  a  matter  of  no  mo- 
ment. Births  were  frequent.  The  Brownsville  public  heard 
of  it  and  passed  on  to  forget,  as  a  ripple  in  the  Mononga- 
hela flashes  on  the  careless  sight  for  a  moment,  then  the 
river  rolls  on  as  before.  Ephraim  Elaine  was  proud  of 
another  son,  the  little  brother  and  the  smaller  sister  glee- 
fully hailed  a  new  brother.  The  mother,  with  a  deep  joy 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  51 

which  escaped  not  in  words,  looked  onward  and  tried  to 
rend  the  future,  when  the  flood  of  years  should  have  carried 
her  new  treasure  from  her  arms.  That  flood  has  swept  over 
her  now,  and  all  her  highest  hope  and  ambition  is  filled,  but 
she  seems  not  now  to  hear  the  church  bells  that  ring  nor  the 
cannon  that  bellow  at  the  sound  of  his  name. 

All  his  early  childhood  years  were  spent  about  this  home, 
playing  in  the  well-kept  yard,  gazing  at  the  numerous  boats 
that  so  frequently  went  puffing  by.  For  a  short  time  the 
family  moved  to  the  old  Gillespie  house  further  up  the  river, 
and  some  of  the  inhabitants  say  that  at  one  time  while  some 
repairs  were  going  on  they  resided  at  the  old  homestead  of 
Neal  Gillespie,  back  from  the  river  on  Indian  Hill. 

One  of  the  earliest  incidents  current  among  the  people  of 
Brownsville  is  connected  with  "Jimmie's,  toy -boat  build- 
ing." Alongside  the  house  there  was  a  deep  gully,  made 
by  spring  streams  which  flowed  from  Indian  Hill  to  the 
river.  At  the  bottom  of  this  ravine  James  used  often  to 
make  a  dam  for  the  purpose  of  floating  his  rude  toy  boats. 
He  had  often  seen  the  boat  builders  at  work  in  the  new 
yard  not  far  from  the  house  in  which  he  lived.  But  older 
boys,  with  a  love  for  fun  and  with  an  expertness  in  some 
modern  political  methods,  would  come  after  dark  or  during 
his  dinner  hour  and  demolish  the  dam  which  had  cost  him 
so  much  labor.  Several  times  this  was  done  to  the  little 
man's  great  grief.  Then  he  went,  without  telling  his  pur- 
pose to  any  one,  to  a  large,  strong  man  by  the  name  of 
Krepps,  who  had  charge  of  the  ferry,  and  offered  to  "go 
after  the  cows  for  a  whole  week"  if  Mr.  Krepps  would 
come  and  "make  a  big  dam  of  real  big  rocks  that  no  big 
boys  could  pull  up  unless  they  were  mighty  big." 

Whether  James  was  taken  at  his  word  and  allowed 
to  go  after  the  co\'s  for  a  whole  week  is  not  said,  but 
Mr.  Krepps  put  i'i  the  "big  rocks"  for  the  boy,  and 


52  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

neither  boys  nor  floods   removed    them    for   many   years. 

One  playmate  tells  how  he  used  to  climb  to  the  top  of  In- 
dian Hill  with  James  nearly  every  day  in  summer,  and  sit 
there  with  him  as  they  counted  the  steamboats  coming  and 
going.  Once  they  ascended  Krepps's  Knob  and  while  look- 
ing up  the  winding  river  and  away  into  Virginia,  James 
said:  "That's  the  end  of  the  world  and  I'm  going  there 
some  day." 

As  a  child  he  had  from  the  first  good  opportunities  for  an 
education,  and  a  love  of  political  reading  was  early  im- 
planted in  him  by  the  newspapers  which  he  read  and  which 
he  went  regularly  to  the  County  post-office,  a  mile  distant, 
to  get.  These  journals  included  the  County  paper,  the 
Pittsburg  Gazette,  Philadelphia  United  States  Gazette,  then 
edited  by  Joseph  R.  Chandler,  and  the  semi-weekly  Nation- 
al Intelligencer. 

His  father  being  a  descendant  of  the  old  Scotch  Cove- 
nanters, and  a  rigid  Presbyterian  in  theory,  paid  but  little 
attention  to  religious  matters,  in  fact,  and  gave  that  part  of 
his  children's  training  almost  wholly  to  his  consistent  Chris- 
tian wife.  She  unconsciously  taught  to  all  who  knew  of  her 
Godly  life  that  great  truth,  that  real  Christian  life  is  in  the 
heart  and  character,  and  is  deeper  than  creed  and  far  wider 
than  any  denominational  walls.  Gold  is  gold  from  what- 
ever form  it  shines. 

She  had  the  respect  of  all,  the  love  of  many.  One  cul- 
tivated and  noble  lady,  now  resident  of  Brownsville,  told 
the  writer  how  she  loved,  as  a  girl,  to  visit  Mrs.  Elaine, 
and  often  stayed  over  night.  One  day  while  the  girl  was 
on  such  intimate  terms  with  Mrs.  Blaine,  a  neighbor  re- 
monstrated with  the  girl's  mother,  who  was  also  a  Presby- 
terian. Then  the  girl's  mother  replied  with  great  emphasis, 
"If  my  daughter  will  only  grow  up  to  be  as  good  a  woman 
as  Mrs.  Blaine,  I  would  be  willing  eve'i  that  she  should  be 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  53 

a  Catholic."  Mrs.  Elaine  was  always  retiring  in  her  deport- 
ment, and  never  flaunted  her  religion,  or  its  forms,  before 
any  one.  She  was  not  a  bigot.  She  was  a  sweet  Chris- 
tian mother.  That  was  all.  To  try  to  be  more  than  that 
is  to  be  less.  At  her  death  many  years  later,  she  was  fol- 
lowed to  Jier  grave  by  all  the  Baptist  clergy  of  the  town, 
with  whom  she  was  at  all  times  on  terms  of  friendship. 

She  taught  her  children  to  be  honest,  generous,  self- 
sacrificing,  and  kind.  She  held  up  before  them  ever  their 
great  Example,  and  while  they  were  young,  she  took  them 
regularly  to  church,  and  they  were  christened  in  their 
mother's  faith.  But  when  her  boys  showed  a  disposition 
to  adopt  the  creed  of  their  paternal  ancestry,  and  exhibited 
their  irritation  under  the  restraints  of  the  Catholic  forms, 
she  counselled  them  to  Godly  lives  and  freely  let  them  go  to 
the  church  of  their  choice. 

His  father  came  from  a  long  line  of  Covenanters,  and  all 
his  alliances  were  with  the  Presbyterian  church,  but  when 
he  ran  for  office  he  was  accused,  as  his  son  has  been,  of 
being  a  Catholic  in  disguise.  When  Ephraim  Elaine  was 
nominated  by  the  Whigs  for  a  county  officer  in  1842, 
the  Catholic  Priest  at  Brownsville,  who  was  a  bitter  political 
opponent,  was  asked  by  a  correspondent  to  send  a  certifi- 
cate that  Elaine  was  a  member  of  the  Catholic  Church. 
To  which  the  irate  Father  sent  the  following  reply,  and  it 
was  published  by  Elaine's  enemies. 

"This  is  to  certify,  that  Ephraim  L.  Elaine  is  not  now, 
and  never  was  a  member  of  the  Catholic  Church",  and  fur- 
thermore, in  my  opinion  he  is  not  fit  to  be  a  member  of  any 
church." 

During  James'  early  childhood  a  strong  bridge  was  con- 
structed across  the  Monongahela  River,  a  short  distance  above 
their  home.  The  movement  for  a  bridge  and  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  company  depended  upon  Ephraim  L.  Elaine,  and 


54  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

he  was  one  of  the  most  interested  stockholders.  His  land 
on  the  south  side  of  the  river  would  increase  in  value  if  snch 
a  means  of  communication  with  prosperous  Brownsville 
should  take  the  place  of  the  ferry.  So  in  1833  the  proposed 
bridge  became  a  fact.  Boat  building  for  river  navigation 
also  began  to  prosper,  and  extensive  yards  were  opened  on 
the  West  Brownsville  bank  of  the  river.  One  or  two  stores 
were  opened  near  the  end  of  the  bridge,  and  for  a  few  years 
Ephraim  Blaine  was  believed  to  be  very  rich  because  of  the 
speculative  rise  of  his  building  lots  in  West  Brownsville. 
There  came  a  reaction  however  before  he  had  sold  many 
lots,  and  that  disaster  was  the  forerunner  of  many  discour- 
aging losses  which,  together  with  his  foolish  extravagance, 
at  last  ended  in  straitened  circumstances. 

Yet  he  was  a  man  of  great  natural  gifts,  and  his  observa- 
tion in  travel,  his  study  of  law,  and  the  social  standing  of 
his  family,  gave  him  considerable  influence  in  public  affairs 
throughout  his  life.  He  maintained  his  dignified  bearing, 
his  generous  spirit  of  hospitality  and  his  love  of  lively  com- 
pany until  his  death. 

As  Prothonotary  of  Washington  County,  he  was  popular 
as  a  public  officer,  and  held  the  office  from  1842  to  1845. 

The  changed  circumstances  of  the  family  drove  James 
inward  upon  himself  for  strength  and  company,  and  formed 
those  habits  of  meditation  and  self-reliance  which  so  prom- 
inently characterize  him  now.  His  disinclination  to  go 
with  bad  company,  his  love  for  good  books,  his  firm  ad- 
herence to  honesty,  and  his  guileless  truthfulness  made  him 
a  favorite  with  his  mother,  but  at  times  unpopular  with  the 
youth  of  his  own  age. 

All  through  these  years  the  stories  of  war  and  adventure, 
of  death  at  the  stake,  of  sieges,  of  pioneer  self-sacrifice, 
and  of  patriotic  martyrdom  connected  with  his  own  county, 
and  all  within  the  lifetime  of  his  grandfather,  must  have 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  55 

been  heard  or  read  by  him  as  household  words.  While 
none  of  these  things  can  be  said  to  have  made  him  the 
statesman  and  leader  which  he  afterwards  became,  yet  they 
may  have  had  some  educating  power  upon  the  genius  which 
in  185G  so  suddenly  beamed  forth. 

In  1842,  James  spent  a  year  in  the  family  of  the  Hon. 
Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio,  who  was  by  marriage  a  cousin  of 
James'  mother,  and  there  attended  school  preparatory  to  his 
entrance  into  Washington  College. 

The  removal  of  his  family  to  Washington,  the  county 
seat,  when  Ephraim  L.  Elaine  was  elected  Prothonotary, 
was  an  especially  favorable  opportunity  for  him  to  attend 
and  secure  the  most  complete  advantages  for  a  college 
education.  For  years  it  had  been  his  ambition,  and  his 
father  was  equally  anxious  that  all  his  children  should  have 
a  thorough  collegiate  training. 

But  in  this  there  was  nothing  strange  or  startlingly  pre- 
cocious. Hundreds  of  other  boys  have  yearned  for  and 
obtained  the  same  privilege.  In  one  thing  only  could  he  be 
esteemed  to  excel  other  boys  of  his  age.  He  was  thorough. 
Having  anything  to  do  he  did  it  as  well  as  the  circum- 
stances would  possibly  allow. 

One  of  his  teachers  still  living,  relates  how  she  gave  him 
a  series  of  grammatical  rules  to  commit  to  memory.  He 
came  to  the  recitation  with  only  one  learned.  When  she 
asked  him  why  he  had  neglected  four-fifths  of  his  lesson, 
he  showed  her  that  he  had  industriously  spent  the  entire 
time  in  trying  to  understand  what  the  first  verse  meant. 
He  could  not  be  content  with  mere  words.  He  wished  to 
know  the  reason  and  purpose. 


56  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 


CHAPTER  V. 

College  History. — College  Life  at  Little  Washington. — Elaine's 
Youth. — His  Standing. — Treatment  by  College  Mates. — List  of 
his  Class. — Letter  from  him  at  the  Centennial  Celebration. — 
His  Latent  Talent. — Graduation  in  1847. — Necessity  of  Earn- 
ing his  own  Support. 

With  all  New  England's  well-earned  reputation  for  learn- 
ing, and  great  educational  privileges,  it  may  be  gravely 
doubted  if  a  county  can  be  found  in  any  Eastern  State, 
where  so  many  schools  and  academies  flourish  as  in  Wash- 
ington County,  Pa.  Schools,  academies,  and  colleges  were 
imported  with  the  first  inhabitants.  In  1780,  an  academy 
was  established  in  a  log  cabin  at  the  county  seat,  and  from 
it  graduated  some  of  the  most  able  orators  in  the  Religious 
and  Political  arenas  of  the  West. 

Among  these,  many  institutions  have  preserved  a  high 
social  standard  of  education,  and  which  have  made  for  the 
people  of  the  county  a  reputation  for  education  and  general 
intelligence,  much  to  be  envied,  the  most  important  of  those 
still  standing  is  Washington  and  Jefferson  College,  repre- 
senting two  old  institutions  united  in  1865. 

Washington  College  was  founded  in  1780,  and  chartered 
by  the  Legislature  in  1806,  four  years  after  the  charter  of 
.Jefferson  College  in  Cannonsberg  in  the  same  county.  The 
history  of  this  college,  as  written  by  'Rev.  James  I.  Brown- 
son,  D.  D.,  of  Washington,  Pa.,  is  a  most  interesting  doc- 
ument, and  shows  how  great  an  aid  such  a  college  may  be 
to  a  community  and  a  nation.  Founded  by  Rev.  Matthew 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  51 

Brown,  D.  P.,  with  a  self-sacrificing  heroism  which  was 
most  remarkable,  and  sustained  by  men  who  assisted  it  at 
continual  loss  to  themselves,  it  gathered  in  the  most  gifted 
young  men  of  the  West,  and  from  it  they  went  forth  to 
the  bar,  the  pulpit,  the  marts  of  trade,  the  chairs  of  colleges, 
the  judge's  bench,  seats  in  Congress,  author's  honors,  and 
fields  of  battle.  These  unusual  educational  privileges  called 
into  the  county  a  highly  cultivated  class  of  people  desiring 
to  educate  their  children.  .  It  elevated  the  standard  of  legal 
practice  and  acumen  in  the  courts,  and  greatly  raised  the 
average  scholarship  in  the  pulpits. 

It  began  Avith  a  little  upper  room.  Now  it  has  its  stately 
edifices  with  all  the  appliances  and  facilities  for  the  most  ad- 
vanced collegiate  course,  and  an  endowment  of  nearly 
300,000  dollars.  Dr.  Brownson  in  the  history  of  the  col- 
lege published  in  1882,  says  : 

"Any  other  county  of  the  commonwealth,  if  not  also  of  the 
nation,  may  be  challeged  for  the  production  of  an  equal  list 
of  educated  sons,  whether  to  fill  her  own  high  places  or  to 
lead  society  in  other  counties,  and  states.  And  receiving 
from  far  and  near  beyond  her  own  borders  the  youth  of 
other  communities,  she  has  sent  them  back  by  hundreds,  fitted 
by  thorough  collegiate  training  for  every  variety  of  profes- 
sional and  other  responsible  service.  More  than  three  thou- 
sand graduates,  besides  an  almost  equal  number  who  have 
taken  a  partial  course,  embracing  fourteen  hundred  min- 
isters of  the  gospel,  seven  hundred  and  fifty  lawyers,  and 
four  hundred  physicians,  six  or  eight  United  States 
Senators,  six  cabinet  officers,  fifty  or  more  Representa- 
tives in  Congress,  and  sixty  judges,  together  with  forty- 
five  presidents  and  seventy-five  professors  of  colleges, 
twenty-five  professors  in  Theological  Seminaries,  and  as 
many  principals  of  female  seminaries  ;  to  say  nothing  of  the 
headships  of  countless  academies — surely,  this  is  a  pro- 
duction of  cultured  men  which  may  be  safely  put  into 
competition  with  that  of  any  other  community  in  kind  or 
value,  or  with  any  scale  of  material  interests  actual  or  pos- 


58  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

sible  in  like  circumstances.  Proud,  therefore,  as  we  may 
be  to  be  reckoned  in  the  front  rank  of  the  world's  competi- 
tors as  producers  of  the  world's  finest  wool,  and  rejoicing 
as  we  do  in  the  heritage  of  a  soil  and  climate  unsurpassed 
for  the  multiplied  and  varied  comforts  of  life,  our  highest 
exultation  is  in  the  educated  men  who  have  carried  the  name 
and  fame  of  Washington  County  as  a  chief  home  of  cul- 
ture into  the  foremost  rivalry  of  our  country,  and  made  it 
known  across  the  seas." 

In  1881,  James  G.  Elaine,  writing  to  the  people  of  his 
native  county,  on  the  occasion  of  their  Centennial  Celebra- 
tion, made  some  interesting  statements  bearing  on  this  same 
topic,  and  for  this  and  other  considerations  the  letter  is  here 
given  entire  : 

WASHINGTON  D.  C.,  Sept.  5,  1881. 
JOHN  D.  MCKENNAN  ; 

Dear  Sir — I  had  anticipated  great  pleasure  in  being  pres- 
ent at  the  Centennial  Celebration  of  the  erection  of  Wash- 
ington County,  but  the  National  sorrow  which  'shadows 
every  household  detains  me  here. 

I  shall  perhaps  never  again  have  the  opportunity  of  see- 
ing so  many  of  the  friends  of  my  youth,  and  so  many  of 
my  blood  and  kindred,  and  you  may  well  conceive  my  dis- 
appointment is  great. 

The  strong  attachment  which  I  feel  for  the  county,  the 
pride  which  I  cherish  in  its  traditions,  and  the  high  estimate 
which  I  have  always  placed  on  the  character  of  its  people, 
increase  with  years  and  reflection.  The  pioneers  were 
strong-hearted,  God-fearing,  resolute  men,  wholly,  or  al- 
most wholly,  of  Scotch  or  Scotch-Irish  descent.  They 
were  men,  who,  according  to  an  inherited  maxim,  never 
turned  their  backs  on  a  friend  or  on  an  enemy. 

For  twenty  years,  dating  from  the  middle  period  of  the 
Revolution,  the  settlers  were  composed  very  largely  of  men 
who  had  themselves  served  in  the  Continental  Army,  many 
of  them  as  officers,  and  they  imparted  an  intense  patriotism 
to  the  public  sentiment. 

It  may  be  among  the  illusions  of  memory,  but  I  think  I 
have  nowhere  else  seen  the  Fourth  of  July,  and  Washing- 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  61 

ton's  Birthday  celebrated  with  such  zeaj  and  interest,  as  in 
the  gatherings  I  there  attended.  I  recall  a  great  meeting  of 
the  people  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  1840,  on  the  border  of 
the  county,  in  Brownsville,  at  which  a  considerable  part  of 
the  procession  was  composed  of  vehicles  filled  with  Revo- 
lutionary soldiers.  I  was  but  ten  years  old,  and  may  pos- 
sibly mistake,  but  I  think  there  were  more  than  two  hun- 
dred of  the  grand,  old  heroes.  The  modern  cant  and  criti- 
cism which  we  sometimes  hear  about  Washington  not  being 
after  all,  a  very  great  man,  Avould  have  been  dangerous  talk 
on  that  day  and  in  that  assemblage. 

These  pioneers  placed  a  high  value  on  education,  and 
while  they  were  still  on  the  frontier,  struggling  with  its  pri- 
vations, they  established  two  excellent  colleges,  long  since 
prosperously  united  in  one.  It  would  be  impossible  to  over- 
state the  beneficent  and  wide-spread  influence,  which  Wash- 
ington and  Jefferson  Colleges  have  exerted  on  the  civiliza- 
tion of  that  great  country  which  lies  between  the  Allegha- 
nies  and  the  Mississippi  River.  Their  graduates  have  been 
prominent  in  the  pulpit,  at  the  bar,  on  the  bench,  and  in  the 
high  stations  of  public  life.  During  my  service  of  eighteen 
years  in  Congress,  I  met  a  larger  number  of  the  Alumni  of 
Washington  and  Jefferson,  than  of  any  other  single  college 
in  the  Union. 

I  make  this  statement  from  memory,  but  I  feel  assured 
that  a  close  examination  of  the  rolls  of  the  two  Houses  from 
1863  to  1881  would  fully  establish  its  correctness.  Not  only 
were  the  two  colleges  founded  and  well  sustained,  but  the 
entire  educational  system  of  the  county,  long  before  the 
school  tax  and  public  schools,  was  comprehensive  and  thor- 
ough. I  remember  that  in  my  own  boyhood  that  there 
were  ten  or  eleven  academies  or  select  schools  in  the  county, 
where  lads  could  be  fitted  for  college. 

In  nearly  every  instance  the  Presbyterian  pastor  was  the 
principal  teacher.  Many  who  will  be  present  at  your  Cen- 
tennial will  recall  the  succession  of  well-drilled  students, 
who  came  for  so  many  years  from  the  tuition  of  Dr.  Mc- 
Cluskey,  at  West  Alexander,  from  Rev.  John  Stockton,  at 
Cross  Creek,  from  Rev.  John  Eagleson,  of  Buffalo,  and 
from  others  of  like  worth  and  reputation. 

It  was  inevitable  that  a  county  thus  peopled  should  grow 


62  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

in  strength,  wisdom  and  wealth.  Its  sixty  thousand  inhab- 
itants are  favored  far  beyond  the  average  lot  of  man.  They 
are  blessed  with  a  fertile  soil,  and  with  the  health-giving 
climate  which  belongs  to  the  charmed  latitude  of  the  for- 
tieth parallel,  the  middle  of  the  wheat  and  corn  belt  of  the 
continent.  Beyond  this  they  enjoy  the  happy  and  ennobling 
influences  of  scenery  as  grand  and  as  beautiful  as  that  which 
lures  tourists  thousands  of  miles  beyond  the  sea.  I  have, 
myself,  visited  many  of  the  celebrated  spots  in  Europe  and 
in  America^  and  I  have  nowhere  witnessed  a  more  attrac- 
tive sight  than  was  familiar  to  my  eyes  in  boyhood,  from 
the  old  Indian  Hill  Farm,  where  I  was  born,  and  where  my 
great  grandfather,  the  elder  Neal  Gillespie,  settled  before 
the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution. 

The  majestic  sweep  of  the  Monongahela  through  the  foot 
hills  of  the  Alleghanies,  with  the  chain  of  mountains,  but 
twenty  miles  distant,  in  full  view,  gave  an  impression  of 
beauty  and  sublimity  which  can  never  be  effaced. 

I  talk  thus  familiarly  of  localities,  and  of  childhood  inci- 
dents, because  your  assemblage,  though  composed  of  thou- 
sands, will,  in  effect,  be  a  family  reunion,  where  the  only 
thing  in  order  will  be  tradition  and  recollections,  and  per- 
sonal history.  Identified,  as  I  have  been,  for  twenty-eight 
years,  with  a  great  and  noble  people  in  another  section  of 
the  Union,  I  have  never  lost  any  of  my  attachment  for  my 
native  county  and  my  native  State.  The  two  feelings  no 
more  conflict  than  does  a  man's  love  for  his  wife,  and  his 
love  for  his  mother.  Wherever  I  may  be  in  life,  or  what- 
ever ray  fortune,  the  county  of  Washington,  as  it  anciently 
vras,  taking  in  all  the  State,  South  and  West  of  the  Monon- 
gahela, will  be  sacred  in  my  memory.  I  shall  always  recall 
with  pride  that  my  ancestry  and  kindred  were,  and  are,  not 
inconspicuously  connected  with  its  history,  and  that  on  either 
side  of  the  beautiful  river,  in  Protestant  and  Catholic  cem- 
eteries, five  generations  of  my  own  blood  sleep  in  honored 
graves. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

James  entered  upon  college  life  at  the  early  age  of  thir- 
teen which  appears  to  have  been  a  very  precocious  under- 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAIXE.  63 

taking.  But  when  we  consider  that  the  standard  of  admis- 
sion was  much  lower  then  than  it  is  now,  and  that  the 
course  of  studies  then  was  less  arduous  than  it  is  now,  the 
the  surprise  in  a  measure  vanishes. 

Yet  it  was  an  unusual  thing  for  one  so  young  to  enter 
college.  His  father  is  said  to  have  been  more  proud  of  it 
than  he  was  of  his  office  of  Prothonotary.  Rev.  David 
McConaughy,  D.  D.,  L.  L.  D.,  was  then  president  of  the 
college.  The  class  was  composed  of  robust,  intellectual 
boys,  and  it  is  somewhat  interesting  to  see  how  they  since 
have  scattered. 

George  Baird,  Jr.,  physician,  resides  at  Wheeling,  W. 
Va.  ;  Andrew  Barr,  minister  at  Wysox,  Pa.,  died  in  1864  ; 
Robert  C.  Colmery,  minister  at  Delavan,  111.  ;  Josiah  C. 
Cooper,  physician  at  Philadelphia,  Pa.  ;  Thomas  Creighton 
died  1860.  George  D.  Curtis  lives  at  Moundsville,  W.  Va.  ; 
Cephas  Dodd  died  at  Washington,  Pa.  ;  Hugh  W.  Forbes, 
minister  at  Montezuma,  Iowa ;  Prof.  Alex.  M.  Gow,  at 
Roschelle,  Iowa;  John  H.  Hampton,  lawyer  at  Pittsburgh, 
Pa.  ;  John  C.  Hervey,  at  Wheeling,  W.  Va.  ;  R.  Campbell 
Holliday,  lawyer,  at  Moundsville,  W.  Va.  ;  John  G.  Jacob, 
editor,  at  Wellsburg,  W.  Va.,  ;  Richard  H.  Lee,  Jr.,  lawyer, 
at  Lewiston,  Pa.,  ;  John  V.  B.  Lemoyne,  lawyer,  at  Chi- 
cago, 111.  ;  La  Fayette  Markle,  lawyer  and  editor,  at  Phila- 
delphia, Pa.  ;  Gasper  M.  Miller,  physician,  at  Ottawa,  111.  ; 
James  R.  Moore,  Prin.  Acad.,  Morgantown,  W.  Va.,  died 
1864  ;  William  S.  Moore,  lawyer  and  editor,  at  Washing- 
ton, Pa.  ;  M.  P.  Morrison,  physician,  at  Monongahela  City, 
Pa.  ;  Robert  J.  Munce,  physician,  at  Washington,  Pa.  ; 
Edward  B.  Neely,  lawyer,  at  St.  Joseph,  Mo.  ;  William 
M.  Orr,  lawyer,  at  Orrville,  O.  ;  Thomas  W.  Porter,  law- 
yer, died  at  Waynesburg,  Pa.  ;  Samuel  Power,  in  Nevada  ; 
Win.  H.  H.  M.  Pusey,  lawyer,  at  Council  Bluffs,  la.  ;  Hus- 
ton Quail,  lawyer,  died  at  Washington,  Pa.  ;  John  A  Ran- 


64  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

kin,  at  Xenia,  111.  ;  Robert  Robe,  minister,  at  Brownsville, 
Oregon;  James  H.  Smith  died  in  Alleghany  Co.,  Pa.; 
John  H.  Storer,  physician,  at  Triadelphia,  W.  Va.  ;  Alex. 
Wilson,  lawyer,  at  Washington,  Pa. 

In  the  class  were  some  very  brilliant  scholars  and  some 
were  very  prepossessing  in  personal  appearance.  Neither  of 
these  statements  can  be  truthfully  made  of  James.  He  was 
but  an  ordinary  scholar  if  his  age  be  left  out  of  the  calcula- 
tion, and,  according  to  the  memory  of  his  classmates  he 
was  lank  and  awkward.  The  bright  intellect  and  his  really 
fine  figure  have  been  developed  in  the  discipline  of  subse- 
quent years. 

James  was  not  a  very  active  participant  in  any  of  the  col- 
lege sports,  he  having  a  habit  of  keeping  very  much  to  him- 
self. The  literary  and  debating  societies  or  clubs  found  in 
him  a  special  supporter.  He  could  write  an  excellent  com- 
position and  often  ventured  upon  an  essay.  These  were 
very  well  written  and  very  well  read  if  he  was  compelled  to 
read  them  himself  before  his  class.  He  was  diligent,  per- 
sistent, and  frank.  But  none  prophesied  that  the  leading 
man  of  the  class  in  the  great  practical  real  life  of  the  world 
would  be  James  G.  Blaine. 

He  was  intellectually  created  for  emergencies.  It  re- 
quired some  sudden  call  to  develop  his  metal.  If  on  the 
turning  of  an  instant  he  was  required  to  do  any  work,  and 
where  he  had  no  time  or  opportunity  to  think  of  himself,  he 
would  astonish  all  who  saw  or  heard  him.  His  tempera- 
ment was  such  that  he  shrank  from  all  self-assertion  and 
cowered  before  any  public  attention.  But  when  there  was 
work  no  other  could  do,  or  words  to  be  uttered  no  other 
could  say,  then  he  would  suddenly  appear  like  a  different 
boy  and  show  that  the  spirit  of  a  great  genius  was  sleeping 
in  his  soul. 

Such  emergencies  did  not  come  often  in   college  days, 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  65 

where,  as  a  rule,  the  most  rattled-brained  and  shallow  re- 
ceive the  most  honor  and  attention  outside  the  regular  ex- 
aminations. 

Those  happy  years  passed  quickly  away  with  him.  Yet 
not  too  quickly,  as  he  felt  when  it  was  apparent  that  his 
father's  property  was  fast  slipping  away,  and  he  could  no 
longer  hope  for  assistance  from  that  quarter. 

James  was  but  seventeen  years  of  age,  in  1847,  when  he 
graduated,  astonishingly  near  the  head  of  his  class.  Then 
the  honors  of  the  class  being  equally  divided  between  him 
and  two  other  students,  he  stepped  forth  into  the  world  self- 
dependent.  As  hard  as  it  often  seems  to  see  a  boy  thus 
early  take  upon  himself  the  self-supporting  duties  of  a  man, 
yet  it  is  almost  always  the  discipline  necessary  to  develop  a 
strong,  self-reliant  manhood.  This  was  especially  so  with 
James,  whose  retiring  inclinations  were  likely  to  retard  this 
progress,  unless  stern  necessity  drew  him  out.  What  was 
Ephraim  L.  Elaine's  loss  became  the  nation's  gain.  It 
forced  James  into  the  practical  discipline  necessary  to  de- 
velop his  talents. 

He  wished  to  be  a  lawyer.  But  he  must  earn  his  own 
living.  However,  he  could  not  be  satisfied  with  that.  He 
must  earn  more.  Those  occupations  and  professions  as  a 
rule  pay  the  best  in  which  the  workman  confers  the  greatest 
benefit.  The  more  one  can  bless  others  the  more  will  he  be 
blessed.  To  get  his  own  education  it  became  necessary  that 
he  should  educate  others. 

In  his  father's  family  there  were  then,  besides  his  older 
brother  and  sister,  two  younger  brothers,  Robert  and  John, 
and  his  father  was  out  of  public  office.  In  this  situation, 
like  most  self-supporting  graduates  of  colleges  in  America, 
he  turned  toward  the  profession  of  a  teacher,  as  the  most 
favorable  and  remunerative  occupation. 


66  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 


CHAPTER  VI. 

His  father's  death. — Decides  to  go  to  Kentucky. — The  Western 
Military  Institute. — Popularity  with  the  boys. — Meets  Miss 
Stanwood. —  Marriage. — Goes  to  Philadelphia. — Successful 
teacher  of  the  Blind. — Removes  to  Maine  in  1854. 

The  three  years  which  followed  his  graduation,  and  during 
which  he  was  a  teacher  at  Blue  Lick  Springs,  Kentucky, 
produced  a  great  change  in  Blaine,  and  in  1850  he  is  said 
to  have  become  an  attractive  and  mature  man.  His  life 
was  overshadowed  by  the  death  of  his  father,  June  28th, 
1850,  and  his  cares  thereby  greatly  increased.  Those  were 
days  of  great  transition.  The  sad  gathering  of  his  father's 
mourning  friends,  the  solemn  service  over  the  remains,  the 
open  grave  in  the  old  Catholic  churchyard,  all  emphasized 
the  change.  He  was  passing  out  of  childhood  and  youth 
into  manhood. 

Back  of  that  dark  day,  a  father  and  a  home.  From  that 
day  on  he  must  expect  no  protection  but  such  as  his  own 
energy  could  win. 

Into  the  profession  of  a  teacher  he  entered  with  his  whole 
nature,  and  was  from  the  first  a  successful  instructor.  The 
same  characteristics  which  led  him  to  defend  the  smaller 
and  weaker  boys  in  college,  made  him  a  favorite  with  his 
pupils.  He  had  a  natural  and  strong  repugnance  to  every 
kind  of  oppression.  He  would  not  stand  quietly  by  and  see 
a  strong  boy  abuse  a  weak  one,  or  silently  alloAv  a  burly  boy 
to  tease  and  annoy  a  sensitive  girl.  The  strong  friends 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  67 

which  he  has  still  in  his  native  county,  who  appear  to  love 
him  so  tenderly,  were  many  of  them  the  recipients  of  his 
kindness  and  the  subjects  of  his  defense  in  the  old  school 
days.  One  of  his  scholars,  writing  from  Kentucky  in  1863, 
said  : 

"He  should  have  been  a  judge.  His  keen  sense  of  jus- 
tice and  his  wonderful  ability  to  discover  deceit  or  shams, 
made  him  the  master  of  the  situation.  They  often  managed 
to  mislead  the  other  teachers,  and  could  offer  frail  excuses 
to  the  principal,  often  with  impunity,  but  to  Mr.  Elaine 
never.  He  knew  before  we  spoke,  and  often  kindly  saved 
the  boys  from  lying  by  rebuking  them  first  and  letting  them 
explain  afterwards.  I  never  knew  of  his  making  a  mistake 
in  that  matter." 

The  year  that  he  graduated  from  college,  Elaine  secured 
the  position  as  teacher  at  the  Western  Military  Institute  at 
Blue  Lick  Springs.  Col.  Thornton  F.  Johnson  was  the 
Principal  of  the  Institute. 

The  Colonel's  wife  was  also  a  teacher,  and  was  at  the 
head  of  a  Young  Ladies'  Seminary  at  Millersberg,  which 
is  about  twenty  miles  from  Blue  Lick  Springs. 

In  the  Military  Institute  there  were  between  four  and  five 
hundred  students,  many  of  them  of  that  fiery  temperament 
which  characterized  the  youth  of  that  climate  and  era. 
Many  of  those  boys  became  prominent  in  after  years  as 
leaders  in  military  and  political  life,  and  were  about  equally 
divided  between  the  North  and  the  South  in  the  Great  War 
of  the  Rebellion.  When  one  of  them,  who  became  a  lawvcr 
at  Nashville,  Tennessee,  heard  that  Elaine  was  so  active 
an  advocate  of  Abolition,  he  said  to  a  friend,  "He  is  con- 
sistent to  his  old  life.  It  was  natural  for  him  to  dislike 
slavery." 

In  that  institution  Elaine  was  clearly  the  favorite.  He 
knew  every  boy  by  name.  He  knew  their  individual  tastes 


68  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

and  character.  He  sympathized  with  the  suffering  and  en- 
joyed the  sports  of  the  strong.  As  a  teacher,  he  was  clear 
and  simple  in  his  explanation,  and  deeply  in  earnest  in  im- 
parting information.  But  the  ambition  of  his  life  was  to 
be  a  lawyer.  For  such  a  profession  he  was  eminently  fitted 
by  his  intuitive  insight  into  human  nature,  and  his  native 
fearlessness. 

It  was  while  Elaine  was  a  professor  at  Blue  Lick  Springs 
that  he  met  Miss  Harriet  Stan  wood,  of  Augusta,  Me.  She 
was  living  with  her  sister,  and  was  a  teacher  at  Mrs.  Thorn- 
ton's femaiie  seminary.  Miss  Stanwood  was  a  descendent 
from  the  old  Puritan  stock  in  a  direct  line  from  the  Stanwood 
family  of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  and  in  March,  1851,  be- 
came his  wife  at  Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Blaine  went  from  Kentucky  to  Philadelphia  to  teach  from 
1852  to  1854,  inan  Asylum  for  the  blind,  called  The  Penn- 
sylvania Institution  for  the  Instruction  of  the  Blind.  It 
appears  that  while  there  he  began  the  study  of  law  with 
Theodore  Cuyler,  and  occupied  his  spare  hours  in  the  ac- 
quisition of  legal  knowledge. 

Mr.  William  Chapin,  the  present  principal  of  the  institu- 
tion was  principal  then,  and  engaged  Blaine  to  be  head- 
master of  the  boys'  department.  Mr.  Chapin,  in  1884,  in 
a  conversation  with  the  editor  of  the  Philadelphia  Press, 
concerning  Blaine's  professorship,  said  that  "Blaine  was 
principal  teacher  on  the  boys'  side  for  two  years,  and  when 
he  departed  he  left  behind  him  not  only  universal  regret  at 
a  serious  loss  to  the  institution,  but  an  impression  of  his 
personal  force  upon  the  work  and  its  methods,  which  sur- 
vives the  lapse  of  thirty  years." 

"The  Pennsylvania  Institution  for  the  Instruction  of  the 
Blind  is  the  second  place  in  which  Mr.  Blaine  taught  after 
his  graduation  from  Washington  College.  He  rang  the  bell 
at  the  front  door  of  the  building  one  summer  afternoon, 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  69 

in  1852,  in  answer  to  an  advertisement  for  a  teacher. 
There  were  thirty  or  forty  other  applicants,  but  his  manner 
was  so  winning,  and  he  possessed  so  many  manifestly  valu- 
able qualities  that  I  closed  an  engagement  with  him  at  once. 
He  was  married,  and  his  wife  and  little  son,  Walker,  came 
here  with  him.  His  qualities,  which  impressed  me  most 
deeply,  were  his  culture,  the  thoroughness  of  his  education, 
and  his  unfailing  self-possession.  He  was  also  a  man  of 
very  decided  will,  and  was  very  much  disposed  to  argument. 
He  was  very  young  then — only  twenty-two — and  was  rather 
impulsive,  leaping  to  a  conclusion  very  quickly.  But  he 
was  always  ready  to  defend  his  conclusions,  however  sud- 
denly he  seemed  to  have  reached  them.  We  had  many  a 
familiar  discussion,  and  his  arguments  always  astonished  me 
by  the  knowledge  they  displayed  of  facts  in  history  and  pol- 
itics. His  memory  was  remarkable,  and  seemed  to  retain 
details  which  ordinary  men  would  forget." 

"Now,  I  will  show  you  something  that  illustrates  how 
thoroughly  Mr.  Elaine  mastered  anything  he  took  hold  of," 
said  Mr.  Chapin,  as  he  took  from  a  desk  in  the  corner  of 
the  room  a  thick  quarto  manuscript  book,  bound  in  dark, 
brown  leather,  and  lettered  "Journal"  on  the  corner.  "This 
book  Mr.  Elaine  compiled  with  great  labor  from  the  minute 
books  of  the  Board  of  Managers.  It  is  a  historical  view 
of  the  institution  from  the  time  of  its  foundation  up  to  the 
time  of  Mr.  Elaine's  departure.  He  did  all  the  work  in  his 
own  room,  telling  no  one  of  it  until  he  left.  Then  he  pre- 
sented it,  through  me,  to  the  Board  of  Managers,  who  were 
both  surprised  and  gratified.  I  believe  they  made  him  a 
present  of  $100  as  a  thank  offering,  for  an  invaluable  work." 

Indeed,  this  book,  the  first  historical  work  of  Mr.  Elaine, 
is  a  model  of  its  kind.  On  the  title  page,  in  ornamental 
penwork,  executed  at  that  time  by  Mr.  Chapin,  is  the  in- 
scription : 


70  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

"Journal  of  the  Pennsylvania  Institution  for  Instruction 
of  the  Blind,  from  its  Foundation,  Compiled  from  Official 
Records,  by  James  G.  Blaine.  1854." 

The  methodical  character  of  the  work  is  most  remarka- 
ble. On  the  first  page  every  abbreviation  used  in  the  book 
is  entered  alphabetically.  The  first  entry  reads  :  "On  this, 
and  the  four  following  pages,  will  be  found  some  notes  in 
regard  to  the  origin  of  the  Pennsylvania  Institution  for  the 
Instruction  of  the  Blind,  furnished  by  I.  Francis  Fisher, 
Esq."  From  this  page  to  the  188th,  in  which  is  the  last 
entry  made  by  Mr.  Blaine,  every  line  is  a  model  of  neatness 
and  accuracy.  On  every  page  is  a  wide  margin.  At  the 
top  of  the  margin  is  the  year,  in  ornamental  figures.  Below 
is  a  brief  statement  of  what  the  text  contains  opposite  that 
portion  of  the  marginal  entry.  Every  year's  record  closes 
with  an  elaborate  table,  giving  the  attendance  of  members 
of  the  board.  The  last  pages  of  the  book  are  filled  with 
alphabetical  lists  of  officers  of  the  institution  and  statistical 
tables,  compiled  by  the  same  patient  and  untiring  hand. 
One  of  the  lists  is  that  of  the  "principal  teachers."  No. 
13  is  followed  by  the  signature  "James  G.  Blaine,  from 
August  "5th,  1852,  to" — and  then,  in  another  hand,  the 
record  is  completed  with  the  date  November  23d,  1854. 

"I  think  that  the  book,"  remarked  Mr.  Chapin,  "illus- 
trates the  character  of  the  man  in  accurate  mastery  of  facts 
and  orderly  presentation  of  details.  We  still  use  it  for 
reference,  and  Mr.  Frank  Battles,  the  assistant  principal,  is 
bringing  the  record  down  to  the  present  time. 

"I  recall  one  incident,"  Mr.  Chapin  continued,  "which 
indicates  Mr.  Elaine's  mode  of  discipline,  and  shows,  too, 
that  he  was  in  those  days  somewhat  impulsive.  It  was  one 
of  his  duties  to  take  charge  of  the  boys  at  breakfast,  and 
sometimes  there  would  be  a  few  sleepy  laggards.  One 
morning  a  whole  roomful  of  boys,  five  or  six  of  them, 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  71 

failed  to  appear.  Mr.  Elaine  quietly  walked  upstairs  and 
locked  them  in.  The  boys  had  a  screw-driver  and  they  un- 
fastened the  lock  ;  but  by  the  time  they  reached  the  break- 
fast-room the  tables  had  been  cleared.  The  next  .morning 
they  rose  in  time  for  breakfast,  and  attended  classes,  and 
the  little  rebellion  was  over. 

"Mr.  Elaine  taught  mathematics,  in  which  he  excelled,  and 
in  the  higher  branches.  His  wife  was  universally  beloved  and 
often  read  aloud  to  the  piipils.  When  he  went  away  to  be- 
come editor  of  the  Kennebec  Journal,  we  felt  that  we  had 
lost  a  man  of  large  parts,  and  we  have  watched  his  upward 
career  with  great  interest.  Yes,  indeed,  we're  all  for 
Elaine  here.  He  has  called  here  a  number  of  times  when 
he  stopped  in  the  city  on  his  way  to  and  from  Washington. 
The  last  time  he  was  here  he  heard  with  great  interest  of 
the  progress  of  D.  D.  Wood,  the  blind  organist  of  St. 
Stephen's  Church,  who  was  one  of  his  pupils,  and  recalled 
Mr.  Wood's  proficiency  in  mathematics." 

Three  persons  now  holding  positions  in  the  institution, 
Michael  M.  Williams,  William  McMillan  and  Miss  Maria 
Cormany,  were  pupils  under  Mr.  Elaine.  Mr.  Williams 
said  of  him:  "Everybody  loved  Mr.  Elaine  and  his  wife. 
Both  were  always  ready  to  do  anything  for  our  amusement 
in  leisure  hours,  and  we  had  a  great  deal  of  fun,  into  which 
they  entered  heartily.  I  think  that  Mrs.  Elaine  read  near- 
ly all  of  Dickens'  works  aloud  to  us,  and  Mr.  Elaine  used 
to  make  us  roar  with  laughter  by  reading  out  of  a  book  en- 
titled 'Charcoal  Sketches.'  In  the  evenings  he  used  to  sit 
tinder  the  gaslight,  reading  aloud  to  both  the  boys  and  girls. 
Then  we  would  wind  up  with  a  spelling  bee.  Sometimes 
Mr.  Elaine  would  give  out  the  words  and  sometimes  one  of 
the  big  boys  would  do  it,  while  Mr.  Elaine  stood  up  among 
the  boys.  Then  we  would  have  great  fun  trying  to  'spell 
the  teacher  down.' " 


72  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Removal  to  Maine. — Beginning  of  his  Editorial  Career. — His  Po- 
litical Position. — The  Kennebec  Journal. — Leading  Thought 
Concerning  the  Organization  of  the  Republican  Party. — State 
Issues. — Slavery. — Wise  Sayings. — Drawn  into  Local  Politics. 

In  1854  Elaine  moved  to  Augusta,  Maine,  the  former 
home  of  his  wife,  and  having  an  opportunity  given  him  to 
enter  into  editorial- work,  he  quickly  and  eagerly  availed 
himself  of  it.  Joseph  Baker,  a  lawyer  of  Augusta,  desired 
a  partner  in  the  purchase  and  management  of  the  Kennebec 
Journal,  a  weekly  newspaper,  published  at  Augusta,  with 
tri-weekly  editions  during  the  sessions  of  the  Maine  Legis- 
lature. In  Elaine  a  suitable  business  associate  was  found, 
and  the  name  of  "Baker  &  Elaine"  appeared  at  the  head  of 
the  columns.  At  that  time  Elaine's  influence  and  ability 
entered  the  high  road  to  fame  and  greatness.  New  ambi- 
tions and  new  hopes  dawned  for  him.  The  latent  powers 
of  his  mind  and  character,  which  awaited  such  an  occasion 
to  display  themselves,  then  began  to  be  seen  and  understood. 
It  is  the  almost  universal  verdict  of  journalists,  who  have 
had  experience  in  both  fields,  that  it  is  far  more  difficult, 
and  requires  far  more  ability  to  successfully  conduct  a  coun- 
try paper,  or  one  in  a  small  city,  than  to  manage  one  in 
some  great  metropolitan  center.  The  eccentric,  independ- 
ent, intelligent  people  in  a  New  England  village,  will  criti- 
cise with  less  mercy,  and  more  accuracy,  than  the  wealthy 
subscribers  of  a  city,  who  read  in  haste,  and  have  no  care 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  73 

for  grammatical  errors  or  minor  discrepancies  of  statement. 
The  editor  and  preacher  who  can  successfully  stem  the  cur- 
rent in  a  New  England  village,  will  have  no  trouble  to  win 
his  way  in  the  city.  In  the  country  towns  there  are  only  so 
many  constituents,  and  one  must  satisfy  them  all  to  pay  his 
way  on  their  patronage,  while  in  the  city  any  man  of  de- 
cided opinions,  or  harsh  eccentricities,  will  call  to  himself 
like  a  magnet,  out  of  the  thousands,  all  who  have  an  affinity 
for  him.  Men  could  succeed  politically  and  socially  in  New 
York  or  London,  who  would  make  a  miserable  failure  in 
Augusta. 

Elaine  was  personally  known  to  every  man  in  the  city 
before  he  had  been  in  the  editorial  chair  for  a  week.  The 
editorials  and  news  of  his  paper  would  be  the  subject  of  talk 
in  the  shops,  the  drawing-rooms,  the  schools, and  the  sewing- 
circles.  His  editorials  must  be  very  brief,  and,  if  b£  any 
use,  must  be  directly  to  the  point.  If  he  misquoted,  or  mis- 
stated, or  lacked  good  judgment,  or  fairness,  he  would  be 
mercilessly  ridiculed  in  the  social  gatherings,  and  facetiously 
lampooned  on  the  streets.  If  he  should  be  lazy,  or  discour- 
teous, social  ostracism  and  financial  ruin  inevitably  follow. 

It  is  a  most  interesting  study  to  look  back  over  the  files 
of  Elaine's  paper,  and  mark  how,  day  by  day,  he  developed 
from  an  unknown  stranger,  and  unsophisticated  youth,  into 
the  strong  writer  and  able  thinker.  Until  then  all  his  pow- 
ers were  kept  in  abeyance. 

Selections  of  the  following  paragraphs  from  his  early 
editorials  and  reports  will  show  the  bent  of  his  genius. 

Speaking  of  the  organization  of  the  Legislature  of  Maine, 
in  1855,  he  said  : 

"Thus  is  the  great  Republican  party  of  Maine  fairly  in- 
augurated into  power  in  the  Legislative  departments  of  the 
State,  with  a  popular  good  will,  a  prestige  of  success,  and 
the  elements  of  permanancy  such  as  no  party  has  had  since 


74  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

the  birth  of  our  State.  Long  may  it  live  to  protect  our 
interests,  develop  our  resources,  and  under  all  circum- 
stances  dare  to  do  right,  and  trust  the  consequences  to  Infinite 
Wisdom.  Let  it  be  not  merely  the  inauguration  of  a  new 
party,  but  the  exhaltation  of  principle  above  party,  and  the 
embodiment  of  honesty  into  the  administration  of  the  State. 
Then  will  the  honest  and  good  of  all  classes  rally  around  it, 
rejoice  in  it  and  perpetuate  it." 

In  one  place  an  unjust  and  foolish  judge  is  said  to  have 
charged  the  Grand  Jury  of  honest  men,  that  they  ought  to 
indite  some  men  of  the  opposite  political  party  for  holding 
secret  meetings,  whereupon  Blaine  quaintly  remarks  :  "The 
Grand  Jury  listened  to  the  judge  with  profound  attention, 
and  responded,  ahem  !" 

"There  might  be  some  reason  in  the  counsel  to  compro- 
mise where  the  issue  is  not  one  of  morals,  or  is  doubtful  and 
undefined,  but  when  asked  to  compromise  with  an  undis- 
guised, open,  hideous  wrong  like  slavery  !  Never." 

"Ought  a  nation,  in  strict  justice,  to  be  measured  by  a 
moral  standard  different  from  that  which  determines  the 
character  of  a  man  ?" 

"All  arrows  dipped  in  bad  rum  or  the  poison  of  slander 
will  fall  powerless  at  the  moral  man's  feet." 

"In  the  old  country,  it  is  said,  everybody  is  trying  to  find 
o'ut  what  his  ancestors  were  by  birth,  instead  of  what  he 
himself  is  by  nature.  This  is  certainly  the  fittest  way  pos- 
sible to  make  a  fool  of  any  man  who  has  not  had  the  mis- 
fortune to  be  born  one." 

"Slavery  is  sectional  and  temporary,  freedom  is  national 
and  universal." 

"Always  revert  to  the  plain  facts,  and  view  them  separate 
from  all  party  and  sectional  influences." 

One  or  two  items  like  the  following  extract  show  that 
Blaine  had  to  meet  the  usual  local  prejudice  against  "Car- 
petbaggers." 

"In  reply  to  the  Collector's  fierce  onslaught  upon  our- 


Ki.NXKHEC    JOURNAL   OFFICE.       BLAIKE,    EDITOR,    1854 — 1857. 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  77 

selves,  we  have  not  a  word  to  offer.  We  bow  our  heads, 
overcome.  The  charge  of  being  'an  imported  Federalist 
from  a  distant  State,'  is  so  grave,  so  overwhelming  that  we 
are  crushed  ;  our  spirit  is  gone  ;  anything  else  we  could 
have  endured  but  to  have  it  said  that  we  are  a  'Federalist,' 
aye,  and  an  'imported'  one  ;  and  imported,  too,  from  a  'dis- 
tant' State,  is  so  cruel,  so  severe,  that  we  have  no  courage 
left!!" 

"Treat  your  farm  and  your  cattle  honestly,  and  you  will 
soon  see  that  'honesty  is  the  best  policy'." 

"A  nation  is  a  home  in  theory.  We  are  brethren.  Re- 
buking a  brother  sincerely  ought  not  to  diminish  love,  no 
matter  to  what  party  he  belongs." 

Speaking  of  the  rumors  of  filibustering  expeditions  to 
seize  and  occupy  various  States  of  Central  America,  he 
said : 

"It  requires  no  sagacity  to  see  the  origin,  cause  and  de- 
sign of  this  movement.  It  is  nothing  more  and  nothing  less 
than  planting  the  seeds  of  slavery  in  a  congenial  climate, 
where,  when  they  are  duly  ripened,  sundry  slave  States  may 
be  formed,  which  in  due  time  shall  seek  annexation  to  our 
government,  and  have  their  petition  enforced  by  the  present 
Southern  States  under  the  threat  of  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union." 

In  1855,  Anson  P.  Morrill  was  chosen  Governor  by  the 
Legislature.  The  Maine  Law  was  the  issue,  and  the  Jour- 
nal was  its  defender. 

"We  beg  to  say  that  the  anti-slavery  sentiments,  which, 
from  our  earliest  youth,  we  imbibed  in  our  native  Pennsyl- 
vania,— the  first  of  the  'old  thirteen,' — to  abolish  slavery, 
were  deepened  and  strengthened  by  a  residence  among  slave- 
holders ;  and  that  nowhere,  either  on  slave  soil,  or  on  free 
soil,  have  we  expressed  other  feelings  than  those  of  decided 
hostility  to  the  extension  of  the  withering  curse."  *  *  * 

"The  Southerners  despise  a  Northern  traitor  ;  and  all  or- 
ganists and  apologists  of  dough-facery ,  after  earning  the 


78  THE    LIFE    AXD    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

contempt  of  freemen  at  home,  have  only  for  consolation  the 
kicks  and  cuffs  of  their  Southern  masters." 

Speaking  of  the  proposition  to  carry  slavery  into  free 
Kansas : 

"Let  not  the  fatal  spirit  of  compromise  induce  us  to  ac- 
quiesce in  past  wrongs,  because  of  some  promised  advan- 
tage and  security  in  future.  'Compromise  with  Slavery'  is 
but  another  phase  of  'Sacrifice  of  Liberty  ;'  and  in  the  past 
we  have  had  enough,  and  more,  of  that." 

Speaking  of  the  outcome  of  the  Republican  State  Con- 
vention in  1855  : 

"The  doctrines  of  the  resolutions  may  strongly  resemble 
the  Whig  doctrines  of  the  American  Revolution.  They  may 
be  like  the  Democratic  ideas  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  They 
express  the  principles  and  the  settled  determination  of  the 
Republicans  of  Maine." 

"The  Republican  party  can  well  sustain  the  loss  of  the 
vote  of  any  man  who  is  willing,  directly  or  indirectly,  to 
endorse  the  administration  of  President  Pierce,  with  all  its 
measures  of  infamy." 

"The  only  reliable  allies  the  slaveholders  have  in  this* 
State  are  the  Pierce  and  Douglas  Democrats,  the  broken 
and  demoralized  remnants  of  that  once  proud  and  dominant 
party  which  endorsed  the  Wilmot  proviso  in  1847,  the  flow- 
er of  which  has,  by  principles,  courage  and  numbers,  done 
so  much  to  form  the  strong  and  determined  Republican  party 
of  the  State,  which  is  pledged  to  stand  by  the  interests  of 
liberty  and  the  Union." 

"We  make  it  as  a  sober  and  well-considered  statement, 
that  our  country  is  to-day  in  greater  peril  by  elements  ami 
agencies  within  her  borders,  than  at  the  commencement  of 
the  Revolution  by  the  plans  of  the  British  ministry  and  the 
power  of  British  arms.  It  requires  no  prophet  to  decide 
that  the  aggressions  of  the  slave  power  are  more  dangerous 
to  the  freedom  and  progress  of  the  American  people,  than 
the  threatened  despotism  of  England  in  1775.  And  what 
is  the  most  melancholy  and  shameful,  these  aggressions  have 


OF    JAMES    G.    15LAINE.  79 

been  invited  and  vastly  strengthened   by  the  treachery  and 
cowardice  of  men  living  in  the  Free  States." 

"There  never  existed  in  the  State  of  Maine  such  a  power- 
ful political  organization  as  the  Republican  party  is  to-day. 
They  have  shown  their  mettle  in  a  contest  where  the  fire 
raged  fiercely,  and  they  have  come  out  with  banners  flying 
and  with  words  of  good  cheer  from  more  than  50,000  men. 
Such  a  result  ought  not  to  be  called  a  defeat ;  it  is  rather  a 
glorious  triumph,  and  the  sure  presage  of  future  and  con- 
tinued victories.  If  any  Republican  in  the  whole  State  feels 
the  least  discouraged,  he  is  not  a  worthy  soldier  in  the 
cause." 

"The  Republican  party  is  the  only  true  National  party. 
Its  platform  is  the  only  ground  upon  which  the  friends  of 
the  Union  can  stand.  Its  fast-gathering  strength  is  to  be 
the  bulwark  of  the  Union  against  the  dangers  that  thicken 
around  its  future.  It  is  the  only  breakwater  against  the 
black  tide  of  despotism  that  threatens  to  spread  over  the 
whole  country.  It  calls  on  the  nation  to  return  to  the  policy, 
the  principles,  and  the  maxims  of  the  statesmen  who  won 
our  liberties,  reared  the  fabric  of  our  government,  and  gave 
its  first  direction.  Its  principles  are  broad  as  the  Union.  It 
demands  national  men,  national  measures,  and  is  the  only 
truly  national  party  that  has  the  prospect  of  carrying  the 
country  against  the  sectional,  dangerous  and  corrupt,  political 
organization  that  now  controls  the  country,  to  the  disgrace 
of  the  American  name  throughout  the  civilized  world." 

He  had  many  strong  editorials  in  opposition  to  the  de- 
lusion of  squatter  sovereignty,  pleading  that  this  is  a  nation, 
and  not  a  confederation  of  States,  held  together  by  a  rope 
of  sand. 

At  near  the  close  of  1855,  he  wrote  : 

"The  deepening  cry  from  all  quarters  is,  that  the  White 
House  must  be  cleansed,  and  all  the  channels  to  and  from 
the  same  thoroughly  renovated.  The  march  of  slavery 
must  be  stopped,  or  the  nation  is  lost.  Only  by  the  firm 
ind  practical  union  of  all  true  men  in  the  nation  can  its 
most  valuable  interests  be  preserved.  This  great  question 


80  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

(the  extension  of  human  bondage),  which  gathers  around 
the  gateway  of  the  Northwest,  cannot  be  postponed ;  it 
presses  for  decision  now.  Other  issues  may  be  safely  de- 
ferred, without  loss,  but  the  questions  raised  by  the  Mis- 
souri Prohibition  cannot  be  deferred.  It  is  often  the  case 
with  nations,  as  with  individuals,  that  events  of  the.  most 
weighty  and  lasting  consequences  converge  on  a  single  point, 
which  cannot  be  neglected  without  final  loss,  beyond  the 
hope  of  recovery.  We  have  approached  twelve  on  the  dial 
of  time,  beyond  which  it  must  not  pass  before  the  right 
course  of  action  is  taken,  or  the  result  of  delay  is  fatal 
through  long  years.  He  is  a  puerile  trifler,  a  sneaking 
dough-face,  or  a  traitor  to  his  country,  who  wishes  to  divide 
or  distract  the  public  mind  with  other  political  topics  and 
designs,  when  there  is  the  most  pressing  need  that  the  true 
men  of  the  nation  should  unite  to  take  right  and  sure  action 
on  what  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  Union." 

Of  an  absurd  inauguration  prayer  in  1856,  he  wrote  : 

"Edward  Everett,  as  every  one  knows,  made  the  best 
prayer  ever  offered  to  a  Boston  audience;  and -the  inaugu- 
ration prayer  is  pronounced  by  all  to  be  incomparably  the 
best  ever  addressed  to  the  Senate  of  Maine." 

In  speaking  of  the  re-election  of  B.  F.  Wade  to  the 
United  States  Senate,  he  says  : 

"Mr.  Wade's  re-election  is  his  thorough  vindication 
against  the  puerile  slanders  and  falsehoods  uttered  last  fall 
by  a  reckless  and  mercenary  press,  that  he  is  unfriendly  to 
the  Union.  The  great  State  of  Ohio,  binding  together  the 
Union  with  strong  chains  of  interest  and  patriotism,  lying 
alongside  the  States  of  slavery,  as  loyal  as  any  of  her  sister 
States,  reports  in  the  popular  branch  of  its  government 
unanimously  against  a  petition  for  dissolution,  and  shows  her 
devotion  to  freedom  and  the  national  unity  in  electing  by  a  vote 
of  nearly  three  to  one,  a  man  who  stands  firmly  in  defense 
of  the  North  when  her  institutions  are  assailed  by  the  ag- 
gressions of  slavery.  Let  this  course  be  followed  up  by 
the  people,  that  the  boldest  and  most  unshrinking  are  to  be 
most  sustained,  and  cowardice,  and  flunkeyism  will  go  down 
at  once  in  the  political  market.  While  all  haste  and  im- 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  81 

prudence  should  be  avoided,  nothing  is  clearer  than  that 
timidity  and  weakness  operate  as  the  miasma  of  death  toagreat 
moral  movement,  as  the  cause  of  freedom  lias  become  before 
the  American  people.  It  is  an  encouraging  fact  that  the  Re- 
publican party  is  bringing  to  its  fold  the  choicest  and  ablest 
spirits  of  the  country,  and  if  it  will  not  shrink,  nor  com- 
promise its  principles  and  true  position,  is  sure  to  become 
the  dominant  and  truly  conservative  party  of  the  Union." 

On  the  address  to  remove  Judge  Davis  from  the  Supreme 
Judicial  court : 

"The  Coalitionists  have  settled  it  in  a  party  caucus  that 
Judye  Davis  must  go  off  the  bench,  and  they  are  as  incapa- 
ble of  giving  him  a  fair  trial  as  are  bribed  jurors  to  do  justice 
to  two  parties.  No  matter  what  evidence  may  be  submit- 
ted to  exculpate  Judge  Davis  from  the  charges  laid  against 
him  ;  no  matter  how  clearly  learned  counsel  may  demon- 
strate that  his  removal  would  be  a  violation  of  the  spirit  of 
the  constitution  and  a  precedent  of  a  dangerous  and  alarm- 
ing character ;  no  matter  what  may  be  done,  or  what  may 
be  said,  what  may  be  proved,  or  what  may  be  disproved, 
Judge  Davis  must  go  off  the  bench.  King  Caucus  that  om- 
nipotent monarch  in  drilled  party  organizations,  has  decreed 
it,  and  his  obedient  subjects  must  enforce  the  edict.  A 
formal  trial  is  to  be  held,  but  in  reality  it  is  a  sham  and  a 
mockery." 

Between  the  two  champions  of  Republicanism  in  Maine, 
Lot  M.  Morrill  and  Hannibal  Hamlin,  there  was  in  1857, 
a  rivalry  for  senatorial  honors.  Mr.  Hamlin,  who  had  been 
elected  Governor  the  previous  fall,  was  chosen  ;  Mr.  Blaine 
having  espoused  his  cause.  In  an  editorial  on  his  elec- 
tion Mr.  Blaine  said : 

"The  great  error  of  the  Northern  States  has  uniformly 
been,  that  they  fail  to  continue  their  Senators  and  Repre- 
sentatives in  Congress,  for  a  sufficiently  long  period,  to  be- 
come thoroughly  conversant  with  legislative  proceedings  and 
to  build  up  that  personal  influence  and  weight  which  avail 
so  much  in  the  defeat  or  success  of  every  measure  that 
comes  before  Congress." 


82  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Judge  Davis  had  been  removed  from  the  Supreme  Bench 
for  purely  political  reasons,  by  Samuel  Wells,  Democratic 
Governor.  The  columns  of  Mr.  Elaine's  paper  teemed 
with  the  defense  of  the  purity  of  the  Judiciary  and,  indeed, 
made  it  one  of  the  issues  that  insured  the  Republican  suc- 
cess. Speaking  of  Judge  Davis'  removal,  Mr.  Elaine  said  : 

"The  whole  proceedings,  from  its  inception  to  its  close, 
was  a  bold  and  reckless  piece  of  political  crime,  which  made 
a  deep  stain  on  the  history  of  the  State.  It  was  an  attack 
on  the  independence  of  the  Judiciary,  of  the  most  dangerous 
and  pernicious  tendency." 

When  the  decision  of  the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court  on  the 
Dred  Scott  case  was  announced,  Elaine  wrote  : 

"Whither  do  all  these  things  tend?  Are  we  to  be  a  per- 
manently subdued  people?  We  can  but  regard  them  as  the 
last  turns  to  the  screws  of  despotism,  that  presage  the 
mighty  uprising  and  triumph  of  the  people.  Slavery  has 
got  to  the  farthest  limits,  of  its  power  and  aggression. 
Henceforth  it  must  lose  in  the  great  contest  which  it  is 
waging  against  freedom.  The  day  of  truce  has  gone  by  ; 
the  slaveholders  have  left  the  freemen  of  the  nation  no  other 
resort  but  revolution — a  revolution,  if  slavery  wills  it  to  be 
no  other,  only  through  the  peaceful  agencies  of  the  press, 
of  public  opinion,  of  religion,  and  of  the  ballot  box.  These 
aided  by  time,  and  the  increase  of  free  population,  at  no 
distant  day,  will  give  us  every  department  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  regain  to  national  freedom,  what  has  been  lost 
by  Southern  cupidity  and  Northern  treason." 

Of  course  his  active  promotion  of  the  interests  of  the  Re- 
publican party  and  his  zeal  in  its  primitive  organization 
called  its  attention  to  him.  Being  editor  of  the  leading 
journal,  and  published  also  at  the  capital  of  the  State,  the 
Republican  Legislature  made  it  the  official  organ  of  the 
State,  and  the  party  cheerfully  accepted  its  leadership. 

His  personal  appearance  and  manners  were  so  agreeable 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  83 

and  popular  that  he  was  almost  always  nominated  by  some 
friend  for  any  important  party  office  which  the  caucus  or 
convention  met  to  fill.  Nearly  all  these  he  declined.  He 
did  take,  after  much  pressure  from  friends,  the  place  of  del- 
egate to  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1856,  which 
nominated  Freemont  and  Dayton,  for  President  and  Vice 
President. 


84  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Sale  of  the  Kennebec  Journal. — The  Portland  Advertiser. — His 
Neighbor's  Story  of  his  First  Candidacy. — His  First  Speech- 
es.— Defends  Augusta. — Domestic  Nature. — His  Manner  of 
Conversation. — His  Generous  Donations. — Joins  the  Congre- 
gational Church. — Mission  Work  among  the  Lowly. — The  old 
Stanwood  Homestead. — Saving  the  Falling. — Habits  as  an 
Editor. — Dealings  with  his  Enemies. — Workman's  Story. 

Elaine  disposed  of  his  interest  in  the  Kennebec  Journal 
Oct.  9th,  1857,  to  John  S.  Sayward,  of  Bangor,  Maine, 
and  took  a  more  remunerative  and  influential  position  on 
the  Portland  Daily  Advertiser. 

But  his  three  years  of  editorial  life,  notwithstanding  his 
decided  political  opinions,  were  years  of  accumulation,  both 
in  friends  and  property.  He  was  moral,  economical,  gener- 
ous, and  industrious.  Faithful  friends  took  him  into  their 
confidence,  and  as  a  citizen  and  social  companion,  he  was 
welcome  to  every  fireside.  The  best  test  of  any  man's 
character  is  the  estimation  of  him  among  his  neighbors 
whose  intercourse  with  him  is  a  daily  matter,  and  it  would 
be  unwise  in  writing  history  to  overlook  that  important 
source  of  trustworthy  information. 

One  of  Mr.  Elaine's  neighbors  in  Augusta,  a  man  highly 
respected  and  holding  a  local  official  position  of  great 
responsibility,  wrote  some  incidents  of  Mr.  Elaine's  life 
which  apply  so  largely  to  the  period  of  his  life  as  an  editor, 
that  we  insert  them  entire  : 

"Mr.  Elaine  first  entered  political  life  in   1858,  as  rep- 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  85 

resentative  in  the  Legislature  from  Augusta,  at  the  age  of- 
twenty-eight  years,  the  people  here  early  recognizing  his  abil- 
ity as  a  leader.  He  entered  this  with  great  timidity,  and 
hesitation.  One  of  the  leaders  of  the  party  often  related  how 
the  future  great  man  one  evening  took  him  by  the  arm, 
and  they  walked  the  retired  streets  of  the  city  con- 
sulting in  regard  to  his  candidacy,  Mr.  Elaine  expressing 
great  hesitancy  in  accepting  the  position  so  clearly  marked 
out  by  his  fellow-citizens.  This  is  characteristic  of  the 
man.  Although  impetuous  in  nature,  courageous  and  fear- 
less, he  was  always  extremely  cautious  in  choosing  his  po- 
sition. After  being  selected,  he  was  not  to  be  driven  from  it. 

"His  fame  as  a  debater,  which  culminated  on  the  floor  of 
Congress,  began  in  the  Maine  House.  His  newspaper  ex- 
perience gave  him  the  valuable  and  ever  available  power  of 
conciseness  of  thought.  He  never  made  a  speech  too 
long  to  be  read,  and  never  spoke  longer  than  the  people 
wanted  to  hear  him. 

"His  first,  great  triumph  in  debate  was  won  on  the 
floor  of  the  Maine  House,  in  the  winter  of  1862,  with 
Hon.  E.  K.  Smart,  of  Camden,  on  a  national  question, 
when  he  held  up  Smart's  Congressional  career  to  show 
his  wavering  position.  Many  to  this  day  who  witnessed 
the  remarkable  scene,  will  remember  the  black  book  of 
fate  (the  Congressional  Record),  which  Elaine  held  up 
to  Smart's  blanched  face,  and  from  which  he  quoted  at 
will.  From  that  beginning  Elaine  became  the  leader  of  his 
party  in  Maine,  as  Smart,  who  was  afterwards  Democractic 
candidate  for  Governor,  and  took  the  stump  in  his  own 
behalf,  had  abundant  reason  to  know. 

"When  Augusta  Avas  struggling  to  increase  her  population 
by  adding  to  her  manufactures,  the  issue  was  squarely  made 
between  the  friends  of  progress,  represented  by  the  Repub- 
lican party,  and  those  who  desired  to  keep  Augusta  a  way- 
station,  Mr.  Elaine's  powers  were  enlisted  at  once,  as  they 
could  always  be  depended  upon  in  a  local  emergency.  At 
one  of  the  largest  meetings  ever  held  at  Granite  Hall,  he 
delivered  a  speech,  burdened  with  statistics,  showing  great 
familiarity  with  the  city's  finances  and  entire  municipal  af- 
fairs, as  well  as  familiarity  with  the  success  of  manufactures 
elsewhere. 


86  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

"That  speech,  so  full  of  statistical  matter,  was  prepared 
the  day  previous,  the  original  manuscript  put  into  the  prin- 
ter's hands  for  'copy,'  and  the  speech  delivered  entirely 
from  memory.  He  has  often  told  me  that  a  figure,  or  clus- 
ter of  figures,  fixed  in  his  mind,  are  there  forever.  It  is 
needless  to  say,  this  measure  was  carried. 

"This  very  last  season  the  question  came  up  whether  a 
fixed  valuation  should  be  placed  upon  the  property  of  the 
largest  manufacturing  company  in  our  midst — the  real  issue 
being,  whether  a  liberal  policy  should  continue  it  here,  or  a 
penurious  one  drive  it  away.  Mr.  Blaine  was  at  home  rent- 
ing. The  hearts  of  the  people  again  turned  towards  him  in 
a  contest  that  appeared  extremely  close,  and  which  greatly 
excited  the  people.  Attention  to  national  affairs  had  not 
disengaged  his  mind  from  local  interests,  and  in  a  speech 
which  fairly  electrified  the  vast  audience,  he  carried  his 
point,  and  saved  to  the  city  its  controlling  manufacturing 
interest. 

".Mr.  Elaine's  popularity  in  Augusta  is  not  altogether  be- 
cause of  his  National  reputation,  but  of  his  real,  practical 
work  and  usefulness  as  a  citizen.  He  has  bridged  over 
many  difficulties  with  his  great  ability. 

"Mr.  Blaine  delights  in  the  excitement  attending  a  politi- 
cal campaign.  Although  drawing  large  audiences  wherever 
he  goes,  as  the  people  know  that  'Blaine  always  says  some- 
thing,' he  is  most  successful  in  the  actual  planning  of  a  cam- 
paign, and  setting  others  to  work.  But  he  is  most  happy  on 
the  stump,  without  being  embarrassed  with  the  details  of  a 
canvass.  Have  often  heard  him  say,  'When  I  take  the 
stump  I  immediately  begin  to  gain  in  flesh,  and  strength,  and 
courage.'  He  would  speak  with  the  greatest  ease  twice  a 
day,  and  would  think  nothing  of  riding  across  the  country 
forty  miles  from  one  appointment  to  another.  He  would 
much  rather,  in  these  campaign  tours,  stop  in  some  obscure 
family  mansion  than  at  the  public  house.  Sensible  that  all 
power  in  a  republic  is  lodged  in  the  people,  his  ambition 
was  to  get  as  near  the  people  as  possible.  And  this  he  did 
without  assuming  that  objectionable,  patronizing  air,  so 
common  among  little  great  men.  In  the  cabins  of  the  poor, 
in  the  cottage  of  the  laboring  man,  in  the  workshop,  where 
tr  5  wheels  of  machinery  are  humming,  wherever  man  earns 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  87 

his  daily  bread  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow,  there  Mr.  Elaine 
enters,  and  is  ever  welcome.  Once  seeing  a  person,  and 
conversing  with  him,  the  face  and  form,  the  lineage,  the 
family  history  and  characteristics  of  the  individual  are 
henceforth  impressed  upon  his  mind,  to  be  recalled  at  will 
by  his  great  memory.  'How  did  he  know  me,  and  how 
did  lie  know  events  in  my  life  which  I  myself  have  forgot- 
ten? What  a  wonderful  man  he  is  !'  said  one,  enthusiasti- 
cally turning  away  from  an  interview.  'How  in  the  world 
did  he  know  I  had  a  sister  Mary,  who  married  a  Jones?' 
inquired  another.  This  wonderful  memory  of  faces  and 
family  history  has  been  a  great  help  to  Mr.  Blaine  in  his 
public  career. 

"While  most  engaging  and  fascinating  in  conversation,  he 
always  approaches  a  man  on  the  topic  which  will  most  in- 
terest the  individual  addressed.  On  religious  subjects  he  is 
perfectly  at  home,  with  a  sharply  defined  system  of  belief 
and  profound  knowledge,  showing  deep  research  into  the 
theological  discussions.  Was  it  a  plain  farmer  who  sought 
an  interview?  He  would  go  over  with  him  the  prospects  of 
the  crops,  the  kind  and  amount  of  fertilizers  used,  the  price 
of  farm  wages,  and  all  the  matters  relating  to  farm  and 
home  industry.  And  so  of  every  occupation  or  profession, 
his  knowledge  being  so  varied  and  general  as  to  enable  him 
to  touch  men  at  the  most  susceptible  points.  A  well-known 
horse  dealer  called  upon  Mr.  Blaine  to  negotiate  the  sale  of 
a  horse.  The  conversation  at  once  turned  upon  horses. 
Mr.  Blaine  gave  the  names  of  all  the  noted  horses,  the  best 
time  they  had  made,  the  track  on  which  it  was  accomplished, 
the  date  of  the  achievement,  and  even  the  name  of  the  driver. 
The  horseman  came  away  thunderstruck.  'Gracious  !'  ex- 
claimed he,  'That  man  knows  everything !'  A  Democrat 
before,  he  ever  afterwards  voted  the  Republican  ticket,  out 
of  pure  admiration  for  Mr.  Blaine. 

"Mr.  Elaine's  gifts  to  charitable  and  benevolent  operations 
have  been  most  liberal,  while  his  contributions  to  the  edu- 
cational funds  of  colleges  and  seminaries  of  learning  have 
been  munificent.  All  he  wanted  to  know  was  how  much 
was  wanted,  and  his  check  was  made  out  immediately.  A 
coi-.ain  doctor  of  divinity,  an  inveterate  beggar,  called  once 
wfcyu  Mr.  B.  was  engaged  in  conversation  with  another 


THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

gentleman.  He  excused  himself,  and  cordially  greeting  the 
doctor  with  an  extended  hand,  inquired  :  'How  large  shall 
the  check  be,  this  time,  doctor?'  He  has  contributed  di- 
rectly to  the  erection  and  support  of  nearly  every  church  in 
the  city.  This  is  certainly  true  of  all  the  church  edifices 
built  during  his  residence  here.  His  purse  strings  are  un- 
tied at  every  appeal.  'How  much  is  needed?'  has  ever 
been  his  inquiry,  and  not  'how  little  will  do?'  His  giving 
has  not  been  confined  to  public  libraries,  schools,  church 
bells,  and  other  public  objects,  but  many  a  widow's  heart, 
and  many  a  desolate  home  has  been  made  to  rejoice  on  ac- 
count of  his  noble  benefactions.  Occasionally  the  report 
of  a  large  gift  would  find  its  way  into  the  newspapers,  but 
those  the  most  appreciated  the  world  never  knew.  But  one 
other  man  in  the  State  has  been  his  equal  in  the  matter  of 
giving — Mr.  Elaine's  much  loved  friend,  ex-Gov.  Abner 
Coburn  of  Skowhegan.  People  have  misjudged  Mr.  Elaine's 
wealth  by  this  very  trait  of  liberal  giving.  Measured  by 
that,  by  the  ordinary  tests,  he  ought  to  have  been  worth 
his  millions  ;  but,  knowing  him  intimately,  it  is  my  opinion 
that  he  never  saw  the  time  when  he  could  count  a  million 
dollars  as  all  his  own. 

"Twenty-seven  years  ago  Mr.  Elaine  became  a  member 
of  the  Congregational  Church  in  this  city,  then  under  the 
pastorate  of  Rev.  Dr.  Webb,  now  of  Boston.  While  a  firm 
believer  in  the  doctrines  of  that  communion,  he  is  broad  and 
liberal  in  his  practices  and  affiliations,  being  willing  to  tol- 
erate even  Bob  Ingersol,  with  a'll  his  vageries.  There  is 
not  the  taint  of  narrow  religious  partizanship  or  bigotry 
about  him.  He  has  the  heart,  and  soul,  and  life  of  an  every-- 
day,  practical  Christian.  He  early  espoused  the  Sunday- 
school  cause.  Nearly  thirty  years  ago,  'Peoples'  Hall'  and 
its  vicinity  was  the  'Devil's  half-acre'  of  Augusta.  It  was 
a  place  where  doubtful  characters  congregated  and  low 
dances  were  held.  The  church  established  there  a  mission 
Sunday-school,  and  Mr.  Elaine  had  a  class  of  men  and 
women  who  had  scarcely  ever  entered  a  church,  and  who 
were  gathered  in  from  the  highways,  and  who  came  in  their 
shirt  sleeves,  some  laying  aside  their  pipes  and  tobacco,  and 
some  having  about  them  the  fumes  of  liquor.  Mr.  Elaine 
would  prepare  himself  for  his  class  with  the  same  care  as  a 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  89 

lawyer  would  prepare  a  case  for  the  courts.  There  was  in- 
spiration and  power  in  his  teaching.  His  exposition  of 
the  Sacred  Word  was  clear,  lucid  and  convincing,  and  he 
led  many  a  miserable  creature  up  from  the  slums  of  their 
daily  thought  and  living  to  the  pure  and  bracing  atmos- 
phere of  a  higher  life.  The  entire  moral  atmosphere  of 
'Peoples'  Hall'  and  its  surroundings  were  changed.  I  met, 
not  long  since,  a  gentleman  who  was  a  member  of  that 
large  Sunday-school  class  of  Mr.  Elaine's,  and,  who  was 
rescued,  by  his  efforts,  from  a  worthless  life.  Said  he:  'Not 
a  day  passes  but  I  bless  the  name  of  Blaine.  The  words 
he  uttered  long  years  ago,  in  that  Sunday-school  class,  ring 
in  my  ears  to-day." 

'kMr.  Blaine  began  housekeeping  in  Augusta  in  the  old- 
fashioned  homestead  on  Green  Street,  under  the  ancestral 
elms,  formerly  owned  by  the  Stanwood  family.  The  house 
was  built  nearly  a  hundred  years  ago.  He  occupied  the  east 
tenement,  of  some  seven  rooms,  and  lived  in  a  very  humble 
and  unostentatious  manner.  One  domestic  attended  to  the 
household  duties,  which  were  always  under  the  personal  su- 
pervision of  Mrs.  Blaine,  who  added  to  her  other  accom- 
plishments that  of  being  an  excellent  housekeeper.  And 
here,  within  the  charmed  circle  of  his  home,  Mr.  Blaine  was 
at  his  very  best.  He  never  undertook  the  slightest  care  or 
responsibility  concerning  the  management  of  household 
affairs  ;  was  always  glad  to  have  some  one  else  assume  that. 
Apprentices  in  the  printing  office  boarded  at  his  house,  and 
he  and  Mrs.  B.  were  to  them  a  father  and  mother  in  all  the 
kindly  relations  and  ministries  expected  from  parents.  One 
young  man,  of  impulsive  temperament,  gave  the  family 
considerable  solicitude,  on  account  of  keeping  late  hours, 
coming  home  habitually  after  the  other  members  of  the  fam- 
ily had  retired  for  the  night,  and  sometimes  under  the  in- 
fluence of  liquor.  Mr.  Blaine  resolved  to  save  that  young 
man  if  possible.  He  didn't  begin  by  trying  to  reform  him 
with  a  club  in  the  side  of  the  head,  but  he  gently  persuaded 
him  into  the  better  way.  Being  himself  a  thoroughly  tem- 
perance man,  not  keeping  in  his  house  even  the  lightest 
wines,  he  could  talk  to  the  young  man  from  the  correct 
moral  standpoint.  He,  who  was  being  led  on  to  ruin,  be- 
came a  man,  and  is  now  one  of  the  most  successful  business 


90  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

men  in  the  State,  and  rejoices  in  every  prospect  of  the  priv- 
ilege of  voting  for  Mr.  Blaine. 

"Mr.  Blaine  had  no  special  room  assigned  as  his  study, 
but  the  dining-room  was  his  editorial-room,  where  the  able 
leaders,  and  sharp  replies  to  contemporaries,  were  written. 
The  meal  over,  and  the  cloth  removed,  Mr.  Blaine  would 
bring  out  his  huge  sheets  of  paper,  and  begin  his  editorials. 
His  handwriting  is  bold  and  pronounced.  He  never  writes 
or  marks  proof  with  a  pencil.  He  never  rewrites,  but  the 
changes  and  interlineations  are  'just  dreadful.'  While 
weaving  the  thread  of  his  article,  he  is  entirely  oblivious  of 
all  that  is  passing  about  him.  He  'thinks  upon  his  feet,' 
pacing  the  floor  before  submitting  his  thoughts  to  paper. 
Very  little  of  his  editorial-work  was  done  at  the  Journal 
office.  When  there,  he  looked  over  the  newspapers,  ex- 
changed cheerful  and  helpful  words  with  the  compositors  at 
the  case,  and,  above  all,  met  his  political  friends,  imbibed 
their  views,  and  replenished  his  material  for  future  editorial- 
work.  The  inside  'form'  of  the  paper  was  never  made 
up  without  his  personal  supervision.  He  would  stand  by 
the  foreman  and  dictate  the  position  of  every  article,  from 
the  leader  down  to  the  most  trivial  three-line  item.  He  -was 
so  greedy  of  space,  and  so  anxious  to  give  his  readers  the 
largest  possible  amount  of  reading,  that  he  frequently  had 
columns  of  matter  left  over. 

"Mr.  Blaine  is  the  most  persistent  and  tireless  worker  I 
ever  knew.  His  ability  to  stand  the  strain  of  intense  work, 
without  apparent  weariness,  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that 
he  is  careful  of  his  diet,  takes  plenty  of  sleep,  and  reasonable 
exercise. 

"Nothing  malignant  about  his  nature.  Absolutely  with- 
out malice.  Will  reward  an  enemy  sooner  than  punish  him. 
If  a  man  should  fight  him  bitterly  to-day,  he  would  be  just 
as  likely  to  do  him  a  favor  to-morrow.  This  has  been  a 
source  of  great  annoyance  to  his  steadfast  friends. 

'  'Had  he  entered  the  pulpit,  instead  of  the  political  arena, 
there  would  not  have  been  his  equal  in  the  profession  in  the 
country.  Had  he  chosen  a  business  life,  his  wealth  would 
have  equaled  that  of  Vanderbilt." 

To  which  may  be  added  this  from  another  neighbor : 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  91 

"A  little  incident  that  I  noticed  fully  illustrates  the  man. 
A  young  man  was  carrying  from  the  chamber  of  the  new 
part  of  his  house,  a  barrel  filled  with  shavings  down  a  lad- 
der (the  stairs  had  not  been  built  then),  the  foot  of  which 
was  obstructed  by  a  lot  of  rubbish,  and  some  boxes  had 
been  so  placed  on  one  side  as  to  make  temporary  steps 
for  the  last  four  or  five  feet.  Mr.  Elaine  was  standing  back 
to  the  ladder  conversing  with  some  one,  when  the  young 
man,  miscalculating  his  position,  instead  of  stepping  on 
one  of  the  boxes  as  he  intended  to,  stepped  square  on  Mr. 
Elaine's  shoulder.  Mr.  Elaine  stood  like  a  soldier  at  his 
post,  and  when  the  fellow  began  to  apologize,  Mr.  Elaine's 
reply  was,  'Oh,  never  mind,  I  never  step  out  from  undc-r 
any  one  who  depends  on  me  for  support.'  But  I  should 
suppose  Mr.  Elaine  had  forgotten  all  about  that  long  ago, 
only  that  he  seems  to  remember  everything  but  his  enemies, 
if  he  ever  had  any." 


92  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Beginning  of  Political  Life. — His  First  Office. — His  Maiden 
Speech. — Election  to  the  Legislature. — His  Great  Diffidence. 
Compelled  to  Speak. — Development  of  Genius. — His  Great 
Speech  on  Confiscation  in  1862. — Opening  Fame  as  a  Nation- 
al Man. 

The  practical  beginning  of  Elaine's  political  career  was 
in  1856,  when  he  was  elected  a  delegate  to  the  Republi- 
can National  Convention,  although  his  name  appears  as 
one  of  the  secretaries  of  a  Republican  mass  meeting  in 
Augusta,  Aug.  22,  1855.  He  was  but  twenty-six  years  of 
age,  still  exceedingly  diffident  and  unable  calmly  to  face  the 
smallest  audience.  It  is  instructive  to  all  and  especially 
encouraging,  to  talented  but  bashful  young  men,  to  read 
an  account  by  an  eye-witness  of  the  reception  given  the  del- 
egation on  their  return  from  the  Convention.  The  writer 
said  that : 

"Among  the  interesting  earlier  incidents  of  Mr.  Elaine's 
political  career,  was  his  election  as  a  delegate  from  the 
third  Congressional  district  to  the  first  Republican  National 
Convention,  in  May,  1856,  which  nominated  Gen.  John  C. 
Freemont  to  the  Presidency.  Upon  his  return  from  the 
convention  a  ratification  meeting  was  held  in  Meonian  Hall, 
Augusta,  and  upon  the  urgent  insistence  of  some  of  his  per- 
sonal friends  he  was  persuaded,  reluctantly,  to  appear  upon 
the  platform  and  make  report  of  the  doings  of  the  Conven- 
tion. This  was  his  first  public  effort.  He  was  then  twenty- 
six  years  of  age.  Although  remarkably  ready  and  easy  of 
speech  and  holding  a  practiced  and  powerful  pen,  he  had  an 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  93 

almost  unconquerable  repugnance  to  letting  his  voice  be 
heard,  except  in  familiar  conversation  where  his  brilliant 
powers  of  statement  and  argument,  his  marvelous  memory 
of  dates  and  events  in  political  history,  and  his  acquaintance 
with,  and  keen  estimate  of  the  public  men  and  parties  of  the 
day,  were  the  delight  and  wonder  of  all  who  listened  to  him. 
The  writer  well  recalls  the  trepidation,  at  once  painful  and 
ludicrous  with  which  he  rose  to  address  the  meeting.  In 
confronting  the  sea  of  faces,  almost  every  one  of  whom  was 
known  to  him,  he  seemed  to  be  struggling  to  master  the  ter- 
ror that  possessed  him.  He  turned  pale  and  red  by  turns, 
and  almost  tottering  to  the  front,  stood  trembling  until  the 
generous  applause  which  welcomed  him  had  died  away, 
when,  by  a  supreme  effort  he  broke  the  spell,  at  first  by  the 
utterance  of  some  hesitating  words  of  greeting  and  thanks, 
and  then  gathering  confidence,  went  on  with  a  speech  which 
stirred  the  audience  as  with  the  sound  of  a  trumpet,  and 
held  all  present  in  breathless  interest  and  attention  to  its 
close.  From  that  moment  Mr.  Blaine  took  rank  among  the 
most  effective  popular  speakers  of  the  day  ;  but  it  may  be 
doubted  if  among  the  many  maturer  efforts  of  his  genius 
and  eloquence  upon  the  political  platform  or  the  legislative 
tribune,  he  has  ever  excited  an  audience  to  a  more  pas- 
sionate enthusiasm  or  left  a  profounder  impression  upon  the 
minds  and  hearts  of  his  hearers. 

It  is  very  pleasant  to  recall  the  fact  that  the  writer,  upon 
the  occasion  referred  to,  in  offering  his  congratulations  to 
the  youthful  debutant,  predicted  for  him  great  success  and 
eminence  in  public  life.  He  must  acknowledge,  however, 
that  it  never  entered  his  prophetic  head,  that  he  should 
himself  live  long  enough  to  have  the  proud  privilege  of  tak- 
ing by  the  hand  again  the  old  friend  of  nearly  a  third  of  a 
century,  now  grown  gray  in  the  love  and  service  of  his 
country — honored  and  exalted  by  her  for  that  love  and  ser- 
vice— and  congratulate  him  upon  his  nomination  to  the 
highest  post  of  public  duty  in  the  gift  of  that  country,  by 
the  great  party  of  which  he  was  one  of  the  fathers  and 
founders." 

In  the  fall  election  of  1858,  Blaine  was  elected  to  the 
lower  House  of  the  Maine  Legislature,  after  the  most  per- 


94  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

sistent  urging  of  his  friends  to  accept  the  nomination.  He 
was  still  unable  to  overcome  his  extreme  trepidation  before 
an  audience  and  his  appearance  during  the  local  canvass 
was  rare  and  his  speeches  exceedingly  brief.  Such  as  he 
did  venture  upon  were  written  out  in  full  and  memorized. 
Committing  to  memory,  however,  with  Mr.  Elaine,  was  a 
very  easy  matter.  His  memory  was  then,  and  ever  has 
been,  a  marvel. 

He  began  his  Legislative  life  modestly  and  quietly.  But 
the  appearance  of  questions  intimately  connected  with  the 
welfare  of  his  constituents,  and  attacks  made  upon  the  party 
he  had  assisted  into  being,  compelled  him  as  a  conscientious 
servant  of  his  people,  to  stand  and  speak.  Such  discipline 
was  all  that  he  needed.  Genius  for  statesmanship  was 
there.  Talents  lay  sleeping  in  his  soul.  To  awaken  them 
was  all  he  required. 

After  he  had  served  one  term  there  was  no  question  with 
any  one  but  that  he  could  be  re-elected  so  long  as  he  wished. 
He  had  an  intelligent,  appreciative,  grateful  constituency. 
They  knew  when  they  were  faithfully  served,  and  he  had 
satisfied  them  wholly. 

Four  times  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature,  and  at  the 
beginning  of  his  third  term  he  was  elected  Speaker  of  the 
Maine  House  of  Representatives  and  re-elected  the  follow- 
ing year.  Those  were  eventful  years  in  the  history  of  the 
Nation  and  State. 

Elaine  was  instinctively  recognized  as  a  leader  and  found 
himself  in  a  most  responsible  position.  As  an  editor 
through  the  summer  months  and  a  legislator  through  the 
winter  his  whole  life  became  centered  on  public  affairs  and 
the  nation's  good. 

In  the  session  of  1862,  when  the  war  and  its  dreadful 
consequences  agitated  the  Nation  beyond  description,  Elaine 
was  Speaker  of  the  House.  But  in  a  committee  of  the 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  95 

whole  he  made  a  speech  which  has  never  been  forgotten, 
and  which  set  him  before  the  people  as  a  National  man  and 
secured  doubtless  his  election  the  next  year  to  Congress. 
The  speech  was  made  iu  reply  to  Mr.  Gould,  of  Thomaston, 
on  the  Confiscation  Resolve,  and  a  full  report  of  it  was 
published  in  all  the  papers  of  that  time.  The  perusal  of  it 
by  the  reader  Avill  give  a  far  better  idea  of  Elaine's  talents 
and  peculiarities  than  any  description  which  might  be  given. 
It  was  delivered  March  7th,  1862. 

The  following  resolutions  were  passed  by  the  Senate  of 
Maine,  on  the  7th  of  February,  1862,  by  yeas  24,  nays  4. 

STATE   OF   MAINE. 
RESOLVES  RELATING  TO  NATIONAL  AFFAIRS. 

Resolved,  That  we  cordially  endorse  the  administration 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  in  the  conduct  of  the  war  against  the 
wicked  and  unnatural  enemies  of  the  Republic,  and  that  in  all 
its  measures  calculated  to  crush  this  rebellion  speedily  and 
finally,  the  administration  is  entitled  to  and  will  receive  the 
unwavering  support  of  the  loyal  people  of  Maine. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress,  by  such  means 
as  will  not  jeopard  the  rights  and  safety  of  the  loyal  people 
of  the  South,  to  provide  for  the  confiscation  of  estates,  real 
and  personal,  of  rebels,  and  for  the  forfeiture  and  liberation 
of  every  slave  claimed  by  any  person  who  shall  continue  in 
arms  against  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  or  who 
shall  in  any  manner  aid  and  abet  the  present  wicked  and  un- 
justifiable rebellion. 

Resolved,  That  in  this  perilous  crisis  of  the  country,  it  is 
the  duty  of  Congress,  in  the  exercise  of  its  constitutional 
power  to  "raise  and  support  armies,"  to  provide  by  law  for 
accepting  the  services  of  all  able-bodied  men  of  whatever 
status,  and  to  employ  these  men  in  such  manner  as  military 
necessity  and  the  safety  of  the  Republic  may  demand. 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  sent  to  the 
Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress  from  this  State, 
and  that  they  be  respectfully  requested  to  use  all  honorable 
means  to  secure  the  passage  of  acts  embodying  their  spirit 
and  substance. 


96  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

The  Resolutions  were  sent  to  the  House  for  concurrence, 
and  were  there  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole. 
On  the  6th  and  7th  of  March,  Mr.  Gould,  of  Thomaston, 
made  an  elaborate  argument  against  them.  At  the  conclu- 
sion of  his  remarks  he  was  replied  to  by  Elaine,  in  the  an- 
nexed speech.  The  Resolutions  were  subsequently  adopted 
by  the  House  in  concurrence  with  the  Senate,  by  yeas  104, 
nays  26. 

Mr.  Chairman :  The  first  hour  of  the  seven  which  the 
gentleman  from  Thomaston  has  consumed  I  shall  pass  over 
with  scarcely  a  comment.  It  was  addressed  almost  exclu- 
sively, and  in  violation  of  parliamentary  rules,  to  personal 
matters  between  himself  and  a  distinguished  citizen  from 
the  same  section,  lately  the  Gubernatorial  Candidate  of  the 
Democratic  party,  and  now  representing  the  County  of 
Knox  in  the  other  branch  of  the  Legislature  (Col.  Smart) . 
With  that  quarrel,  here  or  elsewhere,  it  would  be  unseemly 
for  me  to  meddle,  and  without  intending  disrespect  to  either 
gentleman,  I  may  quote  the  Grub  Street  couplet,  apt  if  not 
elegant,  as  illustrating  my  position  : 

"For  the  matter  of  that  I  don't  care  a  toss  up, 
Whether  Mossup  kicks  Barry  or  Barry  kicks  Mossup." 

And  at  the  game  of  "kicking,"  I  warn  the  gentleman 
from  Thomaston,  from  my  own  past  observation,  that  he 
will  find  the  Senator  from  Knox  quite  as  valiant  an  adver- 
sary as  he  will  care  to  encounter.  Without  further  delay 
on  matters  pei'sonal,  I  proceed  sir,  to  the  discussion  of  what 
I  may  term  the  inestimably  important  question  submitted 
to  the  judgment  of  this  Legislature. 

I  shall  best  make  myself  understood,  and  perhaps  most 
intelligibly  respond  to  the  argument  of  the  gentleman  from 
Thomaston,  by  discussing  the  question  in  its  two  phases  : 
first  as  to  the  power  of  Congress  to  adopt  the  measures 
conceived  in  the  pending  Resolutions  ;  and  secondly  as  to 
the  expediency  of  adopting  them.  And  at  the  very  outset, 
I  find  between  the  gentleman  from  Thomaston  and  myself, 
a  most  radical  difference  as  to  the  "War  Power"  of  the 
Constitution  ;  its  origin,  its  extent,  and  the  authority  which 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  97 

shall  determine  Jts  action,  direct  its  operation,  and  fix 
its  limit.  He  contends,  and  he  spent  some  four  or  five 
hours  in  attempting  to  prove,  that  the  war  power  in  this 
Government  is  lodged  wholly  in  the  Executive,  and  in  de- 
scribing his  almost  endless  authority  he  piled  Ossa  on 
Pelion  until  he  had  made  the  President  under  the  war 
power  perfectly  despotic,  with  all  prerogatives  and  privi- 
leges concentrated  in  his  own  person — and  then  to  end  the 
tragedy  with  a  farce,  with  uplifted  hands  he  reverently 
thanked  God  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  not  an  ambitious 
villain  (like  some  of  his  Democratic  predecessors,  I  pre- 
sume) to  use  this  power,  trample  on  the  liberties  of  the 
nation,  erect  a  throne  for  himself,  and  thus  add  another  to 
the  list  of  usurpers  that  have  disfigured  the  world's  history. 
That  was  precisely  the  line  of  the  gentleman's  logic — first 
stripping  all  the  other  departments  of  their  proper  and  con- 
stitutional power,  heaping  it  all  on  the  President  and  then 
thanking  God  that  the  President  does  not  rule  as  the  ca- 
prices of  tyranny  might  dictate  !  Could  argumentative 
nonsense  go  farther? 

I  dissent  from  these  conclusions  of  the  gentleman.  I  read 
the  Federal  Constitution  differently  !  I  read  in  the  most 
pregnant  and  suggestive  section  of  that  immortal  charter 
that  certain  "powers"  are  declared  to  belong  to  Congress.  I 
read  therein  that  "Congress  shall  have  power"  among  other 
large  grants  of  authority,  "to  provide  for  the  common  de- 
fense ;"  that  it  shall  have  power  "to  declare  war,  grant  let- 
ters of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make  rules  concerning  cap- 
tures on  land  and  water  ;"  that  it  shall  have  power  to  "raise 
and  support  armies,"  to  "provide  and  maintain  a  navy,"  and 
to  "make  rules  for  the  government  of  the  land  and  naval 
forces  ;"  and  as  though  these  powers  were  not  sufficiently 
broad  and  general,  the  section  concludes  in  its  eighteenth 
subdivision,  by  declaring  that  Congress  shall  have  power 
"to  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
carrying  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers  and  all  other 
powers  vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof." 
Mark  that — "in  any  department  or  officer  thereof!" 

Such  are  the  large  grants  of  war  power  made  specifical- 
ly to  Congress  in  the  Federal  Constitution  ;  and  to  show 


98  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

you  that  these  grants  were  understood  to  be  of  indefinite 
extent,  bounded  and  limited  only  by  the  law  of  necessity,  I 
shall  quote  an  authority  which  for  three-quarters  of  a  cen- 
tury has  received  the  undivided  respect  of  the  nation — an 
authority  which  has  been  venerated  and  accepted  by  all  the 
most  eminent  Constitutional  lawyers  of  our  country,  from 
Chief  Justice  Marshall,  the  greatest  of  our  earlier  jurists, 
to  Daniel  Webster,  the  greatest  of  all.  I  refer  to  the  writ- 
ings of  Alexander  Hamilton  in  the  Federalist.  In  the 
twenty-third  number  of  that  great  work,  Mr.  Hamilton  dis- 
cusses the  very  question  at  issue  here  to-day  in  reference  to 
the  power  of  the  government  to  defend  and  preserve  "the 
public  peace  against  internal  convulsions"  as  well  as  "exter- 
nal attacks."  Speaking  of  the  power  to  provide  for  the 
"common  defense"  specifically  declared  in  the  Constitution 
itself,  as  I  have  above  quoted,  "to  be  a  Congressional  pow- 
er," Mr.  Hamilton  says : 

"The  authorities  essential  to  the  care  of  the  common  de- 
fense, are  these  :  to  raise  armies  ;  to  build  and  equip  fleets  ; 
to  prescribe  rules  for  the  government  of  both  ;  to  direct  their 
operations  ;  to  provide  for  their  support.  These  powers 
ought  to  exist  without  limitation  ;  because  it  is  impossible 
to  foresee  or  to  define  the  extent  and  variety  of  national  ex- 
igences, and  the  correspondent  extent  and  variety  of  the 
means  which  may  be  necessary  to  satisfy  them.  The  cir- 
cumstances that  endanger  the  safety  of  nations  are  infinite  ; 
and  for  this  reason,  no  constitutional  shackels  can  wisely  be 
imposed  on  the  power  to  which  the  care  of  it  is  committed. 
This  power  ought  to  be  co-extensive  with  all  the  possible 
combinations  of  such  circumstances,  and  ought  to  be  under 
the  direction  of  the  same  councils  which  are  appointed  to 
preside  over  the  common  defense. 

"This  is  one  of  those  truths  which,  to  a  correct  and  un- 
prejudiced mind,  carries  its  own  evidence  along  with  it ;  and 
may  be  obscured,  but  cannot  be  made  plainer  by  argument 
or  reasoning.  It  rests  upon  axioms,  as  simple  as  they  are 
universal — the  means  ought  to  be  proportioned  to  the  end  ; 
the  persons  from  whose  agency  the  attainment  of  any  end 
is  expected,  ought  to  possess  the  means  by  which  it  is  to  be 
attained. 

.  .   .    And  unless  it  can  be  shown,  that  the  circumstances 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  99 

which  may  affect  the  public  safety,  are  reducible  with  cer- 
tain determinate  limits  ;  unless  the  contrary  of  this  position 
can  be  fairly  and  rationally  disputed,  it  must  be  admitted  as 
a  necessary  consequence  that  there  can  be  no  lii.  itation  of 
that  authority,  which  is  to  provide  for  the  defense  and 
protection  of  the  community,  in  any  matter  essential  to  its 
efficacy." 

The  great  respect  due  to  the  quotation  I  have  just  made, 
comes  in  the  first  place  from  the  eminent  character  of  the 
man  who  wrote  it.  It  gives  an  enhanced  force  from  the 
fact  that  the  author  assisted  in  framing  the  Constitution 
whose  meaning  he  was  so  clearly  expounding ;  and  in  the 
third  place  it  is  of  especial  value  from  the  circumstance  that 
it  was  written  pending  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and 
as  an  inducement  to  the  people  to  ratify  it.  It  is  to  be  noted, 
moreover,  that  Mr.  Hamilton  was  the  acknowledged  leader 
of  the  Federal  party  of  that  day — a  party  accused,  and  per- 
haps justly,  of  wishing  to  vest  all  the  power  possible  in  the 
hands  of  the  President ;  and  yet  this  Prince  of  Federalists 
concedes,  or  rather  I  should  say  specifically  asserts,  that  the 
principles  on  which  any  war  shall  be  conducted,  whether 
against  "internal  convulsions"  or  "external  attack,"  shall 
be  determined  by  Congress. 

And  I  beg  you  further  to  observe,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  at 
the  very  time  Mr.  Hamilton  was  penning  and  publishing  the 
words  I  have  quoted,  Patrick  Henry,  the  leading  spirit  of 
the  Republicans,  who  opposed  the  Federal  Constitution,  and 
who  wellnigh  succeeded  in  defeating  the  adoption  of  that 
instrument  in  Virginia,  stood  up  in  the  Convention  of  that 
State,  and  in  a  speech  of  such  power  as  only  he  could  com- 
mand, grounded  his  opposition  on  the  fact  that  this  large 
grant  of  power  was  made  to  Congress.  And  he  appealed 
with  vehement  warmth  to  the  slaveholding  interests,  then, 
as  now,  so  sensitive  as  to  its  presumed  rights  and  dangers, 
warning  them,  and  bidding  them  remember  that  in  certain 
contingencies  and  exigencies,  "Congress  could  under  the 
war  power  of  the  Constitution,  abolish  slavery  in  all  the 
States." 

We  thus  have,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  contemporaneous  expo- 
sitions of  the  Constitution,  the  expressed  opinions  of  the 
leading  Federalist  and  a  leading  Republican  of  that  era — a 


100  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

leading  supporter  and  a  leading  opponent — both  eminent, 
both  honest,  the  one  supporting,  the  other  opposing,  for  pre- 
cisely the  same  reasons — an  agreement  of  testimony  as 
marked  as  it  is  conclusive. 

At  the  origin  of  our  government,  Mr.  Chairman,  the 
people  were  jealous  of  their  liberties  ;  they  gave  power 
guardedly  and  grudgingly  to  their  rulers  ;  they  were  hostile, 
above  all  things,  to  what  is  termed  the  one-man  power,  and 
you  cannot  but  observe  with  what  peculiar  care  they  provided 
against  the  abuse  of  the  war  power.  For  after  giving  Con- 
gress the  power  "to  declare  war,  and  "to  raise  and  support 
armies,"  they  added  in  the  Constitution  these  remarkable 
and  emphatic  words,  "but  no  appropriation  of  money  to 
that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years,"  which 
is  precisely  the  period  for  which  the  Representatives  in  the 
popular  branch  are  chosen.  Thus,  sir,  this  power  was  not 
given  to  Congress  simply,  but  in  effect  it  was  given  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  ;  the  people  placing  it  where  they 
could  lay  their  hands  directly  upon  it  at  every  biennial  elec- 
tion, and  say  "yes"  or  "no"  to  the  principles  or  policy  of 
any  war.  And  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  this  popular  con- 
trol is  secured  at  every  corner  and  through  every  loophole 
of  the  Constitution  ;  for  not  only  do  the  people  in  their  pri- 
mary capacity,  by  direct  suffrage,  elect  their  Representa- 
tives every  two  years,  but  in  a  case  of  a  vacancy  happening, 
no  power,  save  that  of  the  people  themselves  is  able  to  fill 
it.  If  vacancy  happens  in  the  Senate,  the  Governor  of  a 
State  may  appoint  a  successor  till  the  Legislature  meet, 
but  if  it  occur  "in  the  representation  of  any  State"  the  Con- 
stitution simply  declares  that  the  executive  authority  of  such 
State  "shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancy," 
leaving  to  the  people  directly  the  choice  of  the  Representa- 
tive. It  is  moreover  declared  in  the  Constitution,  "that  all 
bills  for  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives," thus  giving  again  to  popular  control  the  power  of 
the  "purse,"  which  is  superior  to  the  power  of  the  "sword," 
as  without,  the  sword  has  "neither  force  nor  edge."  Talk, 
sir,  as  the  gentleman  from  Thomaston  has,  for  so  many 
hours,  about  the  war  power  being  lodged  exclusively  in  the 
President !  Why  such  an  assertion  is  the  acme  of  nonsense. 
Without  the  assent  of  Congress  there  can  be  no  war,  and 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  101 

Congress  can  stop  the  war  at  any  moment  it  chooses.  With- 
out the  assent  of  Congress,  and  the  supply  of  money  by 
Congress,  your  quartermaster  can  give  you  no  transporta- 
tion ;  your  commissary  cannot  issue  a  ration  ;  your  chief  of 
ordnance  cannot  furnish  a  cartridge  ;  your  paymaster  can- 
not give  a  private  a  single  month's  wages.  As  the  House  of 
Commons,  sir,  in  England  controls  the  aristocratic  Chamber 
of  Lords,  and  holds  in  check  the  power  of  the  Throne,  by 
having  the  exclusive  right  to  originate  "supply  bills,"  so, 
sir,  our  House  of  Representatives,  through  the  right  to  orig- 
inate bills  of  revenue,  causes  the  fresh  and  vigorous  voice 
of  the  people  to  be  heard  against  the  long- tenured  power  of 
Senators  and  the  individual  wishes  of  the  Executive.  And 
in  attempting  to  strip  the  Representative  branch  of  this,  its 
rightful  prerogative,  and  the  thousand  incidental  powers  de- 
rived from  it,  and  through  it,  the  gentleman  from  Thomas- 
ton  has  aimed  to  curtail  the  power  of  the  people,  and  to  give 
to  the  whims  and  preferences  it  may  be,  of  a  single  man, 
what  was  intended  to  be,  and  must  of  right  continue  to  be, 
for  the  arbitrament  and  deliberate  decision  of  the  people  of 
the  entire  nation. 

In  all  that  I  am  thus  maintaining  in  regard  to  the  supreme 
war  power  of  Congress,  I  make  no  conflict  between  that  and 
the  Executive  power,  which  in  war,  as  well  as  in  all  matters 
of  civil  administration,  belongs  to  the  President.  The  ques- 
tion at  issue  between  the  gentleman  from  Thomaston  and 
myself  is  not  whether  the  President  has  power  of  great  mag- 
nitude in  the  conduct  of  a  war,  for  that  I  readily  admit,  or 
rather  I  stoutly  affirm  ;  but  the  point  at  issue  is,  which  is 
superior  in  authority,  Congress  or  the  President?  I  think 
I  have  shown  that  the  Constitution  vests  the  supreme  unlim- 
ited power  in  Congress,  and  that  the  President  must  obey 
the  direction  of  Congress,  as  the  chief  executive  officer  of 
the  nation,  and  at  the  same  time  he  must  be  held  accounta- 
ble for  the  mode  in  which  his  subordinate  officers  execute 
the  trusts  confided  to  them.  There  can  be  no  confusion  of 
ideas  as  to  the  proper  metes  and  bounds  of  this  authority, 
and  I  am  quite  sure  that  this  war  will  progress  to  a  successful 
conclusion,  without  the  conflict  of  authority  under  discus- 
sion being  even  once  practically  developed.  I  need  say  no 
more  on  this  point  than  simply  to  introduce  an  illustration 


102  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

of  how  the  power  of  Congress  is  felt  in  prescribing  rules 
"for  the  government  of  the  land  and  naval  forces."  Until 
quite  recently  many  of  the  commanding  generals  have  been 
in  the  habit  of  returning  fugitive  slaves  that  sought  refuge 
in  their  camps.  Congress  considering  such  a  practice  to  be 
a  scandal  on  our  civilization,  has  just  directed  that  it  shall 
cease,  and  the  President,  as  the  executive  officer  of  the  na- 
tion, is  charged  with  the  enforcement  of  the  will  of  Con- 
gress in  the  premises.  With  that  conclusive  example  of  the 
exercise  of  Congressional  power,  which  I  have  been  dis- 
cussing, I  leave  this  branch  of  the  subject. 

Mr.  Chairman,  upon  an  analysis  of  the  different  positions 
held  by  the  gentleman  from  Thomaston  and  myself,  on  the 
various  questions  suggested  by  the  resolves  under  discus- 
sion, I  find  that  after  proper  elimination  the  points  at  issue 
may  fairly  be  reduced  to  two.  The  first,  as  to  wherein  the 
war  power  of  the  Government  is  lodged,  has  been  examined, 
and  I  have  attempted  to  demonstrate  that  the  Constitution 
vests  it  in  Congress.  I  shall  have  more  to  say  on  this  topic 
as  I  progress  in  my  remarks.  The  other  point  at  issue  has 
reference  to  the  relations  that  noAv  exist  between  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  and  the  so-called  Confederate 
States. 

The  gentleman  from  Thomaston  has  quoted  the  Treason 
clause  of  the  Constitution,  and  has  elaborately  argued  that 
the  armed  rebels  in  the  South  have  still  the  full  right  to  the 
protection  of  property  guaranteed  therein,  and  that  any  con- 
fiscation of  their  property  or  estates  by  any  other  process 
than  is  there  laid  down  would  be  unconstitutional.  I  am 
endeavoring  to  state  the  position  of  the  gentleman  with  en- 
tire candor,  as  I  desire  to  meet  this  argument  throughout  in 
that  spirit.  I  maintain,  sir,  in  opposition  to  this  view,  that 
we  derive  the  right  to  confiscate  the  property  and  liberate 
the  slaves  of  rebels  from  a  totally  different  source.  I  main- 
tain that  to-day  we  are  in  a  state  of  civil  war, — civil  war, 
too,  of  the  most  gigantic  proportions.  And  I  think  it  will 
strike  this  House  as  a  singular  and  most  significant  confes- 
sion of  the  unsoundness  of  the  gentleman's  argument,  that 
to  sustain  his  position  he  had  to  deny  that  we  are  engaged 
in  civil  war  at  all.  He  stated,  much  to  the  amusement  of 
the  House,  I  think,  that  it  was  not  a  civil  war  because  Jeff 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAIXE.  103 

Davis  was  not  seeking  to  wrest  the  Presidential  chair  from 
Abraham  Lincoln,  but  simply  to  carry  off  a  portion  of  the 
Union  in  order  to  form  a  separate  government.  Pray,  sir, 
is  not  Abraham  Lincoln  the  rightful  President  of  the  whole 
country  and  of  all  the  States,  and  is  it  not  interfering  as 
much  with  his  constitutional  prerogative  to  dispute  his  au- 
thority in  Georgia  or  Louisiana  as  it  would  be  to  dispute  it 
in  Maine  or  Pennsylvania  ?  Could  absurdity  go  farther  than 
the  gentleman  has  carried  it  in  taking  this  ridiculous  posi- 
tion ?  Sir,  what  constitutes  a  civil  war  ?  That  is  settled 
by  International  Law ;  and  I  am  but  repeating  a  principal 
familiar  to  every  schoolboy  when  I  read  from  Vattel  the 
following  pertinent  declarations  which  I  venture  to  say  were 
never  disputed  and  never  will  be  by  any  one  except  the  gen- 
tleman from  Thomaston : 

"  When  a  party  is  formed  in  a  State,  tvhich  no  longer 
obeys  the  sovereign,  and  is  of  a  strength  sufficient  to  make 
head  against  him ;  or  when,  in  a  republic,  the  nation  is 
divided  into  two  opposite  factions,  and  both  sides  takes  arms, 
this  is  called  civil  war.  .  .  .  The  sovereign  indeed  never  fails 
to  term  rebels  all  subjects  openly  resisting  him ;  but  when 
these  become  of  strength  sufficient  to  oppose  him,  so  that  he 
finds  himself  compelled  to  make  war  regularly  on  them,  he 
must  be  contented  with  the  term  civil  war." 

And  as  we  are  engaged  in  civil  war  what  is  the  result? 
Why  simply  that  the  contest  must  be  carried  on  as  between 
foreign  parties,  and  on  that  point  I  again  quote  Vattel : 

"  Whenever  a  numerous  party  thinks  it  has  a  right  to  re- 
sist the  sovereign,  and  finds  itself  able  to  declare  that  opinion 
sword  in  hand,  the  loar  is  to  be  carried  on  between  them  in 
the  same  manner  as  between  two  different  nations." 

And  I  maintain,  sir,  that  to-day  we  are  practicing  pre- 
cisely on  that  principle.  On  what  other  ground  do  we  send 
back  thousands  of  traitors  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands, 
as  exchanged  prisoners,  instead  of  indicting,  trying  and 
hanging  them?  On  what  other  ground  are  we  continually 
receiving  and  sending  flags  of  truce  ?  On  what  other  ground 
did  that  arrant  traitor  Howell  Cobb  come  down  only  last 
week  to  Fortress  Monroe  and  hold  a  parley  with  General 
Wool  as  to  a  systematic  exchange  of  prisoners?  On  what 


104  THE   LITE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

other  ground  do  we  blockade  their  ports?  On  what  other 
ground  were  we  compelled,  with  no  little  humiliation,  to 
give  up  Slidell  and  Mason?  On  what  other  ground  did 
President  Lincoln  but  a  few  days  since  order  that  the  scoun- 
drels taken  from  the  piratical  privateers  of  Jeff  Davis 
should  be  removed  from  Moyamensing  Jail  and  treated  as 
prisoners  of  war?  This,  Sir,  was  the  last  as  it  was  the 
greatest  concession,  and  it  leaves  us  to-day  in  the  attitude  of 
practically  conceding,  without  formally  granting,  to  the  so- 
called  Confederate  States  the  same  rights  of  war  that  we 
would  accord  to  any  belligerent  power,  and  I  understand 
the  gentleman  from  Thomaston  to  approve  this  course? 
(Mr.  Gould  nodded  assent.)  And  yet,  Mr.  Chairman, 
while  giving  to  these  armed  traitors  all  these  rights  and  im- 
munities, the  gentleman  tells  you  that  Congress  shall  not 
authorize  the  confiscation  of  the  property  or  the  liberation 
of  the  slaves  of  a  single  rebel  except  by  "due  process  of  law." 
In  other  words,  the  gentleman  gives  to  the  traitors  the  protec- 
tion of  belligerents  outside  or  independent  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  of  loyal  citizens  inside  or  under  the  Constitution 
at  one  and  the  same  time.  And  he  denies  the  right  of  our 
Government  to  proceed  against  them  by  virtue  of  any  rights 
acquired  from  the  belligerent  attitude  of  the  parties,  or  in- 
deed, to  quote  his  exact  words,  in  any  mode  than  by  "due 
process  of  law."  In  other  words,  the  gentleman  gives  every 
advantage  to  the  rebels  and  imposes  every  disability  on  the 
Federal  Government,  and  in  assuming  this  ground  I  charge 
the  gentleman  with  having  advocated  the  cause  of  Jeff 
Davis  just  as  effectually  as  though  he  had  appeared  here  as 
his  avowed  champion  with  a  retainer  in  his  pocket  from  that 
Prince  of  Rebels.  Sir,  I  am  in  favor  of  conducting  this 
contest  effectively  and  honorably  ;  and  I  perceive  and  think 
I  appreciate  the  policy  which  our  government,  however  re- 
luctantly, has  adopted  in  carrying  on  hostilities  with  the 
ordinary  usages  and  principles  of  war.  Indeed,  after  the 
rebellion  assumed  its  collossal  proportions  it  was  quite  im- 
possible to  do  otherwise  without  encountering  numberless 
and  insuperable  embarrassments.  All  that  I  ask,  sir,  is  that 
we  shall  have  as  good  as  we  give,  and  that  since  we  are  forced 
to  treat  these  rebels  as  public  enemies  and  incur  all  the  dis- 
advantages resulting  therefrom,  we  shall  at  least  have  the  cor- 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  105 

responding  advantages  that  logically  pertain  to  our  position, 
and  shall  in  consequence  thereof  exercise  and  enforce  the 
rights  of  war  against  the  so-called  Confederates  so  long  as 
the  state  of  war  continues. 

Of  course  this  position  does  not  imply  that  the  only  rights 
we  have  against  these  rebels  are  those  of  belligerence  or 
war  ;  nor  does  it  exclude  us  from  asserting  the  higher  rights 
of  sovereignty  whenever  they  can  be  made  effective.  By  no 
means.  Even  the  sweeping  quotation  I  have  made  from 
Vattel  is  restricted  by  the  same  writer  in  a  clause  immedi- 
ately following,  to  the  time  during  which  the  war  continues. 
That  celebrated  author  is  careful  to  state,  and  I  quote  his 
exact  language,  that  the  sovereign  authority  "having  con- 
quered the  opposite  party  and  reduced  it  to  sue  for  peace, 
may  except  from  the  amnesty  the  authors  of  the  trouble  and 
the  heads  of  the  party;  may  bring  them  to  a  legal  trial,  and 
on  conviction  punish  them.  So  that  by  the  law  of  nations 
and  the  law  of  common  sense,  we  have  as  against  the  rebels 
the  rights  both  of  belligerence  and  sovereignty — the  latter 
class  of  rights  being  incapable  of  enforcement  at  present, 
and  so  remaining  until  they  are  vindicated  and  re-established 
through  the  rights  and  powers  of  belligerence.  In  addition 
to  the  authority  of  Vattel,  which  I  have  quoted,  I  am  glad 
to  be  able  to  refer  to  a  very  recent  opinion  from  one  of  the 
most  eminent  Constitutional  lawyers  in  New  England,  in 
support  of  my  position.  I  refer  to  a  decision  of  Judge 
Sprague  in  a  recent  prize  case  in  the  U.  S.  District  Court 
in  Boston.  That  eminent  jurist  laid  it  down  as  an  indis- 
putable doctrine  of  law,  that  to-day  we  have  as  against  the 
so-called  Confederate  States  all  the  rights  of  belligerence 
and  sovereignty  too — thus  sustaining  not  only  in  effect,  but 
in  precision  of  language,  the  principles  I  have  quoted  from 
Vattel ;  and  which  I  have  labored  to  establish  as  essential 
to  sound  views  and  conclusions  on  the  important  subject 
under  discussion. 

And  here,  Sir,  in  pursuance  of  the  principles  I  have  enun- 
ciated, I  lay  down  the  proposition  as  broadly  as  my  language 
can  express  it,  that  every  power  and  prerogative  which  the 
Federal  Government  would  rightfully  possess  in  war,  as 
against  England,  France,  Brazil,  Mexico,  or  any  other  for- 
eign power,  it  does  this  day  possess  as  against  the  so-called 


106  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Confederate  States.  And  I  challenge  any  gentleman  suc- 
cessfully to  refute  that  proposition  !  But  the  moment  these 
war  powers  are  carried  to  the  destruction  or  forfeiture  of 
the  property  of  a  rebel,  the  gentleman  from  Thomaston  cries 
out  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  violated  in 
the  section  where  Congress  is  prohibited  forfeiting  property 
"except  during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted"  of  treason. 

I  tell  the  gentleman,  that  the  operation  of  that  clause  of 
the  Constitution  is  one  governing  the  civil  tribunals  of  the 
land,  where  courts  are  in  session,  juries  empaneled,  precepts 
served,  and  the  process  of  law  unobstructed.  If  he  contends 
that  it  is  applicable  to  a  condition  of  things  wherein  the 
civil  power  of  the  Government  has  ceased  to  be  operative 
in  eleven  States,  he  must  contend  by  parity  of  reasoning 
that  every  other  provision  of  the  Constitution  is  equally 
operative,  and  that  the  state  of  belligerence  does  not  super- 
vene with  its  own  well-defined  and  self-protective  laws.  If 
he  takes  this  ground,  and  there  is  none  other  left  him,  I  ask 
him,  and  1  want  an  answer,  whence  is  derived  the  power 
to  blockade  the  ports  of  the  Rebel  States  ? 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  says  expressly  that 
"no  preference  shall  be  given  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over 
those  of  another."  And  yet  directly  in  the  face  of  this  in- 
hibition, a  blockade  of  the  most  rigorous  character  has  been 
instituted  by  which  Charleston,  Savannah,  New  Orleans, 
and  all  other  Southern  ports  are  cut  off  from  all  commerce, 
while  New  York,  Boston,  Portland,  and  all  other  loyal  ports 
are  left  in  the  free  and  unrestricted  enjoyment  of  trade. 
Whence  is  the  power  derived  to  do  this  ?  The  gentleman 
does  not  answer.  Is  it  an  unconstitutional  act  because  in 
apparent  conflict  with  the  letter  of  one  section  of  that  in- 
strument? How  can  the  gentleman  justify  the  act,  other 
than  by  the  war  power  of  the  Government  blockading  the 
ports  of  the  so-called  Confederate  States,  just  as  we  did  the 
ports  of  Mexico  when  at  war  with  that  power? 

I  assert  then,  again  Sir,  that  we  have  as  a  government, 
all  the  rights  of  war  against  the  so-called  Confederate  States 
so  long  as  they  are  in  rebellion,  sword  in  hand,  and  I  assert 
that  this  proposition  is  not  only  unanswered  but  unanswer- 
able. Now,  Sir,  what  are  these  rights?  I  have  no  desire 
to  inflict  upon  this  House  lengthy  readings  from  Vattel,  and 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAIXE.  107 

Grotius,  and  Phillimore,  and  Wheaton,  and  Kent  upon 
points  of  international  law — all  of  which  authors  are  lying 
here  before  me.  I  content  myself  with  asserting  what  will 
not  be  denied,  that  the  right  of  indemnification  from  the 
property  of  the  enemy  for  the  expenses  of  the  war  is  clearly 
recognized  by  all  the  standard  authorities.  You  may  seize 
whatever  is  essential  to  the  support  of  your  army  and  con- 
vert it  to  your  use.  You  may  take  his  horses  and  his 
mules  ;  his  houses  and  his  crops  ;  his  slaves  and  his  depend- 
ents, and  use  them  just  in  such  manner  consistent  with 
humanity  as  may  conduce  to  your  triumph  and  reimburse 
you  for  your  outlays. 

The  gentleman  from  Thomaston  seemed  by  his  remarks 
to  have  a  great  admiration  for  Gen.  Halleck,  and  in  that  I 
most  cordially  sympathize  ;  now  I  should  like  the  gentle- 
man to  tell  me  by  what  particular  provision  of  the  Federal 
Constitution  General  Halleck  has  been  exacting  contribu- 
tions from  Messrs.  A.  B.  and  C.,  leading  secessionists  in 
St.  Louis,  for  the  support  of  Union  men  who  have  been 
driven  from  their  homes  and  hearths  by  the  myrmidons  of 
Price  and  McCulloch?  Does  the  gentleman  pretend  that 
this  money  was  taken  from  these  secessionists  by  "due  pro- 
cess of  law,"  or  was  it  taken  under  the  war  power  which 
Alexander  Hamilton  said  could  have  no  "constitutional 
shackles  whatever?"  Why,  Sir,  if  the  argument  of  the 
gentleman  was  carried  to  its  legitimate  conclusion,  your 
Union  armies  could  not  shoot  a  single  rebel  nor  imprison  a 
single  traitor,  for  the  Constitution  declares  that  "no  person 
shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due 
process  of  law."  To  assume  the  ground  of  the  gentleman 
from  Thomaston  with  its  legitimate  sequences,  is  practically 
to  give  up  the  contest.  For  he  tells  you,  and  he  certainly 
repeated  it  a  score  of  times,  that  you  cannot  deprive  these 
rebels  of  their  property  except  "by  due  process  of  law, "and 
at  the  same  time  he  confesses  that  within  the  rebel  territory 
it  is  impossible  to  serve  any  precept  or  enforce  any  verdict. 
He  at  the  same  time  declares  that  we  have  not  belligerent 
rights  because  the  contest  is  not  a  civil  war.  Pray  what 
kind  of  a  war  is  it  ?  The  gentleman  acknowledges  that  the 
rebels  are  traitors,  and  if  so  they  must  be  engaged  in  some 
kind  of  war,  because  the  Constitution  declares  that  "treason 


108  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

against  the  United  States  shall  consist  only  in  levying  war 
against  them."  It  is  therefore  war  on  their  side.  It  must 
also  be  war  on  ours,  and  if  so,  what  kind  of  war? 

Mr.  Gould  rose  and  said  that  he  would  define  it  as  domes- 
tic war.  [Laughter.] 

Mr.  Blaine  (resuming)  : 

Domestic  war  !  that's  it !  Well,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  shall 
learn  something  before  this  discussion  is  over.  Domestic 
war !  I  have  heard  of  domestic  woolens,  domestic  sheetings, 
and  domestic  felicity,  but  a  "domestic  war"  is  something 
entirely  new  under  the  sun.  All  the  writers  of  interna- 
tional law  that  I  have  ever  read,  speak  of  two  kinds  of 
war,  foreign  and  civil.  Vattel  will,  I  suppose,  have  a  new 
edition  with  annotations  by  Gould,  in  which  "domestic 
war"  will  be  defined  and  illustrated  as  a  contest  not  quite 
foreign,  not  quite  civil,  but  one  in  which  the  rebelious  party 
have  at  one  and  the  same  time  all  the  rights  of  peaceful  citi- 
zens and  all  the  immunities  of  alien  enemies — for  that  is 
precisely  what  the  gentleman  by  his  argument  claims  for  the 
Southern  secessionists. 

But,  Sir,  I  have  been  digressing.  The  line  of  my  argu- 
ment was  leading  me  to  show  the  rights  of  war  as  defined 
and  accorded  by  international  law — having  already  demon- 
strated that  whatever  these  rights  may  be  we  have  them  to- 
day as  against  the  so-called  Confederate  States.  I  have 
briefly  stated  what  these  rights  are  in  respect  to  the  property 
of  the  enemy,  as  defined  in  books  of  European  and  Ameri- 
can authority.  I  propose  in  addition  to  show  what  we  as  a 
nation  have  construed  them  to  be  in  practice.  I  propose  to 
show  to  the  House  that  in  the  Mexican  war  our  Govern- 
ment, through  instructions  issuing  from  the  War  Depart- 
ment, then  presided  over  by  one  of  the  most  eminent  of 
American  statesmen  (the  late  Governor  Marcy) ,  sanctioned 
the  very  doctrines  I  have  advocated. 

In  a  letter  of  instruction  to  General  Taylor,  September 
22, 1846,  Governor  Marcy  laid  down  the  principle  that  "an 
invading  army  has  the  unquestionable  right  to  draw  its  sup- 
plies from  the  enemy  without  paying  for  them,  and  to  re- 
quire contributions  for  its  support  and  to  make  the  enemy 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  109 

feel  the  weight  of  the  war;"  and  General  Taylor  was  accord- 
ingly instructed  to  proceed  in  the  campaign  on  this  principle. 

A  few  months  later  President  Polk,  in  a  letter  to  his  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  Robert  J.  Walker,  maintained  "the 
right  of  the  conqueror  to  levy  contributions  on  the  enemy 
in  their  seaports,  towns  or  provinces,  and  to  apply  the  same 
to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war."  And  on  this  principle 
he  seized  the  Mexican  custom-houses,  levied  the  duties  and 
turned  all  the  receipts  into  the  coffers  of  the  Union,  and  in 
his  own  language,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
March  31,  1847,  Mr.  Polk  "claimed  and  exercised  this  as 
a  belligerent  right." 

Now,  Sir,  against  the  Mexicans  this  was  an  indisputably 
proper  exercise  of  the  belligerent  power.  Viewed  external- 
ly, other  nations  could  do  nothing  else  than  acquiesce  in  it. 
But  from  an  internal  point  of  view,  a  very  grave  question 
arose  in  regard  to  it,  and  it  was  the  same  which  divides  the 
gentleman  from  Thomaston  and  myself  in  one  branch  of 
this  discussion  to-day.  And  that  question  was  whether  the 
President  had  the  right  to  direct  the  seizure  of  the  custom- 
houses, and  this  collection  of  duties,  or  whether  it  was  a 
matter  belonging  primarily  and  exclusively  to  Congress,  as 
the  war-making  power  of  the  Government,  entitled  to  "pre- 
scribe rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  water.  The 
subject  was  discussed  with  some  warmth  at  the  time  in  both 
branches  of  Congress,  and  though  Mr.  Folk's  course  was 
sustained  by  the  partizan  majority  in  both  Senate  and 
House,  the  weight  of  the  argument  was  clearly  against  him 
— Mr.  Webster  demonstrating  with  his  ponderous  logic  that 
the  power  did  not  belong  to  the  President.  The  subject  was 
of  such  importance  as  to  call  for  notice  and  discussion  in  the 
late  edition  of  Kent's  Commentaries,  where,  after  minutely 
stating  what  President  Polk  had  done,  the  learned  commen- 
tator makes  the  following  remarks  : 

"All  these  rights  of  war  undoubtedly  belong  to  the  con- 
queror or  nation  who  holds  foreign  places  and  countries  by 
conquest ;  but  the  exercise  of  those  rights  and  powers,  ex- 
cept those  that  temporarily  arise  from  necessity,  belong  to 
that  power  in  the  government  to  which  the  prerogative  of 
war  is  constitutionally  confided.  *  *  *  These  fiscal 
and  commercial  relations,  issued  and  enforced  at  the  mere 


110  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

pleasure  of  a  President,  would  seem  to  press  strongly  upon 
the  constitutional  power  of  Congress  to  raise  and  support 
armies,  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  and  imports,  and  to 
regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  to  declare  war, 
and  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the 
land  and  water,  and  to  define  offenses  against  the  law  of 
nations.  Though  the  Constitution  vests  the  executive  power 
in  the  President,  and  declares  him  to  be  commander-in-chief 
of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  these  powers 
must  necessarily  be  subordinate  to  the  legislative  power  in 
Congress.  It  would  appear  to  me  to  be  the  policy  or  true 
construction  of  this  simple  and  general  grant  of  executive 
power  to  the  President,  not  to  suffer  it  to  interfere  with 
those  specific  powers  of  Congress,  which  are  more  safely 
deposited  in  the  legislative  department,  and  that  the  powers 
thus  assumed  by  the  President  do  not  belong  to  him  but  to 
Congress." 

I  very  much  fear  that  the  extensive  law  library  of  the 
gentleman  from  Thomaston,  is  not  graced  with  the  latest 
edition  of  Kent,  or  he  would  hardly  have  ventured  to  lay 
down  doctrines  and  principles  which  are  so  signally  denied 
and  rebuked  in  that  peerless  authority. 

And  this  construction,  enunciated  by  Webster  and  Kent, 
I  maintain,  Sir,  is  understood  to  be  the  doctrine  of  President 
Lincoln,  whom  the  gentleman  has  endeavored  so  ingeniously 
to  misrepresent  in  his  argument,  and  to  damage  by  his  sup- 
port. The  gentleman  stated  that  the  President  had  reversed 
General  Fremont's  order  of  confiscation  because  of  its  inex- 
pediency and  tendency  to  "raise  a  great  row."  The  simple 
fact  of  the  record  is,  and  that  is  all  we  have  to  appeal  to, 
that  the  President  stated  in  his  letter  to  General  Fremont, 
that  "he  thought  it  proper  to  adhere  to,  and  not  transcend, 
the  law  of  Congress,"  and  as  General  Fremont's  order  did 
transcend  the  confiscation  act  of  the  extra  session  of  Con- 
gress, it  was  directed  that  it  be  changed  to  conform  to  it. 
The  meaning  of  this  declaration  of  the  President  was  that 
Congress  only  had  the  right  to  do  that  which  General  Fre- 
mont proposed  to  do  in  his  proclamation.  And  this  meaning 
was  made  still  more  distinctly  manifest  by  the  following  un- 
equivocal declarations  in  the  message  of  the  President  at 
the  beginning  of  the  present  session  of  Congress.  I  quote  : 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  Ill 

"I  have,  in  every  case,  thought  it  proper  to  keep  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  Union  prominent  as  the  primary  object  of  the 
contest  on  our  part,  leaving  all  questions  which  are  not  of 
vital  military  importance  to  the  more  deliberate  action  of 
the  Legislature. 

"So  also  obeying  the  dictate  of  providence  as  well  as  the 
obligations  of  law,  instead  of  transcending  I  have  adhered 
to  the  act  of  Congress  to  confiscate  property  used  for  insur- 
rectionary purposes.  If  a  new  law  upon  the  same  subject 
shall  be  proposed,  its  propriety  will  be  duly  considered.  The 
Union  must  be  preserved,  and  hence  all  indispensable  means 
must  be  employed." 

Gen.  Halleck,  who  is  no  less  a  lawyer  than  a  military 
chieftain,  has  deliberately  expressed  the  opinion  that  he  has 
no  right  to  liberate  a  single  negro,  except  as  authorized 
to  do  so  by  the  war  power  of  Congress — thereby  very  clear- 
ly and  closely  following  the  admirable  exposition  of  the 
Constitution,  as  laid  down  in  the  famous  case  of  Brown  vs. 
the  United  States  by  Chief  Justice  Marshall. 

John  Quincy  Adams,  a  name  reverenced  wherever  popu- 
lar liberty  has  an  advocate,  laid  down  the  following  propo- 
sition on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives : 

"From  the  instant  that  your  slave-holding  States  become 
the  theater  of  war,  civil  or  foreign,  from  that  instant,  the 
war  powers  of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  in- 
stitution of  slavery,  in  every  way  in  which  it  can  be  inter- 
fered with — from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves  taken  or 
destroyed,  to  the  cession  of  the  State  burdened  with  slavery 
to  a  foreign  power. 

If  civil  war  come,  if  insurrection  come,  is  this  beleaguered 
Capital,  is  this  besieged  Government  to  see  millions  of  its 
subjects  in  arms,  and  have  no  right  to  break  the  fetters 
which  they  are  forging  into  swords  ?  No  !  The  war  pow- 
er of  the  Government  can  sweep  this  institution  into  the 
Gulf." 

And,  sir,  in  a  House  full  of  the  most  brilliant  Southern 
lawyers,  Wise,  and  Dromgoole,  and  Rhett,  and  Marshall 
among  them,  not  one  dared  to  dispute  the  proposition. 
Mark  the  extent  to  which  Mr.  Adams  carries  the  war 
power  of  Congress — "even  to  the  cession  of  the  State  bur- 
dened with  slavery  to  a  foreign  power  !" 


112  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 

The  mail  of  last  evening,  Sir,  added  to  the  list  of  authori- 
ties one  which  is  entitled  to  eminent  respect,  and  one  which 
I  especially  commend  to  the  gentleman  from  Thomaston  as 
being  soundly  Democratic.  I  refer  to  a  letter  of  the  vener- 
able Amos  Kendall,  one  of  a  series  which  he  is  addressing 
to  President  Lincoln.  He  is  contending  against  the  propo- 
sition for  universal  emancipation,  slaves  of  loyal  and  dis- 
loyal alike,  as  being  wrong  in  policy  and  unjust  towards 
good  citizens.  He  urges  a  different  course,  and  asks  the 
extreme  emancipationists  to  direct  their  enginery  against 
the  slaves  of  rebels  only — that  being  clearly  within  their 
power.  I  quote  Mr.  Kendall's  closing  paragraph  : 

"Patriotic  men  may  well  differ  as  to  the  extent  to  which 
the  punishment  of  treason  shall  be  carried.  The  extreme 
emancipationists  may,  if  they  choose,  insist  that  it  shall  be 
carried  to  the  extent  of  confiscating  and  setting  free  all  the 
slaves  of  rebels.  That  they  may  do  without  assailing  any 
principle  of  the  Constitution,  and  surely  they  would  be  much 
stronger  on  that  ground  than  any  other.  Why,  then,  should 
they  abandon  the  Constitution,  and  place  themselves  on 
revolutionary  ground?  Why  not  act  with  cordiality  with 
those  who  are  striving  to  maintain  the  Constitution  as  it  is; 
and,  that  being  accomplished,  seek  the  consummation  of  their 
ends  by  means  of  confiscation  under  authority  ?" 

Mr.  Kendall  thus  assumes  as  a  proposition  which  no  one 
will  dispute,  that  Congress  has  the  power  to  liberate  the 
slaves  of  rebels.  The  gentleman  from  Thomaston  stub- 
bornly contends  that  Congress  has  no  such  power  under  the 
Constitution,  and  that  if  it  should  attempt  to  go  a  pin's 
point  beyond  the  Constitution,  Congress  would  become  as 
much  a  traitor  as  Jeff  Davis  and  his  confederates  in  guilt. 
The  gentleman's  argument,  then,  is  simply  this,  and  nothing 
more  and  nothing  less,  viz.,  that  we  have  no  power  to  con- 
fiscate the  slaves  of  rebels — that  it  would  be  treason  to  as- 
sume this  power,  which  could  in  no  event  be  justified.  What 
is  the  inference  ?  Why  simply  that  if  it  come  to  a  ques- 
tion between  sacrificing  slavery  or  sacrificing  the  Union,  the 
gentleman  sacrifices  the  Union,  because  he  can  find  no  con- 
stitutional power  to  save  it.  He  feels  badly  over  it ;  he 
wrings  his  hands  with  impotent  regret,  but  not  having  the 
constitutional  power  to  do  the  only  thing  which  might 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  113 

become  necessary  to  save  the  Union,  he  must  "let  it 
slide." 

His  rules  of  statesmanship  in  this  matter  are  equal  in 
wisdom  to  the  rules  of  etiquette  which  forbade  the  French- 
man drowning  in  the  river  from  calling  on  a  passer-by  to 
rescue  him,  because  he  did  not  enjoy  the  acquaintance  of 
the  gentleman,  and  such  a  liberty  would  be  improper  !  The 
difference  between  myself  and  the  gentleman  from  Thom- 
aston  is  very  wide  and  at  the  same  time  very  simple.  As 
between  Slavery  and  the  Union  he,  by  his  logic,  goes  for 
sustaining  the  first  at  the  sacrifice  of  the  second ;  whereas  I 
go  for  smiting  the  first  if  it  stand  in  the  way  of  the  salva- 
tion of  the  second.  That  is  the  whole  thing  in  a  nutshell ! 

The  gentleman  strove  elaborately  to  prove  that  this  Gov- 
ernment, this  Nation,  this  great  American  people  have  no 
right  to  do  anything  not  distinctly  warranted  in  the  Federal 
Constitution.  Sir,  no  position  could  be  more  radically  erro- 
neous, and  that  false  premise  is  the  corner-stone  of  error  on 
which  the  gentleman  has  reared  such  a  superstructure  of 
wrong  deductions  and  conclusions.  I  affirm,  Sir,  in  oppo- 
sition to  this  assumption,  that  the  American  people  have 
rights  which  are  anterior  to  and  wholly  independent  of  the 
Constitution  ;  and  I  affirm  moreover  that  while  that  precious 
instrument  will  continue  to  be,  God  grant  for  these  many 
generations,  the  rule  of  our  civil  administration,  yet  that 
over  it  and  under  it  and  outside  of  it  and  above  it  there  is 
engraven  on  the  hearts  of  this  people  that  God-given  right, 
that  great  precept  of  nature,  "Save  thyself!"  And  I 
maintain,  Sir,  that  the  great  law  of  self-preservation  which 
in  the  individual  knows  no  limit  but  necessity,  is  even 
stronger  in  a  nation,  by  as  much  as  the  interests  and  im- 
portance of  a  nation  transcend  those  of  an  individual.  In 
the  magnificent  paragraph  which  in  the  earlier  part  of  my 
remarks  I  quoted  from  Mr.  Hamilton,  this  self-evident  truth 
is  thus  tersely  enunciated  :  "The  circumstances  that  en- 
danger the  safety  of  nations  are  infinite  ;  and  for  this  reason 
no  constitutional  shackles  can  be  wisely  imposed  on  the 
power  to  which  the  care  of  it  is  committed." 

There  was  one  error,  Mr.  Chairman,  which  seemed  to 
haunt  the  gentleman  very  persistently  throughout  the  entire 
thread  of  his  argument — and  that  was  the  alleged  impossi- 


114  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

bility  of  bringing  the  war  power  to  bear  against  the  rebels 
without  first  conceding  that  they  had  actually  carried  their 
states  out  of  the  Union.  He  stated  many  times  that  if  the 
Rebel  States  are  integral  members  of  the  Union,  the  con- 
test with  the  rebels  themselves  cannot  be  carried  on  as  a 
war,  and  that  conversely  to  concede  that  it  is  war,  is  to  con- 
cede that  the  States  have  actually  seceded  and  set  up  a  sepa- 
rate power.  No  statement  could  be  more  absurdly  falla- 
cious or  amusingly  ridiculous,  as  the  gentleman  himself  will 
see  by  the  most  casual  recurrence  to  fundamental  principles. 
The  State  cannot  be  compromised  or  destroyed  by  the  wrong- 
ful acts  of  never  so  large  a  majority  of  its  people.  The  wrong- 
doers by  the  very  force  of  their  numbers  may  and  do  acquire 
certain  immunities  against  individual  punishment  as  I  have 
already  shown,  but  they  do  not  acquire  the  right  to  change 
the  relations  of  the  State.  I  maintain  as  stoutly  as  he  does, 
that  Virginia  and  Tennessee,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  eleven, 
are  to-day  States  in  the  Union,  and  that  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  Nation  are  operative  within  their  bor- 
ders. A  rebellious  force,  however,  having  risen  to  such 
strength  as  to  thwart  the  civil  power  and  prevent  the  actual 
operation  of  the  laws,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Nation  through 
the  war  power  to  vindicate  its  authority,  so  that  a  Consti- 
tution which  is  operative  may  be  made  actually  operating, 
and  that  laws  which  are  in  force  may  be  really  enforced. 
The  gentleman's  laborious  effort,  therefore,  to  demolish  the 
theory  of  Senator  Sumner  in  regard  to  the  suicide  of  the 
Rebel  States,  has  no  pertinency  whatever  in  this  discussion. 
All  the  positions  I  have  assumed,  and  all  the  arguments  I 
have  made  use  of  to  sustain  these  positions,  have  expressly 
negatived  the  theory  of  Mr.  Sumner,  and  therefore  I  am 
not  called  upon  to  notice  it  further.  I  have  merely  to  say 
in  leaving  this  topic  that  the  argument  which  maintains  that 
the  States  would  have  to  be  out  of  the  Union,  before  a  con- 
test with  their  rebellious  inhabitants  could  be  conducted  as 
a  civil  war,  is  nothing  short  of  an  Irish  bull  of  the  most 
grotesque  description.  If  the  States  are  not  members  of 
the  Union  they  are  a  foreign  power,  and  of  course  a  con- 
test with  their  people  could  not  be  a  civil  war.  The  very 
essence  of  a  civil  war  consists  in  its  being  a  strife  between 
members  properly  subject  to  the  same  sovereign  authority. 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  115 

And  the  dilemma  herein  suggested,  ridiculous  if  not  con- 
temptible, is  the  same  which  has  driven  the  gentleman  to 
deny,  as  he  has  done,  that  this  contest  is  either  a  "foreign 
war"  or  a  "civil  war."  .  He  had  to  manufacture  a  new  kind 
of  war — "domestic"  he  styled  it — in  order,  as  he  hoped, 
to  escape  the  absurd  conclusions  which  some  of  his  propo- 
sitions led  to.  The  gentleman  setting  out  with  radically 
erroneous  premises  could  do  nothing  else  than  wander  away 
from  the  landmarks  of  truth  and  sound  logic — and  there  he 
continues  to  wander  "in  endless  mazes  lost." 

I  have  now,  Sir,  at  somewhat  greater  length  than  I  de- 
signed when  I  rose,  discussed  the  question  of  constitutional 
power,  so  far  as  it  is  brought  into  issue  by  the  pending  re- 
solves. I  have  endeavored  to  establish  as  essential  to  the 
maintenance  of  my  position  two  propositions  :  First,  that 
the  war  power  of  this  Government  is  lodged  in  Congress ; 
and  second,  that  under  every  principle  and  every  precedent 
of  international  law  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
while  sovereign  over  all,  has,  so  long  as  the  rebellion  en- 
dures, all  the  rights  of  war  against  those  who  in  armed  force 
are  seeking  the  life  of  the  nation.  If  I  have  established 
these  propositions,  I  have  demonstrated  the  amplest  power 
to  adopt  the  measures  proposed  in  the  Resolves  before  us. 
If  we  have  these  powers  we  may  do  with  and  towards  the 
rebels  of  the  Confederate  States,  so-called,  precisely  as  we 
would  and  did  towards  Mexico  ;  and  I  have  given  the  au- 
thority of  Hamilton,  and  Kent,  and  Webster,  and  John 
Quincy  Adams,  and  President  Lincoln,  to  show  that  the 
specific  line  of  policy  as  regards  the  property  of  the  enemy 
is  to  be  dictated  by  Congress.  With  this  brief  summary  I 
proceed  to  discuss  the  second  branch  of  my  subject,  which 
has  reference  to  the  expediency  of  adopting  the  resolves  be- 
fore us. 

The  first  resolve,  endorsing  the  Administration  in  gen- 
eral terms,  is,  I  believe,  not  objected  to  in  any  quarter,  and 
is  not  in  dispute  between  the  gentleman  from  Thomaston 
and  myself.  The  only  objection  I  have  to  it,  is  that  it  is 
cold,  and  stiff  and  formal,  whereas  to  reflect  my  feelings  it 
should  be  warm  and  cordial  and  unreserved.  I  am  for  the 
Administration  through  and  through — being  an  early  and 
unflinching  believer  in  the  ability,  the  honesty  and  patriot- 


116  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

ism  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  I  did  in  my  humble  sphere,  both 
with  pen  and  tongue,  all  I  could  to  promote  his  election ; 
and  while  I  was  thus  engaged  the  gentleman  was  denounc- 
ing him  as  a  Black  Republican  and  an  Abolitionist  and  a 
Disunionist. 

Mr.  Gould  rose  and  denied  that  he  had  done  so. 

Mr.  Blaine.  Well,  it  is  rather  late  to  correct  the  record. 
All  the  gentleman's  political  associations  in  the  campaign 
were  with  the  most  virulent  revilers  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin, 
and  if  he  did  not  personally  and  publicly  indulge  in  these 
slang  charges  and  epithets,  it  was  because  he  did  not  mount 
the  stump.  I  am  quite  sure  that  the  language  I  have  quoted 
has  formed  the  staple  of  his  denunciations  against  other 
leading  Republicans.  However,  we'll  accept  the  gentle- 
man's disclaimer  as  an  act  of  repentance,  even  though  late, 
and  pass  on  to  the  resolution,  which  is  in  these  words  : 

i<iEesolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  by  such  means 
as  will  not  jeopard  the  rights  and  safety  of  the  loyal  people 
of  the  South,  to  provide  for  the  confiscation  of  estate,  real 
and  personal,  and  for  the  forfeiture  and  liberation  of  every 
slave  claimed  by  any  person  who  shall  continue  in  arms 
against  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  or  who  shall 
in  any  manner  aid  and  abet  the  present  wicked  and  unjus- 
tifiable rebellion." 

Mark,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  careful  manner  in  which  the 
resolution  is  drawn.  In  the  first  place  the  means  adopted 
are  to  be  such  "as  will  not  jeopard  the  rights  and  safety  of 
the  loyal  people  of  the  South."  And  in  reference  to  those 
who  are  to  be  punished,  it  is  specially  provided  that  the 
blow  shall  fall  only  on  those  "ivho  shall  continue  in  arms 
against  the  authority  of  the  United  States."  The  punish- 
ment is  not  to  be  retrospective  ;  all  who  will  turn  from  past 
error  and  folly  and  crime  shall  be  forgiven,  but  those  who 
shall  after  due  notification  continue  in  arms,  shall  do  so  at 
the  expense  of  the  forfeiture  of  their  estates  and  the  liber- 
ation of  their  slaves.  Should  the  ideas  of  these  resolves 
ever  be  formed  into  practical  legislation,  it  is  evident  that  a 
day  would  be  set  and  defined,  beyond  which  a  continuance 
in  armed  treason  should  be  punished  in  the  manner  indicat- 
ed. Thus  much  for  the  positive  and  plain  intent  and  mean- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  117 

ing  of  this  resolve.  Let  us  examine  briefly  just  what  a  man 
means  when  he  votes  against  it.  The  negative  of  it,  which 
is  the  position  assumed  by  the  gentleman  from  Thomaston, 
means  simply  that  no  matter  how  long  or  how  wickedly  a 
rebel  may  continue  in  treason  ;  no  matter  how  he  may 
slaughter  and  devastate  ;  no  matter  how  many  and  how  sa- 
cred laws  of  God  and  man  "he  may  trample  under  foot, 
still,  you  shall  not  deprive  him  of  his  estate  or  his  slaves  ; 
every  civil  right  which  he  had  as  a  good  citizen  shall 
still  be  guaranteed  to  him.  Why,  Sir,  the  gentleman  in 
point  of  right  under  the  Constitution  and  laws,  makes  no  dis- 
tinction and  boasts  that  he  makes  no  distinction,  between  the 
loyal  and  the  disloyal — claiming  that  each  is  entitled  to  all 
civil  rights  and  that  the  man  fighting  in  the  ranks  of  Jeff 
Davis'  army  will  have  his  estate  and  his  slaves  protected 
under  the  flag  of  the  Union  just  as  effectually  as  the  man 
who  is  imperiling  his  life  in  the  national  army  for  the  sal- 
vation of  the  government.  The  resolution,  sir,  I  repeat, 
in  leaving  its  further  discussion,  is  most  carefully  guarded — 
declaring  that  the  "rights  of  loyal  men  shall  not  be  jeop- 
arded," and — 

Mr.  Gould  interrupted,  wishing  to  state  that  the  clause 
in  reference  to  protecting  the  rights  of  loyal  men  was  mere 
clap-trap,  impracticable  and  absurd — that  the  liberation  of 
one-half  the  slaves  would  render  the  remainder  worthless. 

Mr.  Elaine.  The  gentleman  is  evidently  not  very  familiar 
with  the  statistics  on  the  subject,  or  he  would  know  that  in 
Maryland,  the  free  negro  population  is  some  thousands  larger 
than  the  slave  population,  and  I  have  yet  to  learn  that  slaves 
have  not  been  held  to  be  as  valuable  in  Maryland  as  else- 
where. I  say,  moreover,  that  if  every  negro  in  the  South  were 
emancipated  to-day,  their  number  to  the  square  mile  of  the 
territory  inhabited  by  them  would  not  be  nearly  so  great  as 
is  the  number  of  free  negroes  to  the  square  mile  in  Mary- 
land. 

I  was  about  to  say,  Sir,  when  the  gentleman  interrupted 
me,  that  the  resolution  is  one  against  which  I  can  hardly 
see  how  a  man  can  vote  if  he  sincerely  desires  a  vigorous 
prosecution  of  this  war — though,  of  course,  I  will  not  ques- 


118  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

tion  the  loyalty  or  the  motives  of  any  one.     I  pass  to  the 
consideration  of  the  third  resolution,  as  follows : 

^Resolved,  That  in  this  perilous  crisis  of  the  country  it 
is  the  duty  of  Congress,  in  the  exercise  of  its  constitutional 
power  to  'raise  and  support  armies,'  to  provide  by  law  for 
accepting  the  services  of  all  able-bodied  men  of  whatever 
status,  and  to  employ  these  men  in  such  manner  as  military 
necessity  and  the  safety  of  the  Republic  may  demand." 

The  gentleman  says  this  is  the  same  resolution,  in  effect, 
as  that  originally  introduced  in  the  Senate  by  Colonel  Smart, 
and  its  design  is  to  incite  an  insurrection  of  the  negroes, 
and  to  arm  them.  The  resolution  must  be  taken  and  judged 
by  itself — its  own  words.  It  simply  declares  that  the  ser- 
vices of  all  men  should  be  accepted — this  implies  that  the 
service  is  previously  offered,  and  expressly  negatives  the 
idea  of  calling  on  the  negroes  "to  rise."  It  further  says, 
that  these  men  should  be  employed  as  "military  necessity 
and  the  safety  of  the  Republic  may  demand."  I  do  not  an- 
ticipate that  any  necessity  will  arise  for  arming  the  slaves, 
and  as  at  present  advised,  I  would  not  vote  for  a  resolution 
recommending  that  step.  But  there  are  a  thousand  things 
which  the  negroes  may  do,  which  Avoulcl  greatly  lighten  the 
labors  of  our  brave  brethren  in  the  ranks  of  the  National 
army.  They  may  dig  trenches,  throw  up  embankments, 
labor  on  fortifications,  aid  in  transporting  baggage,  and  make 
themselves  "generally  useful."  They  are,  moreover,  good 
spies  and  scouts,  and  may  be  employed  in  a  thousand  ways 
to  the  advancement  of  the  Union  cause.  Why,  it  is  assert- 
ed on  the  very  best  authority,  that  the  information  of  Buck- 
ner's  failing  strength  inFortDonelson,  was  first  made  known 
to  General  Grant  by  a  negro  who  escaped  from  the  rebel 
lines,  and  that  this  information  was  the  basis  on  which  he 
refused  Buckner's  proposal  for  an  armistice  and  brought  him 
to  an  immediate  and  unconditional  surrender.  Had  General 
Grant  not  possessed  this  knowledge,  he  might  have  consent- 
ed to  a  truce,  during  which,  rebel  reinforcements  arriving 
from  Clarksville,  might  have  carried  the  day  against  him. 

But  the  negro  who  supplied  the  timely  information  should, 
according  to  the  argument  of  the  gentleman,  have  been 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  119 

driven  from  our  lines  and  remanded  to  the  custody  of  his 
rebel  master.  The  gentleman  declares  he  would  not  accept 
the  services  of  negroes  in  any  capacity  nor  in  any  event. 

This  resolution  declares  that  these  services  should  be  ac- 
cepted "if  the  safety  of  the  republic  demands  it ;"  the  gen- 
tleman from  Thomaston  says  they  should  not.  It  is  really 
singular,  how  at  every  crook  and  corner  of  the  gentleman's 
argument  he  is  driven  to  the  abominable  conclusion  by  his 
logic,  that  the  safety  of  slavery  is  of  greater  moment  than 
the  safety  of  the  Republic.  The  gentleman's  line  of  argu- 
ment leaves  no  other  conclusion  open  to  him. 

The  fourth,  and  concluding  resolution  of  the  series  re- 
quires no  notice,  as  it  relates  merely  to  the  forwarding  of 
the  others  to  our  Senators  and  Representatives. 

In  summing  up  these  resolves,  Sir,  I  maintain  that  they 
propose  nothing  which  may  not  be  properly  done  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  They  are  moderate  res- 
olutions— conservative  in  doctrine,  and  well-guarded  in  ex- 
pression. I  believe  that  the  adoption  of  their  substance  by 
Congress  would  be  beneficial  to  the  Uuion  cause  ;  I  believe 
that  such  measures  are  just  what  the  rebels  most  dread,  and 
I  feel  assured  that  a  confiscation  act  would  prove  verily  a  ter- 
ror unto  evil  doers.  I  have  said,  Sir,  that  the  legislation 
demanded  is  entirely  within  the  power  of  Congress,  without 
infringing  the  Constitution,  or  rather  in  direct  pursuance  of 
the  war  power  of  that  instrument,  as  expounded  by  Hamil- 
ton and  Henry,  by  Adams  and  Webster,  by  Marshall  and 
Kent.  All  that  I  have  proposed  and  advocated  will  in  no 
wise  conflict  with  the  Constitution,  and  I  think  the  rebellion 
will  be  subdued  without  resorting  to  extra  constitutional 
measures.  But  lest  the  gentleman  should  infer  that  I  shrink 
from  the  logical  consequences  of  some  propositions  which  I 
have  laid  down  as  ultimate  steps,  I  tell  him  boldly  that  if 
the  life  of  the  nation  seemed  to  demand  the  violation  of  the 
Constitution,  I  would  violate  it,  and  in  taking  this  ground  I 
am  but  repeating  the  expression  of  President  Lincoln  in  his 
message,  when  he  declared  that  "it  were  better  to  violate 
one  provision  than  that  all  should  perish."  And  I  will  give 
a  higher  and  more  venerable  authority  than  President  Lin- 
coln, for  the  same  doctrine.  No  less  a  personage  than 
Thomas  Jefferson  wrote  the  following  sentiments  in  a  letter 


120  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

to  J.  R.  Calvin,  from  his  retirement  at  Monticello,  Septem- 
ber 22,  1810: 

"The  question  you  propose,  whether  circumstances  do  not 
sometimes  occur,  which  make  it  a  duty,  in  officers  of  high 
trust,  to  assume  authorities  beyond  the  law,  is  easy  of  solu- 
tion in  principle  but  sometimes  embarrassing  in  practice.  A 
strict  observance  of  the  written  laws  is  doubtless  one  of  the 
high  duties  of  a  good  citizen  ;  but  it  is  not  the  highest.  The 
laws  of  necessity,  of  self-preservation,  of  saving  our  coun- 
try when  in  danger,  are  of  higher  obligation.  To  lose  our 
country  by  a  scrupulous  adherence  to  written  law,  would  be 
to  lose  the  law  itself,  with  life,  liberty,  property,  and  all 
those  who  are  enjoying  them  with  us  ;  thus  absurdly  sacri- 
ficing the  end  to  the  means." 

This  doctrine  cuts  right  athwart,  and  scatters  to  the  four 
winds  of  heaven  the  whole  argument  of  the  gentleman.  He 
sticks  to  forms  ;  I  go  for  substance.  He  sacrifices  the  end 
to  the  means.  I  stand  ready  to  use  the  means  essential  to 
the  end.  I  stand  with,  or  rather  follow  after,  Jefferson  and 
Lincoln  ;  he  assumes  a  ground  which  both  of  those  statesmen 
have  denounced  and  execrated. 

I  have  been  discussing  these  questions,  Mr.  Chairman,  in 
no  partizan  spirit.  I  feel  none.  As  a  Republican,  I  have 
been  among  the  foremost  to  welcome  loyal  Democrats  to  a 
hearty  and  generous  co-operation  in  sustaining  the  measures 
necessary  to  vindicate  the  authority  of  the  Union.  I  recog- 
nize the  Senator  from  Knox  (Col.  Smart) ,  whom  I  am  glad 
to  see  among  my  auditors,  as  a  cordial  co-laborer  in  the 
good  cause  ;  my  friend  across  the  hall  from  Oldtown  (Mr. 
Sewall) ,  I  cordially  greet  and  warmly  welcome.  I  mention 
these  gentlemen  for  they  are  this  moment  in  my  eye,  and 
because  they  are  types  of  many  other  loyal  Democrats  who 
hold  the  same  good  principles.  The  gentleman  from  Thom- 
aston,  by  the  doctrines  he  has  advocated,  has  placed  himself 
outside  the  pale,  and  until  he  recants  his  errors  we  cannot 
receive  him  into  fellowship.  I  remember,  and  I  do  not 
quote  it  irreverently,  the  injunction  to  the  church  to  add  to 
itself  only  "such  as  shall  be  saved." 

I  claim,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  in  the  whole  history  of  par- 
tizan organizations  not  one  can  be  found  that  has  acted  with 
the  generosity  and  liberality  that  has  characterized  the  Re- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  121 

publicans  since  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion.  Why,  Sir,  in 
the  State  of  Ohio,  with  sixty  thousand  partizan  majority, 
the  Republicans  patriotically  and  most  liberally  gave  the 
Gubernatorial  nomination  last  year  to  a  life-long  Democrat — 
David  Todd  (who  presided  over  the  convention  that  nomi- 
nated Mr.  Douglas  for  the  Presidency),  and  they  elected 
~:m  by  a  countless  majority.  With  similar  liberality  they 
allowed  one  branch  of  the  Legislature  to  fall  under  the  con- 
trol of  those  who  were  supposed  to  be  loyal  and  liberal 
Democrats.  And  what  is  the  result?  Why,  Sir,  to-day, 
after  all  this  liberality  from  the  Republicans,  the  Democrats 
in  the  branch  of  the  Legislature  controlled  by  them,  oppose, 
and  will  probably  defeat  the  re-election  to  the  United  States 
Senate  of  that  most  earnest,  brave  and  true  man,  Benjamin 
F.  Wade.  That  is  the  return  the  Republicans  get  for  their 
lavish  liberality. 

In  New  York,  Sir,  equal  generosity  was  shown  by  the 
Republicans  at  the  last  election.  They  went  so  far  even  as 
to  place  their  life-long  opponent,  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  at 
the  head  of  their  State  ticket,  and  gave  the  Democrats  half 
of  the  remainder  of  the  nominees — all  of  whom  were  tri- 
umphantly elected.  In  return,  they  have  received  nothing 
but  reviling  and  abuse,  and  I  challenge  any  gentleman  to 
point  out  a  single  locality  where  the  Democrats  having  a 
clear  majority,  a  Republican  has  been  allowed  to  put  his 
head  above  water.  And  to-day  we  are  invited  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Thomaston  to  patriotically  abandon  our  entire 
party  organization.  Magnanimous  advice  !  Most  disinter- 
ested counsel !  I  say  to  the  Republicans  of  this  Hcnse,  that 
while  I  am  opposed  to  stirring  up  anything  like  partizan 
rancor  during  this  crisis  in  the  affairs  of  the  Nation,  yet  we 
must  look  well  to  it  that  we  sustain  with  increased  vigor  the 
Administration  of  Abraham  Lincoln  which  we  brought  into 
power,  and  for  whose  acts  we  will  be  held  responsible. 
While,  then,  we  will  welcome  to  our  political  fireside  all 
who  are  disposed  to  co-operate  with  us,  we  will  jealously 
guard  against  all  these  insidious  attempts  to  disrupt  that 
party  organization,  which  is  alone  able  to  give  to  the  Ad- 
ministration an  efficient  and  permanent  support.  And  when 
I  urge  this  policy,  I  am  sure  that  I  speak  no  less  the  senti- 
ments of  patriotic  Republicans,  than  of  those  truly  loyal 


122  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Democrats  who  intend  to  stand  by  the  Administration  to 
the  end  of  this  fight  with  rebellion  and  treason. 

I  am  somewhat  distrustful  of  the  sincerity  and  the  endur- 
ance of  the  support,  which  the  gentleman  says  he  has  given 
and  will  give  to  President  Lincoln.  I  remember  that  at 
the  extra  session  of  the  Legislature  nearly  a  year  ago,  the 
gentleman  was  equally  demonstrative  in  his  professions  of 
support  to  the  Administration  of  Gov.  Washburne,  and  yet 
I  am  credibly  informed  that  the  gentleman  took  occasion  to 
roundly  and  soundly  abuse  the  Governor  in  the  Democratic 
Convention  in  the  County  of  Knox  in  August  last. 

Mr.  Gould  rose  and  denied  that  he  had  abused  Governor 
Washburne. 

MR.  ELAINE  :  I  repeat  my  assertion,  Mr.  Chairman, 
and  I  say  the  gentleman,  both  in  the  Convention  at  Rock- 
land  and  afterwards  at  Camden,  abused  Governor  Wash- 
burne, as  that  term  is  employed  politically.  He  denounced 
him  as  an  "abolitionist,"  and  opposed  a  union  with  his 
friends  as  far  as  he  could  and  as  far  as  he  dare  ;  and  in  the 
Convention  Mr.  George  A.  Starr  and  the  gentleman  had  a 
colloquy,  in  which  Mr.  Starr,  though  a  life-long  Democrat, 
asserted  that  he  would  vote  for  Gov.  Washburne  a  thousand 
times  before  he  would  vote  for  John  W.  Dana.  And  the 
gentleman  from  Thomaston  would  not  take  the  same  ground, 
but  left  himself  open  to  all  the  inferences  of  sympathy  with 
disloyal  Democrats,  rather  than  with  the  supporters  of  Gov- 
ernor Washburne.  It  is  in  view  of  these  facts,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, that  I  have  said  I  distrust  the  sincerity  and  the  per- 
manence of  the  gentleman's  support  of  President  Lincoln. 
Why,  Sir,  we  have  just  heard  from  the  President  in  a  com- 
munication of  as  great  importance  as  any  that  has  ever  emi- 
nated  from  the  Executive  Mansion.  I  hold  in  my  hand  his 
message  sent  to  Congress  yesterday,  and  borne  to  us  on  the 
lightning's  wing,  in  which  he  proposes  compensation  to  the 
States  that  may  agree  to  abolish  slavery.  I  want  to  know 
from  the  gentleman  from  Thomaston  if  he  supports  the 
President  in  that  policy? 

Mr.  Gould  stated  that  he  understood  the  President's  prop- 
osition to  be  to  compensate  all  the  slave-owners,  loyal  and 
disloyal  alike,  and  in  that  view,  as  a  peace  measure,  he 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  123 

might  possibly  go  for  it.  He  would  not  say  that  he  would 
support  it  otherwise. 

Mr.  Elaine.  A  most  remarkable  interpretation  of  the 
President's  position,  truly  !  the  gentleman  thinks  that  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  is  solemnly  proposing  to  pay  the  rebels  hard 
cash  for  their  slaves,  and  thus  to  replenish  their  treasury, 
otherwise  so  nearly  exhausted.  A  brilliant  policy  indeed  ! 
But  this  construction  which  the  gentleman  puts  on  the  mes- 
sage is  in  perfect  keeping  with  the  determination  which  he 
has  shown  all  through,  to  put  the  estates  and  slaves  of  rebels 
on  the  same  footing  and  under  the  same  protection  accorded 
to  those  of  loyal  men.  If  negroes  are  to  be  paid  for,  the 
gentleman  is  determined  that  the  rebels  shall  have  their  full 
share  of  the  cash.  I  think  President  Lincoln  would  be 
slightly  surprised  if  any  one  would  tell  him  that  the  country 
understood  his  proposition  in  that  way,  and  yet,  unless  it 
does  mean  that,  the  gentleman  from  Thomaston  says  he  will 
not  support  it — thus  at  the  first  practical  test,  deserting  the 
President  whom  he  has.  eulogized  so  highly.  I  had  no  idea 
when  I  fell  into  this  vein  of  the  discussion,  that  the  insin- 
cerity of  the  gentleman  would  be  made  so  quickly  and  so 
ludicrously  apparent. 

I  read,  Sir,  in  that  message,  something  more  than  this 
great  proposition  for  compensated  emancipation.  I  read  in 
it  a  declaration  as  plain  as  language  can  make  it,  that  what- 
ever measures  may  be  deemed  necessary,  to  crush  out  this 
rebellion  speedily  and  effectually,  will  be  unhesitatingly 
adopted.  What  else  does  the  President  mean  when  he  says 
that  "all  indispensable  means  must  be  employed  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  Union,"  that  "the  war  must  continue"  as 
long  as  resistance  continues,  without  regard  to  the  ruin 
which  must  attend  it?  What  does  the  President  mean  by 
this  language?  Still  more,  what  does  he  mean  when  he 
declares  that  "such  measures  as  may  obviously  promise 
great  efficiency  towards  ending  the  struggle  must  and  will 
come?"  I  ask  the  gentleman  what  the  President  means  by 
that,  and  he  refuses  to  answer  me.  I  tell  the  gentleman 
that  it  means  the  adoption  of  precisely  such  measures  as  we 
are  discussing  here  to-day,  and  that  these  resolutions  are  but 
sustaining  the  already  foreshadowed  policy  of  the  President, 
whenever  the  necessity  for  the  enforcement  of  these  meas- 


124  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

ures  arises,  or  whenever  they  may,  in  his  own  language, 
"promise  great  efficiency  toAvards  ending  the  struggle." 

And,  Sir,  the  struggle  will  be  ended  with  victory  for  the 
Union  and  for  liberty.  The  triumphs  at  Mill  Spring,  at 
Roanoke,  at  Henry,  and  at  Donelson,  are  but  the  earnest 
of  unbroken  successes  which  under  vigorous  counsels  now 
controlling  the  army  are  to  attend  the  Union  Cause.  It  is 
not  to  be  as  it  has  been.  In  the  past  autumn  and  early 
winter  our  prospects  seemed  dark  and  dreary.  We  closed 
the  year  with  those  terrible  disasters  at  Big  Bethel,  at  Bull 
Run,  at  Ball's  Bluff,  unredeemed ;  and  our  national  en- 
ergies seemed  paralyzed  with  inaction  and  with  treason, 
the  war  was  being  conducted  in  a  manner  that  never  did, 
and  never  will,  and  never  can  achieve  anything  but  misfor- 
tune and  disgrace.  It  was  a  war  of  half  measures,  pain- 
fully parallel  in  policy  with  that  which  in  England,  under 
the  temporizing  expedients  urged  by  such  leaders  as  Essex, 
and  Manchester,  and  Northumberland,  had  wellnigh  sac- 
rificed the  popular  cause  in  the  contest  with  the  first  Charles 
— a  policy  which  is  thus  described  and  denounced  by  the 
most  brilliant  of  English  historians  and  the  most  astute  of 
English  critics : 

"If  there  be  any  truth  established  by  the  universal  ex- 
perience of  nations,  it  is  this ;  that  to  carry  the  spirit  of 
peace  into  war,  is  a  weak  and  cruel  policy.  The  time  of 
negotiation  is  the  time  for  deliberation  and  delay.  But 
when  an  extreme  case  calls  for  that  remedy,  which  is  in  its 
own  nature  most  violent,  and  which,  in  such  cases,  is  a 
remedy  only  because  it  is  violent,  it  is  idle  to  think  of  miti- 
gating and  diluting.  Languid  war  can  do  nothing  which 
negotiation  or  submission  will  not  do  better ;  and  to  act  on 
any  other  principle,  is  not  to  save  blood  and  money,  but  to 
squander  them."  I  close  as  an  apposite  illustration  of  the 
great  truth  just  enunciated,  by  quoting  the  well-known 
declaration  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton — "that  the  failure  to  at- 
tack Manassas  in  December  last,  will  cost  this  nation  three 
hundred  millions  of  dollars  and  thirty  thousand  precious 
lives." 

One  other  speech  in  the  Maine  Legislature  attracted  na- 
tional attention,  as  the  whole  people  were  excited  at  the 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINK.  125 

time,  Feb.,  1859,  about  the  acquisition  of  Cuba.  Blaine 
was  seriously  opposed  to  the  intended  purchase,  and  in  his 
speech,  on  the  Resolve  introduced  by  Mr.  Porter  of 
Lowell,  he  said : 

I  have  no  intention,  Mr.  Speaker,  of  inflicting  a  lengthy 
harangue  upon  the  House,  this  morning,  in  regard  to  the 
acquisition  of  Cuba,  though  such  a  design  has  been  attrib- 
uted to  me,  by  one  or  more  newspapers,  that  have  assumed, 
I  know  not  on  what  ground,  to  advertise  me  for  the  "per- 
formance." When  the  Resolves  were  introduced  by  the 
gentleman  from  Lowell,  on  Wednesday,  last,  they  were,  by 
my  motion,  laid  on  the  table.  I  did  not  think  that  the 
House  could,  at  that  time,  be  properly  diverted  from  atten- 
tion to  the  subjects  before  it,  and  I  was  not  in  favor  of  in- 
terrupting the  ordinary  and  legitimate  business  of  the  ses- 
sion by  the  introduction  and  consideration  of  topics  purely 
and  solely  political  in  their  nature.  I  intended,  however,  at 
a  suitable  time,  to  move  that  the  Resolves  be  taken  up, 
and  I  submitted  the  motion  this  morning  only  after  I  had 
learned  from  the  Speaker  that  all  the  business  on  his  table, 
claiming  the  attention  of  the  House,  had  been  despatched. 
As  there  still  remains  an  hour  or  two  of  the  usual  morning 
session,  I  have  presumed  that  the  House  would  not  be 
averse  to  hearing  from  members  a  brief  expression  of  their 
views  on  the  important  subject  comprehended  in  the  Re- 
solves now  before  us ;  and  as  the  matter  is  one  of  a  political 
character,  some  freedom  will  be  accorded,  no  doubt,  to  those 
who  speak,  in  the  allusions  which  they  may  be  forced  to 
make  to  the  partizan  relations  of  gentlemen  on  this  floor. 

It  is  well  known,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  whether  fortunate  or 
unfortunate,  simulated  or  real,  there  is  an  avowed  split  in 
the  ranks  of  the  Democracy  of  this  State  in  regard  to  the 
policy  of  the  National  Administration.  The  gentleman  from 
Camden  (Mr.  Smart)  may  be  considered  the  leader  of  the 
heretical  band  who  refuse  to  abide  by  the  tests  enunciated  at 
Washington,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  gentleman  from 
Lowell  (Mr.  Porter)  stands  on  this  floor  as  the  representa- 
tive of  the  "most  straitest  sect"  of  Buchanan  Democrats. 
The  gentleman  from  Camden  some  time  arranged  his  wires, 
and  enunciated  his  platform,  containing  the  "squatter  sov- 


126  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

ereignty"  idea,  which  the  President  denounces  as  a  mon- 
strous heresy.  From  this  dogma  it  was  understood  that  the 
gentleman  from  Lowell  earnestly  dissented,  and  he  formerly 
protested  against  it,  in  the  name  of  all  the  collectors,  post- 
masters, and  tide  waiters,  from  the  New  Hampshire  line  to 
the  waters  of  the  St.  Croix.  It  was  expected,  therefore, 
that  when  any  political  movement  should  be  made  on  this 
floor  by  the  gentleman  from  Lowell,  acting  as  the  represent- 
ative and  accredited  spokesman  for  the  Moors,  the  Leavitts, 
the  Dickersons,  and  the  Macdonalds,  it  would  be  so  unmis- 
takably loyal  to  the  measures  of  the  "Administration,  "all 
and  singular,"  that  no  doubtful  or  double  meaning  could,  in 
any  way,  be  affixed  to  it.  I  must,  therefore,  express  my 
unfeigned  astonishment  at  the  limping,  hesitating,  timid  and 
inconclusive  character  of  the  Resolves  offered  by  the  gentle- 
man from  Lowell  in  favor  of  the  acquisition  of  Cuba.  Lest 
any  gentleman  should  think  I  am  characterizing  these  Re- 
solves in  extravagant  language,  I  will  with  your  permission, 
Mr.  Speaker,  read  them,  in  order  that  the  House  may  be 
reminded  afresh  of  their  true  scope  and  meaning.  They 
are  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  Senators  of  Maine  be  instructed,  and 
our  Representatives  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  be 
requested,  to  exert  their  influence  and  give  their  votes  for 
any  honorable  measure  that  has  been  or  may  be  brought  for- 
ward looking  towards  the  early  aquisition  of  Cuba  by  the 
United  States. 

Resolved,  That  the  Governor  be  requested  to  forward  a 
copy  of  these  Resolves  to  the  Governors  of  the  several  States 
and  Territories,  to  be  laid  before  the  Legislatures  thereof, 
and  to  each  of  our  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress, 
to  be  laid  before  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States. 

Like  a  great  many  other  political  productions,  these  Re- 
solves are  remarkable  rather  for  what  they  omit  than  for 
what  they  express;  and  are  still  more  notable  for  what  they 
imply.  What  do  they  omit,  Mr.  Speaker?  They  omit  most 
pointedly  and  purposely  every  declaration  that  could  be  tor- 
tured into  an  approval  of  the  measures  now  actually  pend- 
ing in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  for  the  acquisition  of 
Cuba.  What  do  they  express  ?  Nothing  but  a  mild  ap- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  127 

proval  of  any  honorable  measures  that  may  be  brought  for- 
ward for  the  acquisition  of  Cuba.  What  do  they  imply  ? 
Why,  plainly  and  palpably,  that  the  proposition  now  pend- 
ing, known  as  the  Slidell  measure,  is  not  an  honorable  one, 
and  therefore  no  endorsement  of  it  is  asked  from  the  Legis- 
lature of  Maine.  I  beg  the  gentlemen  of  this  House  to  ob- 
serve then,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  even  the  Administration  Dem- 
ocrats, choosing  their  own  ground  and  proposing  to  this 
House  whatever  they  pleased  to  propose,*have  not  dared  to 
come  hither  and  insult  the  dignity  and  decency  of  the  Legis- 
lature by  asking  its  approval  of  the  extraordinary  measure 
now  under  discussion  at  Washington.  More  than  this,  Mr. 
Speaker,  they  have  deliberately  expressed  their  own  opposi- 
tion to  it  by  failing  to  endorse  it.  They  ask  us  to  approve 
an  "honorable"  measure;  mark  you!  not  Mr.  Slidell's 
measure ;  not  the  measure  conceived  and  brought  forth  at 
the  White  House ;  not  the  measure  carried  to  the  Capitol 
by  the  Fidus  Achates  of  the  President ;  not  the  measure  now 
enlisting  the  support  of  every  Administration  Senator  and 
the  "Illinois  Rebel"  besides.  No  indeed,  not  this  ;  the  Re- 
solves before  us  ask  no  approval  of  this  gigantic,  alarming 
and  corrupting  proposition,  but  they  ask  us  to  instruct  our 
Senators  in  Congress  to  support  some  "honorable"  meas- 
ure, and  the  inevitable  implication  is  that  the  pending  meas- 
ure is  not  an  honorable  one.  The  gentleman  who  intro- 
duced these  Resolves,  and  those  with  whom  he  consulted 
(for  I  presume  they  were  not  brought  forward  without  some 
conference,)  are  perfectly  aware  of  the  character  of  the  Sli- 
dell proposition  ;  they  know  that  the  attention  of  the  whole 
country  is  fixed  upon  it ;  they  know  that  its  discussion  is 
calling  forth  the  best  talent  in  the  United  States  Senate ; 
they  know  that  it  is  a  favorite  measure  with  the  President ; 
and  they  know  that  it  commands  the  support  of  every  Ad- 
ministration Democrat  in  either  branch  of  Congress.  Un- 
der these  circumstances,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  ask  you  what  the 
studied  omission  of  all  reference  to  the  measure  in  these 
Resolves  can  mean,  except  an  implied  and  bitter  disapproval 
of  it — and  all  the  more  bitter  becnuse'implied.  The  French 
have  a  saying  that  "condemnation  by  implication  is  harder 
to  endure  than  flat  opposition,"  and  I  commend  the  moral  of 
the  adage  to  those  Democrats  who,  when  expected  to  be 


128  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

"faithful  among  the  faithless,"  have  hesitated  and  faltered 
and  fallen  back. 

So  far,  Mr.  Speaker,  as  the  Resolves  under  consideration 
imply  disapproval  of  the  Slidell  measure,  they  have  my 
hearty  concurrence,  and  I  have  no  doubt,  the  concurrence 
of  a  large  majority  of  this  House.  I  object  to  their 
adoption,  however,  because  they  express  in  an  indirect 
manner  what  I  wish  to  see  asserted  explicitly  and  with  em- 
phasis. The  proposition  to  place  thirty  millions  of  dollars 
at  the  disposal  of  the  President  and  to  run  the  nation  in 
debt  for  the  purpose  of  raising  the  money  ;  to  surrender  to 
him  the  power  to  make  treaties,  annex  territory  and  form 
States  ;  to  create  him  absolute  dictator,  with  the  purse  of 
the  nation  in  one  hand  and  the  sword  in  the  other  ;  to  have 
peace  or  war,  prosperity  or  misfortune  follow  at  his  will, 
or  to  be  decided  by  his  errors.  Such  a  proposition,  I  say, 
is  too  monstrous  to  be  entertained  for  one  moment  by  any 
one  who  values  the  preservation  of  constitutional  rights  and 
the  perpetuity  of  a  Republican  Union.  A  dozen  years  ago, 
when  our  country  was  in  actual  war  with  a  neighboring 
nation,  when  it  was  supposed  that  peace  could  be  promoted 
and  hastened  by  placing  three  millions  of  dollars  at  the  dis- 
posal of  the  President,  the  proposition  was  regarded  so 
dangerous,  that  staid,  conservative  and  dignified  senators 
thought  themselves  justified  in  resorting  to  methods  of  op- 
position almost  revolutionary  in  their  character,  in  order  to 
compass  defeat.  The  precedent  was  regarded  as  a  danger- 
ous one,  and  was  even  admitted  to  be  so  by  those  who  sus- 
tained the  measure — the  only  plausible  defense  of  which 
was  that  the  fund  appropriated  might  and  would  hasten  the 
peace  which  was  so  generally  desired.  But  now,  when  we 
are  in  profound  "amity  and  concord"  with  all  the  great 
nations  of  the  earth,  when  a  change  in  our  foreign  relations 
would  most  probably  be  for  the  worse,  it  is  deliberately 
proposed  to  place  under  the  control  of  the  President  the 
enormous  sum  of  thirty  millions  of  dollars,  in  order  to  see 
whether  he  may  not  corrupt  Spanish  officials  into  a  transfer 
of  their  most  valuable  dependency,  and  possibly  get  us  into 
a  war  with  England  and  France  as  a  sort  of  premium  to  the 
value  of  Cuban  acquisition.  The  proposition  to  place  three 
millions  at  President  Polk's  disposal  to  get  us  out  of  war 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  129 

was,  as  I  have  said,  considered  doubtful  and  dangerous, 
and  yet  now  it  is  coolly  proposed  to  give  President  Buchanan 
ten  times  as  large  a  sum  to  see  if  in  some  kind  of  secret 
diplomacy  he  may  not  possibly  be  able  to  get  us  into  a  war. 
The  Democratic  party  in  Congress  sustained  both  measures, 
the  past  and  the  present,  but  I  think  it  a  singular  species  of 
political  arithmetic  that  considers  it  worth  three  millions  of 
dollars  in  1847  to  get  out  of  a  war  with  a  weak  power,  yet  is 
anxious  to  pay  thirty  millions  in  1859  for  the  possibility  of 
getting  into  a  war  with  three  strong  powers  !  I  do  not 
wonder,  therefore,  that  the  Administration  Democrats  in 
this  State  fail,  as  they  have  failed,  to  endorse  the  outrage- 
ous measure,  and  all  I  desire  is  that  the  Maine  Legislature 
will  not  content  itself  with  the  implied  disapprobation  of 
the  Slidell  scheme  proposed  by  the  Resolutions  before  us, 
but  that  a  manly,  outspoken,  and  explicit  protest  shall  be 
recorded  against  so  dangerous  a  policy.  It  is  for  this 
reason,  Mr.  Speaker,  and  with  these  views,  that  I  desire  to 
amend  the  resolves  presented  by  the  gentleman  from  Lowell, 
and  I  now  move  that  all  after  the  word  "Resolved"  be 
stricken  out,  and  the  following  inserted  : 

Resolved,  That  the  proposition  now  pending  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  whereby  the  sum  of  thirty  millions  of 
dollars  is  to  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  President  to 
enable  him  to  initiate  and  carry  forward  whatsoever  meas- 
ures he  may  please  for  the  acquisition  of  Cuba,  is  of  extra- 
ordinary character  and  of  most  dangerous  tendency.  It 
not  only  breaks  down  the  constitutional  safeguard  of  our 
government  by  yielding  the  entire  treaty-making  power  to 
the  Executive,  but  it  leaves  the  issue  of  peace  or  war  to  be 
decided  at  his  discretion,  and  the  prosperity  of  the  nation 
to  be  jeoparded  even  by  his  mistakes. 

Resolved,  That  the  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Con- 
gress from  Maine  will  reflect  the  will  of  their  constituents 
by  vigorously  opposing  the  measure. 

Resolved,  That  the  Governor  be  requested  to  forward 
these  resolves  to  the  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Con- 
gress from  this  State. 

This  substitute  does  not  imply  a  condemnation  of  the 
Slidell  measure  ;  it  plainly  expresses  it,  and  will  thus,  I 
believe,  more  truly  reflect  the  views  of  this  House  than  any 


130  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

half-way  evasive  or  inconclusive  declaration  could  possibly 
do.  In  reference  to  the  general  subject  of  the  acquisition 
of  Cuba,  which  may  be  considered  as  in  some  sense  before 
the  House,  I  have  a  few  remarks  to  offer,  and  I  am  frank 
to  confess  in  the  language  of  the  "famous  judge,"  that  "a 
good  deal  may  be  said  on  one  side  of  that  question,  and  a 
good  deal  on  the  other."  The  acquisition  of  the  island 
would  incorporate  into  our  nation  a  large  number  of  people 
differing  radically  and  essentially  from  us  in  race,  in  lan- 
guage, in  religion,  in  domestic  habits,  and  in  civil  institu- 
tions. Even  with  our  enormous  powers  of  deglutition, 
digestion  and  absorption,  our  energies  would  be  taxed  to  a 
dangerous  extent  by  the  attempt  to  make  the  mixed  and 
mongrel  people  of  that  island  homogeneous  with  our  own. 
Its  annexation  would  also  increase  to  an  alarming  extent 
the  influence  of  the  Slave  power  in  the  Government  of  this 
country,  and  would  give  them  additional  strength  and  pres- 
tige in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  which,  as  every 
one  knows,  has  always  been  their  stronghold,  both  for 
offense  and  defense.  The  objections  to  the  acquisition  of 
Cuba  which  grew  out  of  these  considerations  are  most  cogent 
and  pressing,  and  certainly  of  sufficient  weight  to  restrain 
the  ardor  of  annexation,  which  some  of  our  people  might  be 
supposed  to  cherish  when  looking  at  the  subject  purely  from 
a  commercial  standpoint. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  a  very  general  acquiesence  in 
the  position  that  our  country  can  never  permit  any  other 
power  to  obtain  possession  of  the  island.  Such  is  the  well- 
known  and  peculiar  situation  with  reference  to  our  own 
country,  that  we  would  be  deaf  to  the  plainest  dictates  of 
self-interest  if  we  should  permit  it  to  fall  under  the  domin- 
ion of  either  of  our  great  rivals  in  Europe.  It  may,  there- 
fore be  considered  the  settled  policy  of  this  nation  to  prevent 
the  island  of  Cuba  from  being  transferred  to  any  other  na- 
tion, and  I  think  it  is  equally  the  settled  policy  not  to  molest 
Spain  in  her  peaceful  and  rightful  possession  of  it.  Every 
statesman  in  the  country  who  has  been  called  upon  to  affirm 
the  position  of  our  Government  on  this  question,  has  uni- 
formly taken  the  ground  that  we  should  not  and  would  not 
disturb  Spain  in  her  ownership  of  the  island,  and  that  until 
she  was  ready  to  entertain  or  propose  terms  of  cession  or 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  131 

transfer,  it  was  not  becoming  in  us  to  agitate  the  question. 
Such  are  the  expressed  and  recorded  views  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  Henry  Clay,  John  C.  Calhoun,  James  Buchanan, 
William  L.  Marcy,  and  Edward  Everett — six  of  the  most 
distinguished  gentlemen  who  have  presided  over  the  State 
department  of  this  Government.  If  I  had  public  documents 
at  hand  I  could  quote  the  opinions  of  each  and  all  these 
eminent  men  in  support  of  the  views  I  have  advanced.  I 
am  able,  however,  at  this  time,  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
House  to  an  extract  from  but  one  of  the  numerous  State 
papers  to  which  I  have  referred,  and  that  is  from  the  letter 
of  instructions  written  by  Mr.  Buchanan  when  Secretary  of 
State  under  Mr.  Polk  in  1848,  to  Mr.  Romulus  Saunders 
of  North  Carolina,  then  our  Minister  to  Madrid.  In  that 
letter  Mr.  Buchanan,  speaking  for  the  Administration,  au- 
thorized Mr.  Saunders  to  offer  one  hundred  millions  of  dol-- 
lars  to  Spain  for  the  Island,  and  he  accompanied  his  instruc- 
tions with  a  disclaimer  of  any  design  or  desire  to  coerce 
Spain  into  the  sale.  I  quote  the  following  extract  from 
his  remarks  : 

"The  fate  of  this  island  must  ever  be  deeply  interesting 
to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  We  are  content  that  it 
shall  continue  to  be  a  colony  of  Spain.  Whilst  in  her  pos- 
session we  have  nothing  to  apprehend.  Besides,  we  are 
bound  to  her  by  the  ties  of  ancient  friendship,  and  we  sin- 
cerely desire  to  render  these  perpetual." 

Why  then  are  we  not  still  "content  that  it  shall  be  a  col- 
ony of  Spain?"  Do  we  not  know,  of  a  verity,  that  "whilst 
in  her  possession  we  have  nothing  to  apprehend  ?"  I  com- 
mend Mr.  Buchanan's  words  in  1848  to  his  adherents  in 
1859,  and  knowing  as  they  do,  that  Spain  was  never  so 
reluctant  to  part  with  Cuba  as  now,  indeed  never  so  fully 
determined  to  hold  it  as  at  this  moment,  what  I  ask  can  be 
the  object  of  agitation  on  the  subject?  No  sane  man  in  the 
country  believes  that  the  passage  of  the  Slidell  measure  and 
the  prodigal  expenditure  of  the  Avhole  thirty  millions  of 
dollars  that  it  gives  to  the  President,  will  bring  us  any 
nearer  to  the  possession  of  Cuba  than  we  are  to-day  ;  at 
the  same  time  every  one  can  see  that  such  a  measure  would 
be  a  most  dangerous  one,  both  as  practice  and  precedent, 
and  that  it  is  objectional  on  every  consideration  of  expedi- 


132  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

enoy  and  right.  The  executive  power  of  the  country -is 
sufficiently  strong  and  overshadowing  already  without  seek- 
ing to  aggrandize  and  increase  it  by  enormous  grants  of 
extra-constitutional  power.  Let  us  then  discountenance  and 
repudiate  this  alarming  measure — as  dangerous  in  itself  and 
not  even  tending  to  compass  the  object  which  is  put  forth 
as  a  pretext  and  excuse  for  it.  Let  us  cease  a  fruitless  and 
aimless  agitation  at  home  which  no  one  expects  to  result  in 
practical  good  ;  let  us  cease  also  to  insult  and  menace  that 
proud  old  monarchy  of  Castile  and  Arragon,  to  which,  as 
Mr.  Buchanan  asserts,  "we  are  bound  by  the  ties  of  ancient 
friendship  that  we  sincerely  desire  to  render  perpetual." 

In  18G9,  Blaine  was  appointed  Prison  Commissioner  for 
the  State  of  Maine.  With  a  perseverance  and  dilligence 
which  was  marvelous,  he  investigated  everything  relating 
to  the  prison,  and  visited  many  prisons  in  other  States.  His 
report  on  the  subject  is  a  public  document,  still  much  used, 
and  its  recommendations  and  statistics  are  often  quoted  as 
authority  in  distant  States. 

Blaine  was  a  delegate  to  the  Republican  Convention  in 
1860,  and  worked  earnestly  for  the  nomination  of  Abraham 
Lincoln.  His  efforts  succeeded  in  dividing  the  Maine  dele- 
gation, which  greatly  influenced  the  result. 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  133 


CHAPTER  X. 

Election  to  Congress. — The  Condition  of  the  Nation. — Elaine's  Col- 
leagues.— Committee  Work. — Studies  to  be  quiet  and  to  do  his 
own  business. — The  Measures  he  advocated. — Views  on  Pro- 
tection.— On  Negro  Soldiers. — Debates. — Return  of  Slaves. 

In  1862,  Anson  P.  Morrill,  who  had  served  one  term 
from  the  Augusta  district  in  the  National  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, retired  voluntarily,  and  left  the  field  open  to  all 
competitors.  But  there  was  but  little  division  of  public 
sentiment.  It  was  clear  to  all  before  the  Convention  met, 
that  the  choice  of  the  people  was  James  G.  Elaine.  His 
constituency  was  one  of  the  most  intelligent  in  the  nation, 
and  at  that  time  their  interest  was  not  factional  or  personal. 
The  heart  of  the  people  was  marvelously  agitated  by  the 
events  connected  with  the  great  war.  Homes  were  deso- 
lated by  untimely  deaths  in  battle.  Taxation  became  griev- 
ous, and  National  pride  was  at  its  highest,  and  even  to  a 
dangerous  pitch.  Citizens  everywhere  took  an  excited  in- 
terest in  National  affairs,  and  desired  to  send  their  best  men 
without  reference  to  local  questions  or  factional  prejudices. 

Everywhere  throughout  the  North  the  same  feeling  was 
exhibited.  What  a  magnificent  array  of  names  does  the 
record  of  those  years  of  trial  present  to  the  historian.  The 
war  and  its  tests  brought  into  the  United  States  Congress 
then  as  great  and  noble  a  body  of  Statesmen  as  the  world 
ever  saw  in  one  assembly.  Into  that  Congress,  where  no 
second-rate  mind  could  be  felt,  and  no  ordinary  man  would 


134  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

be  noticed,  Elaine  was  considered  worthy  of  a  place  by  a 
constituency  which  appreciated  the  risk  and  understood  their 
responsibility. 

His  election  was  triumphant,  having  three  thousand  ma- 
jority. Yet  it  was  all  so  natural,  and  so  much  expected, 
that  all  were  ready  to  say,  "I  told  you  so."  He  was  the 
man  for  the  place.  No  other  competitor  was  seriously  con- 
sidered. 

December  7th,  1863,  Elaine  took  his  seat  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  at  Washington,  and  thenceforward  be- 
came a  National  man.  With  him  in  the  House  were  the 
following  statesmen : 

Lorenzo  D.  M.  Sweat,  Sidney  Perham,  John  H.  Rice, 
Frederic  A.  Pike,  Daniel  Marcy,  Edward  H.  Rollins,  James 
W.  Patterson,  Frederic  E.  Woodbridge,  Justin  S.  Morrill, 
Portus  Baxter,  Thomas  D.  Elliot,  Oakes  Ames,  Alexander 
H.  Rice,  Samuel  Hooper,  John  B.  Alley,  Daniel  W.  Gooch, 
George  S.  Boutwell,  John  D.  Baldwin,  William  B.  Wash- 
burne,  Henry  L.  Dawes,  Thomas  A.  Jenckes,  Nathan  F. 
Dixon,  Henry  C.  Deming,  James  E.  English,  Augustus 
Brandegee,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Henry  G.  Stebbins,  Martin 
Kalbfleisch,  Moses  F.  Odell,  Benjamin  Wood,  Fernando 
Wood,  Elijah  Ward,  John  W.  Chandler,  James  Brooks, 
Ansou  Herrick,  William  Radford,  Charles  H.  Winh'eld, 
Homer  A.  Nelson,  John  B.  Steele,  John  V.  L.  Peruyn, 
John  A.  Griswold,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Calvin  T.  Hubbard, 
James  M.  Marvin,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  Ambrose  W.  Clark, 
Francis  Kernan,  DeWitt  C.  Littlejohn,  Thomas  T.  Davis, 
Theodore  M.  Pomroy,  Daniel  Morris,  Giles  W.  Hotchkiss, 
Robert  B.  Van  Valkenburgh,  Freeman  Clarke,  Augustus 
Frank,  John  B.  Ganson,  Reuben  E.  Fenton,  John  F.  Starr, 
George  Middleton,  William  G.  Steele,  Andrew  J.  Rogers, 
Nehemiah  Perry,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Charles  O'Neill, 
Leonard  Myers,  William  D.  Kelley,  M.  Russell  Thayer, 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  135 

John  D.  Stiles,  John  R.  Broomall,  Sydenham  E.  Ancona, 
Thacldeus  Stevens,  Myer  Strouse,  Philip  Johnson,  Charles 
Dennison,  Henry  W.  Tracy,  William  H.  Miller,  Joseph 
Bailey,  Alexander  H.  Coffroth,  Archibald  McAllister,  James 
T.  Hale,  Glcnni  W.  Schofield,  Amos  Myers,  John  L.  Daw- 
son,  James  K.  Moorhead,  Thomas  Williams,  Jesse  Lazear, 
Nathaniel  B.  Smithers,  A.  P.  Field,  Thomas  Collman, 
George  H.  Pendleton,  Alexander  Long,  Robert  C.  Schenck, 
J.  F.  McKinney,  Frank  C.  Le  Blond,  Chilton  A.  White, 
Samuel  S.  Cox,  William  Johnson,  Warren  P.  Noble,  James 
M.  Ashley,  Wells  A.  Hutchins,  William  E.  Finck,  John 
O'Neill,  George  Bliss,  James  R.  Morris,  Joseph  W.  White, 
Ephraim  R.  Eckley,  Rufus  P.  Spaulding,  James  A.  Gar- 
field,  Lucien  Anderson,  George  H.  Leaman,  Henry  Grider, 
Aaron  Harding,  Robert  Mallory,  Green  Clay  Smith,  Brutus 
J.  Clay,  William  H.  Randall,  William  H.  Wadsworth,  John 
Law,  James  A.  Cravens,  Henry  W.  Harrington,  William 
S.  Holman,  George  W.  Julian,  Ebenezer  Dumont,  Daniel 
W.Voorhees,  Godlove  S.  Orth,  Schuyler  Colfax,  Joseph  K. 
Edgerton,  James  F.  McDowell,  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  John  F. 
Farnsworth,  ElihuB.  Washburne,  Charles  H.  Harris,  Jesse 
O.  Norton,  John  R.  Eden,  JohnT.  Stuart,  Lewis  W.  Ross, 
Anthony  L.  Knapp,  James  C.  Robinson,  William  R.  Mor- 
rison, William  J.  Allen,  James  C.  Allen,  John  G.  Scott, 
Austin  A.  King,  James  S.  Rollins,  Fernando  C.  Beaman, 
Charles  Upson,  John  W.  Longyear,  Francis  W.  Kellogg, 
Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  John  F.  Driggs,  James  F.  Wilson, 
Hiram  Price,  William  B.  Allison,  J.  B.  Grinnell,  John  A. 
Kasson,  A.  W.  Hubbard,  James  S.  Brown,  Ithamar  C. 
Sloan,  Amasa  Cobb,  Charles  A.  Eldridge,  Ezra  Wheeler, 
Walter  D.  Mclndoe,  Thomas  B.  Shannon,  William  Higby, 
Cornelius  Cole,  William  Windom,  Ignatius  Donnelly,  Fran- 
cisco Perear  John  F.  Kenney,  George  E.  Cole,  Samuel  G. 
Daily,  Hiram  P.  Bennet,  J.  B.  S.  Todd. 


136  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

In  the  Senate  at  the  same  session  were  the  following 
named  men,  many  of  whom  have  had  no  superior  as  patri- 
otic statesmen  in  this  later  age  of  the  world : 

Hon.  Lot  M.  Morrill,  Hon.  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  Hon. 
Daniel  Clark,  Hon.  John  P.  Hale,  Hon.  Solomon  Foot, 
Hon.  Jacob  Collarmer,  Hon.  Henry  Wilson,  Hon.  Charles 
Sumner,  Hon.  Henry  B  Anthony,  Hon.  William  Sprague, 
Hon.  James  Dixon,  Hon.  Lafayette  S.  Foster,  Hon.  Ira 
Harris,  Hon.  Edward  D.  Morgan,  Hon.  John  C.  Ten  Eysk, 
Hon.  Edward  Cowan,  Hon.  Charles  R.  Buckalew,  Hon. 
James  A.  Bayard,  Hon.  William  Saulsbury,  Hon.  Reverdy 
Johnson,  Hon.  Thomas  H.  Hicks,  Hon.  John  S.  Carlile, 
Hon.  Lemuel  J.  Bowden,  Hon.  Lazarus  W.  Powell,  Hon. 
Garrett  Davis,  Hon.  John  Sherman,  Hon.  Benjamin  F. 
Wade,  Hon.  Henry  S.  Lane,  Hon.  Thomas  A.  Hendricks, 
Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull,  Hon.  Zachariah  Chandler,  Hon. 
James  Harlan,  Hon.  James  W.  Grimes,  Hon.  James  R.  • 
Doolittle,  Hon.  Timothy  O.  Howe,  Hon.  James  A.  Mc- 
Dougall,  Hon.  Morton  S.  Wilkinson,  Hon.  Alexander 
Ramsey,  Hon.  Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  Hon.  James  H.  Lane, 
Hon.  James  W.  Nesmith,  Hon.  Benjamin  F.  Harding, 
Hon.  Jacob  M.  Howard,  Hon.  William  A.  Richardson, 
Hon.  William  Wright,  Hon.  William  S.  Willey,  Hon. 
Peter  G.  Van  Winkle. 

Elaine's  personal  influence  was  not  at  first  felt  so  much 
as  that  of  some  other  of  the  new  members,  but  it  increased 
steadily  and  surely.  Whatever  committee-work  was  given 
him  to  do,  he  did  carefully,  thoroughly  and  exhaustively. 
It  was  not  long  before  the  intelligent  and  observing  men 
about  him  learned  that  he  could  be  consulted  as  authority 
on  all  the  subjects  submitted  to  his  committees.  That  was 
a  reputation  and  an  influence  far  more  telling  and  lasting 
for  those  fearful  and  dangerous  times  than  one  gained  by 
brilliant  oratory  or  conceited  forwardness.  Hon.  Scuyler 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  137 

Colfax,  Speaker  of  the  House,  appointed  Elaine  on  the  Com- 
mittee on  Militia  and  on  the  Committee  on  Post  Offices. 
But  during  the  session  many  special  committees  were  ap- 
pointed on  which  he  appeared  with  increasing  frequency. 

He  did  not  speak  often.  But  when  he  did  address  the 
chair  his  words  were  important,  and  his  motions  and  objec- 
tions effective.  His  training  as  speaker  of  the  Maine  House 
gave  him  the  advantage  of  a  great  familiarity  with  parlia- 
mentary law,  and  he  was  quick  to  see  -the  place  in  which 
a  motion,  objection,  or  point  of  order  would  accomplish 
more  than  an  extended  speech. 

Day  by  day  his  acquaintance  extended,  sitting  by  sitting 
his  influence  grew,  until  he  was  recognized  instinctively  by 
all  as  a  master  mind  and  a  very  shrewd  parliamentarian. 

Before  that  Congress  the  most  difficult  and  complicated 
questions  constantly  arose,  and  often  under  the  strain  of 
great  excitement,  caused  by  news  of  disastrous  defeat  or 
glorious  victory  in  the  field,  measures  came  before  it  con- 
cerning the  enlistment  of  soldiers,  the  taking  of  slaves  as 
contraband  of  war,  negotiation  with  the  rebels,  the  nation's 
uncertain  relations  to  England  and  Mexico,  the  treatment 
of  traitors,  the  status  of  prisoners  of  war,  the  construction 
of  a  navy,  the  issue  of  paper  money,  the  drafting  of  men  in- 
to the  army,  contraction  of  the  public  debt,  the  construc- 
tion of  the  Pacific  railroad  and  that  greatest  of  all  great 
questions  which  any  nation  has  to  consider,  viz  :  the  eman- 
cipation of  the  slaves. 

On  all  these  questions  Blaine  went  on  record  unflinching- 
ly and  repeatedly.  It  is  a  marvel  that  on  all  the  votes  he 
gave,  and  of  all  the  measures  he  advocated  every  one  was 
approved  by  the  nation  either  at  once  or  in  after  time. 
Some  will  say  it  was  remarkable  luck.  To  the  historian  it 
looks  like  wisdom  and  foresight.  He  was  true  to  his  mot- 
to, "Under  all  circumstances  dare  to  do  right  and  leave  the 


138  THE    LIFE    AXD    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

consequences  to  Infinite  Wisdom !"  He  introduced  into 
Congress,  during  that  session,  the  proposition  to  refund  to 
the  loyal  States  the  money  expended  in  raising  armies. 

The  question  of  free  trade  was  then  agitated  but  Elaine 
seems  to  have  been  intently  studying  the  question,  and  was 
more  of  a  statesman  than  a  hobbyist.  Not  his  individual 
fine  theories,  but  what  was  best  for  the  time  and  place 
seemed  to  occupy  his  attention.  In  June  of  1864,  Hon. 
Samuel  S.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  made  a  strong  speech  in  which  he 
contrasted  the  protection  the  laws  gave  the  industries  of 
New  England  and  the  protection  given  those  of  Ohio. 
In  that  speech  he  called  the  New  England  States  the  "pro- 
tected states."  In  recording  such  matters  there  is  nothing 
better  than  the  official  records  and  hence  the  remarks  of 
Elaine  on  the  matter  are  given  here  from  the  Congressional 
Globe. 

"It  has  grown  to  be  a  habit  in  this  House,  Mr.  Chairman, 
to  speak  of  New  England  as  a  unit,  and  in  assailing  the 
New  England  States  to  class  them  together,  as  has  been 
done  to-day,  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Cox) 
throughout  his  entire  speech.  In  response  to  such  attacks, 
each  particular  Representative  from  a  New  England  State 
might  feel  called  upon  to  defend  the  whole  section.  For 
myself,  sir,  I  take  a  different  view.  I  have  the  honor  to 
represent  in  part  one  State,  the  State  of  Maine,  and 
I  have  no  more  to  do  with  the  local  and  particular  interests 
of  the  rest  of  New  England  than  with  any  other  State  in 
the  Union.  The  other  New  England  States  are  ably  rep- 
resented on  the  floor,  and  it  would  be  officious  and  arrogant 
in  me  to  speak  for  them.  But  Avhen  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  presumes  to  charge  here,  that  the  State  I  represent  re- 
ceives from  Federal  legislation  any  undue  protection  to  her 
local  interests,  he  either  ignorantly  or  willfully  misrepre- 
sents the  case  so  grossly,  that  for  ten  minutes  I  will  occupy 
the  attention  of  this  House  in  correcting  him. 

If  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  who  has  given  us  sucha  learned 
lecture  on  political  economy,  were  at  all  well  posted  in  re- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  139 

gard  to  the  industrial  pursuits  of  the  people  of  Maine,  he 
would  know  that  two  great  leading  interests  are  lumber  and 
navigation.  Now  will  the  gentleman  be  good  enough  to 
tell  the  House  what  protection  is  extended  by  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  to  the  lumber  interest?  At  no  time  in 
our  history,  Sir,  did  lumber  receive  more  than  a  feeble  pro- 
tection, and  even  that  was  taken  away  ten  years  ago,  by 
the  gentleman's  political  associates  when  they  formed  the  rec- 
iprocity treaty,  and  then  broke  down  the  only  business  we 
had  and  threw  in  the  whole  lumber  product  of  the  British 
provinces  to  compete  with  us.  And  in  regard  to  our  great 
interest  of  navigation,  will  the  gentleman  be  good  enough 
to  tell  the  House  when  a  ship  is  launched  from  a  Maine 
shipyard  to  engage  in  the  commerce  of  the  world,  what 
protection  is  given  by  the  United  States  laws  against  com- 
petition with  foreign  bottoms?  Not  a  particle,  Sir.  These 
two  great  leading  interests  of  my  State  derive  no  advantage 
from  Federal  legislation,  while  one  of  them  has  been  very 
greatly  damaged  by  the  treaty-making  power  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government.  I  do  not  hesitate  to  declare  here  to-day 
that  the  State  of  Ohio  has  upon  her  products  and  her  manu- 
factures ten  dollars  of  protection  from  Federal  legislation, 
where  Maine  has  twenty-five  cents. 

But,  Sir,  let  us  take  another  view  of  this  matter.  The 
State  of  Maine  consumes  every  year  five  hundred  thousand 
barrels  of  flour,  all  of  which  with  a  trifling  exception  is 
brought  from  the  West ;  and  a  large  proportion,  I  presume, 
from  the  State  of  Ohio.  Now  if  the  gentleman's  logic  be 
good,  it  would  be  very  admirable  for  this  country  to  so 
change  its  domestic  industry  as  to  detatch  the  six  hundred 
thousand  people  of  Maine  from  their  present  pursuits,  and 
convert  them  into  producers  instead  of  consumers  of  bread- 
stuffs  and  provisions.  And  let  this  change  be  made  through- 
out all  the  manufacturing  and  commercial  districts  of  the 
Union,  converting  the  five  millions  consumers  into  producers 
of  grain  and  meats,  and  the  withering  effect  on  the  gentle- 
man's State  and  on  the  entire  West,  would  be  too  apparent 
to  require  a  speech  of  an  hour  and  a  half  to  demonstrate  it. 
Sir,  I  am  tired  of  such  talk  as  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  has 
indulged  in  to-day,  and  in  so  far  as  it  includes  my  own 
State  as  being  a  pensioner  upon  the  General  Government,  or 


140  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

dependent  upon  the  bounty  of  any  other  State,  I  hurl  back 
the  charge  with  scorn.  If  there  be  a  State  in  this  Union 
that  can  say  with  truth  that  her  Federal  connection  confers 
no  special  benefit  of  a  material  character,  that  State  is 
Maine.  And  yet,  Sir,  no  State  is  more  attached  to  the 
Federal  Union  than  Maine.  Her  affection  and  her  pride 
•are  centered  in  the  Union,  and  God  knows  she  has  con- 
tributed of  her  best  blood  and  treasure  without  stint  in  sup- 
porting the  war  for  the  Union  ;  and  she  will  do  so  to  the 
end.  But  she  resents,  and  I,  speaking  for  her,  resent  the 
insinuation  that  she  derives  any  undue  advantage  from  Fed- 
eral legislation,  or  that  she  gets  a  single  dollar  she  does  not 
pay  back. 

As  compared  with  Ohio,  whence  this  slander  comes,  I 
repeat,  Sir,  that  Maine  receives  from  Federal  legislation  no 
protection  worth  reckoning.  The  gentleman  comes  up  here 
and  classifies  the  States  of  the  Union  as  "protected"  and 
"unprotected"  States,  and  he  puts  my  State  in  the  "pro- 
tected" class,  while  the  most  youthful  page  on  this  floor, 
who  has  studied  Mitchell's  Geography,  knows  that  the 
gentleman's  own  State  derives  from  the  General  Govern- 
ment an  immeasurably  larger  degree  of  protection  for  her 
local  interests  than  the  State  of  Maine  does. 

I  observe,  Sir,  that  a  great  deal  has  been  said  recently  in 
the  other  end  of  the  Capitol  in  regard  to  the  fishing  boun- 
ties, a  portion  of  which  is  paid  to  Maine.  I  have  a  word 
to  say  on  that  matter,  and  I  may  as  well  say  it  here.  Ac- 
cording to  the  records  of  the  Navy  Department,  the  State 
of  Maine  has  sent  into  the  naval  service  since  the  beginning 
of  this  war,  six  thousand  skilled  seamen,  to  say  nothing  of 
the  trained  and  invaluable  officers  she  has  contributed  to  the 
same  sphere  of  patriotic  duty.  For  these  men  the  State  has 
received  no  credit  whatever  on  her  quotas  for  the  army.  If 
you  will  calculate  the  amount  of  bounty  that  would  have 
been  paid  to  that  number  of  men  had  they  enlisted  in  the 
army,  instead  of  entering  the  navy  as  they  did  without 
bounty,  you  will  find  it  will  foot  up  a  larger  sum  than 
Maine  has  received  in  fishing  bounties  for  the  past  twenty 
years.  Thus,  Sir,  the  original  proposition  on  which  fishing 
bounties  were  granted — that  they  would  build  up  a  hardy 
and  skillful  class  of  mariners  for  the  public  defense  in  time 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  141 

of  public  danger — has  been  made  good  a  hundred  and  a 
thousand-fold  by  the  experience  and  developments  of  the 
war. 

This  much,  Sir,  I  have  felt  called  upon  to  say  in  response 
to  the  elaborate  and  carefully  prepared  speech  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Ohio.  I  have  spoken  in  vindication  of  a  State 
that  is  as  independent  and  as  proud  as  any  within  the  limits 
of  the  Union.  I  have  spoken  for  a  people  as  high-toned 
and  as  honorable  as  can  be  found  in  the  wide  world.  I 
have  spoken  for  a  particular  class — many  of  them  my  con- 
stituents— who  are  as  manly  and  as  brave  as  ever  faced  the 
ocean's  storm.  And  so  long,  Sir,  as  I  have  a  seat  on  this 
floor,  the  State  of  Maine  shall  not  be  slandered  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Ohio,  or  by  gentlemen  from  any  other  State. 

Blaine  was  an  ardent  supporter  of  the  theory  that  the 
slaves  should  be  enlisted  into  the  army  the  same  as  white 
men,  and  how  he  felt  and  what  he  said  upon  it  can  best  be 
seen  by  the  record  of  his  controversy  with  Mallory  of  Ken- 
tucky. 

Mr.  Mallory  said  that  the  negroes  not  only  did  not  behave 
with  any  gallantry,  but  they  shrank  and  fled  at  the  first  dis- 
charge of  rebel  musketry,  and  were  sent  back  under  the  cover 
of  a  hill  to  Frankfort.  And  I  tell  you,  Sir,  when  we  come 
to  find  out  the  whole  truth  in  relation  to  these  black  soldiers 
at  Petersburg,  we  shall  find  that  they  distinguished  them- 
selves as  highly  and  in  somewhat  the  same  way  as  did  those 
negroes  at  Frankfort.  My  friend  from  Maine  (Mr.  Blaine) 
who  seems  to  be  listening  so  attentively,  lived  in  Kentucky 
once,  and  knows  the  negro  and  his  attributes,  and  he  knows, 
if  he  will  tell  you  what  he  knows,  that  they  won't  fight. 

MR.  BLAINE.  From  a  residence  of  five  years  in  Ken- 
tucky I  came  to  the  conclusion  from  what  I  saw  of  the  ne- 
groes that  there  was  a  great  deal  of  fight  in  them. 

MR.  MALLORY.  Was  the  gentleman  ever  attacked  by 
them  ? 

MR.  BLAINE.  And  if  the  gentleman  has  ever  resided  a 
little  further  South  than  Kentucky,  on  the  sugar  plantations 
of  Louisiana  and  Mississippi,  I  would  ask  him  if  the  per- 


142  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

feet  terror  of  those  regions  is  not  a  runaway  negro'  in  the 
canebrakes  ? 

Mu.  MALLORY.  Well,  Sir,  he  would  do  for  a  bugaboo, 
to  frighten  negro  children  and  white  children  into  propriety. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Well,  I  know  it  to  be  a  fact.  The  gentle- 
man from  Kentucky  will  acquit  me  of  having  had  anything 
to  do  with  getting  up  that  dispatch,  to  which  he  has  alluded. 

MR.  MALLORY.     Certainly  I  do. 

MR.  BLAINE.  I  have  entire  faith — and  if  I  had  not,  I 
would  never  vote  a  dollar  of  appropriation  for  these  negro 
troops — that  well- trained  and  disciplined  negroes  will  make 
good  troops.  I  do  not  believe  they  will  make  as  good  troops 
as  white  men,  and  I  do  not  value  any  white  man's  opinion 
who  does  think  so.  But  I  have  one  fact  which  I  desire  to 
state.  Some  three  weeks  ago  I  had  a  conversation  with 
Mr.  Charles  Hale,  of  Boston,  who  has  just  set  sail  for 
Egypt,  as  Consul  of  the  United  States  to  that  country,  and 
where  a  year  or  two  ago  he  spent  some  time.  I  asked  him 
what  was  the  connection  between  Egypt  and  the  Sublime 
Porte.  He  said  the  Sublime  Porte  only  exercised  a  sover- 
eignty, so  that  when  Turkey  was  engaged  in  war  she  could 
call  upon  Egypt  for  a  contingent  of  troops  ;  that  she  did  that 
the  last  time  during  the  Crimean  war,  and  that  Egypt  fur- 
nished fifteen  regiments  of  negroes  of  pure  blood,  unmixed 
from  the  foundation  of  the  world,  and  as  good  troops  as 
ever  marched  upon  European  soil. 

MR.  Cox.     They  were  Abyssinians.      [Laughter.] 

MR.  BLAINE.  They  were  Abyssinians  whom  my  friend 
from  Ohio  found  to  be  so  surpassingly  grand  in  their  eccle- 
siastical attainments,  and  they  are  equally  grand  in  their 
military  attainments. 

MR.  MALLORY.     I  will  resume  the  floor. 

MR.  BLAINE.  One  moment  more.  Those  negroes,  I  am 
reminded  here,  Avere  not  Abyssinians.  The  Abyssinians  are 
a  race  of  a  religious  turn,  but  these  were  Nubians — naked, 
black  Nubians.  But  enough  of  that.  Now  I  ask  the  gen- 
tleman from  Kentucky  if  he  believes  that  a  thousand  white 
men,  of  the  Kentucky  race — and  I  believe  that  no  more  gal- 
lant race  than  the  Kentuckians  ever  lived — unarmed  and 
undrilled,  would  have  stood  any  better  before  the  rebel  mus- 
ketry than  the  negroes  themselves  did. 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  143 

Another  interesting  tilt  in  this  same  session,  with  the 
Hon.  S.  S.  Cox,  was  concerning  the  return  of  slaves  to 
their  owners.  It  shows  Elaine's  peculiar  expertness  in  de- 
bate, as  well  as  his  position  on  that  question. 

MR.  BLAINE.  I  want  to  ask  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  a 
question.  I  was  not  entirely  satisfied  with  his  response  to 
the  question  propounded  by  the  gentleman  from  California 
(Mr.  Cole).  The  gentleman  is  lecturing  the  House  upon 
his  view  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  laws  enacted  under  it, 
and  therefore  I  presume  he  will  not,  in  the  slightest  degree, 
refuse  to  give  us  his  views  upon  any  particular  application 
of  law.  The  laws  of  the  United  States  now  allow  the  en- 
listment of  negroes,  and  there  are  a  great  many  slaves  of 
Union  men  in  the  service. 

MR.  Cox.  Come  to  the  question  ;  I  want  the  question, 
but  do  not  make  it  too  sharp. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Those  negroes  are  regularly  enlisted  in 
the  army,  and  I  want  to  know  if  the  gentlemen  would  re- 
turn them  to  their  alleged  owners  ?  Do  not  dodge  the  ques- 
tion by  saying  that  the  commissioner  will  decide  the  case 
•when  it  arises.  Here  is  a  negro  in  the  ranks  of  the  army, 
belonging  to  a  loyal  owner.  Would  he  return  that  negro  to 
his  master  ?  I  do  not  want  the  gentleman  to  go  off  and  say 
that  the  commissioner  would  decide  so  and  so  ;  I  wish  him 
to  give  the  House  his  own  view  of  the  law. 

MR.  Cox.  The  gentleman  does  not  want  me  to  answer 
the  question  except  just  as  he  wishes  I  should. 

MR.  BLAINE.     I  want  you  to  answer  yes  or  no. 

MR.  Cox.  Learn  to  put  your  question  directly,  without 
preface. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  Would  the  gentleman  return  to  a  loyal 
owner  his  slave,  found  in  the  ranks  of  the  Union  army, 
fighting  for  the  preservation  of  the  Government?  Is  that 
direct  enough  for  the  impatient  gentleman  ? 

MR.  Cox.  I  would  return  any  slave  stolen  from  his  le- 
gal master,  and  let  that  slave  take  the  consequences  of  the 
military  law. 

MR.  BLAINE.  I  hear  the  answer  of  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio,  but  I  cannot  catch  its  meaning. 


144  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 

MR.  Cox.  And  I  guess  that  very  few  people  ever  catch 
their  slaves  under  present  circumstances.  [Laughter.] 

MR.  BLAINE.  Then  I  understand  the  gentleman  to  say 
that  unless  the  slave  be  stolen  he  would  not  return  him? 

MR.  Cox. — If  I  were  a  commissioner,  under  the  law,  I 
would  return  every  man  whom  the  law  required  to  be  re- 
turned. 

MR.  BLAINE.  But  does  the  law  require  a  man  to  be  re- 
turned who  is  in  the  ranks  of  the  Union  army?  The  gen- 
tleman skillfully  attempts  to  evade  that  question. 

MR.  Cox.  The  gentleman  skillfully  puts  a  question,  and 
doggedly  shuts  his  ears  to  the  answer.  The  law  was  never 
made  in  view  of  a  condition  of  things  like  the  present. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Then  I  understand  the  gentleman  to  say 
that  he  would  return  men  to  slavery  from  the  ranks  of  the 
Union  army? 

MR.  Cox.  I  would  return  any  man  now  in  arms  who 
has  been  wrongfully  taken  from  his  master,  and  then  I  would 
let  the  proper  tribunal  decide  whether  he  properly  belonged 
to  the  military  service  or  not. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Are  the  men  who  are  in  the  army  wrong- 
fully taken  ? 

MR.  Cox.  I  ask  the  gentleman  that.  Were  they  wrong- 
fully taken? 

MR.  BLAINE.     No  sir. 

MR.  Cox.  Then  I  have  nothing  more  to  say  to  the  gen- 
tleman on  that  point.  The  answer  is  obvious. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Yes,  but  obvious  as  the  answer  may  be, 
the  gentleman  fails  to  give  it.  But  I  will  put  another  ques- 
tion. Suppose  a  runaway  slave,  one  not  taken  by  law  from 
his  master,  enlists  and  is  found  in  the  ranks  of  the  Union 
Army,  and  is  claimed  as  a  fugitive  slave,  what  does  he  think 
about  that? 

Mr.  Cox.  I  will  tell  the  gentleman  what  I  think  about 
it.  I  opposed  putting  the  black  men  in  the  army  in  the  first 
place.  I  said  there  would  be  trouble  about  the  exchange  of 
prisoners.  I  warned  the  House  against  that  policy  earnestly, 
in  the  interest  of  our  white  soldiers,  who  have  been  kept  in 
prison  by  reason  of  this  infamous  military  policy  as  to  black 
soldiers.  I  do  not  believe  the  army  has  been  strengthened 
one  jot  or  tittle  by  the  black  men.  I  believe  they  are  a  pos- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  145 

itive  weakness  to  the  Union  army,  and  the  Union  cause. 
General  Grant  does  not  use  them.  He  does  not  put  them 
in  the  front.  He  does  not  fight  them.  He  knows  their 
worth  or  worthlessness.  He  uses  them  where  he  can,  but 
takes  care  where  he  places  them. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Let  me  tell  the  gentleman  that  there  are 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  wounded  negroes  in  one 
hospital  at  Fortress  Monroe. 

MR.  Cox.  The  gentleman  may  find  one  hundred  and 
fifty  blacks  wounded  out  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
soldiers.  They  were  with  Butler.  The  wonder  is  that  any 
escaped.  But  General  Grant  is  too  skillful  and  able  a  gen- 
eral to  put  himself  and  black  men  against  General  Lee  and 
his  white  men. 

MR.  BLAINE.  I  do  not  see  the  pertinency  of  that  to  my 
question. 

MR.  Cox.  I  will  show  the  gentleman.  I  would  be  will- 
ing to  let  the  black  soldiers  in  our  army  be  taken  home  to 
their  loyal  OAvners,  and  if  the  war  must  go  on,  leave  to  the 
white  men  the  honor  and  duty  of  carrying  on  the  war  for 
the  constitutional  liberties  of  white  men. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Precisely ;  but  I  still  fail  to  see  the  per- 
tinency of  the  gentleman's  harangue.  I  recognize  in  it  the 
sentiment  and  the  phrases  of  a  stump  speech,  which  I  had 
the  pleasure  of  hearing  from  him  more  than  once  before. 
But  it  has  no  relevancy  to  my  question. 

MR.  Cox.  The  gentleman  is  mistaken.  I  never  dis- 
cussed the  subject-matter  of  his  question  before  in  my  life. 
He  imagines  it  to  be  a  stump  speech,  because,  in  his  famil- 
iar parlance,  it  is  a  stumper  to  him.  True,  I  gave  him  a 
general  answer. 

MR.  BLAINE.     Quite  a  general  one. 

MR.  Cox.  Then  I  will  not  yield  any  further.  If  I  can- 
not make  him  understand,  it  is  not  my  fault. 

MR.  BLAINE.     Not  at  all. 

MR.  Cox.  I  do  not  think  the  gentleman  is  so  stupid  as 
that  he  cannot  understand  it.  The  trouble  is,  he  does  not 
want  to  understand  it. 

MR.  BLAINE.  I  understand  distinctly  that  the  gentleman 
does  not  wish  to  give  me  a  direct  answer. 


146  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 


CHAPTER.   XI. 

The  Thirty-Ninth  Congress. — Elaine's  Renomination. — His  Letter 
of  Acceptance. — His  Position  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives.— His  Influence  Through  the  Country. — Advocates  Pay- 
ing the  War  Debts  of  the  States. — Speeches  on  Constitutional 
Amendments. — The  Gold  Bill. — Basis  of  Representation  in 
Congress. — Buying  Ships  Abroad. 

In  the  fall  of  1864  Blaine  was  renominated  by  the  Repub- 
licans of  his  district  and  elected  by  the  people  with  but  little 
opposition.  His  letter  of  acceptance  of  the  nomination  that 
year  shows  the  issues  before  the  people  and  his  position  in 
regard  to  them. 

AUGUSTA,  AUG.  20th,  18G4. 
GEN.  J.  R.  BACHELDER  : 

Dear  Sir  :  I  am  in  receipt  of  your  favor  formally  advis- 
ing me  that  on  the  10th  inst.,  the  Union  Convention  of  the 
Third  District  unanimously  nominated  me  for  re-election  as 
Representative  in  Congress.  For  this  generous  action,  as 
well  as  for  the  cordial  manner  attending  it,  and  the  very 
complimentary  phrase  in  which  it  is  conveyed,  I  am  under 
profound  obligations.  It  is  far  easier  for  me  to  find  the  in- 
spiring cause  of  such  favor  and  such  unanimity  in  the  per- 
sonal partiality  of  friends,  than  in  any  merits  or  services 
which  I  may  justly  claim  as  my  own. 

In  nominating  me  as  the  Union  candidate,  and  pledging 
me  to  no  other  platform,  you  place  me  on  the  precise  ground 
I  desire  to  occupy.  The  controlling  and  absorbing  issue 
before  the  American  people  is  whether  the  Federal  Union 
shall  be  saved  or  lost.  In  comparison  with  that,  all  other 
issues  and  controversies  are  subordinate,  and  entitled  to  con- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  147 

sideration  just  in  the  degree  that  they  may  influence  the  end 
which  Washington  declared  to  be  "the  primary  object  of 
patriotic  desire."  To  maintain  the  Union  a  gigantic  war 
has  been  carried  on,  now  in  the  fourth  year  of  its  duration, 
and  the  resources  of  the  country,  both  in  men  and  money, 
have  been  freely  expended  in  support  of  it.  The  war  was 
not  a  matter  of  choice  with  the  government,  unless  it  was 
prepared  to  surrender  its  power  over  one-half  of  its  territory 
and  incur  all  the  hazards  of  anarchy  throughout  the  other 
half.  It  was  begun  by  those  who  sought  to  overthrow  the 
Federal  authority.  It  should  be  ended  the  very  day  that 
authority  is  recognized  and  re-established  throughout  its 
rightful  domain. 

The  desire  for  peace  after  the  sufferings  and  trials  of  the 
past  three  years  is  natural.  Springing  from  the  very  in- 
stincts of  humanity  it  is  irrepressible.  The  danger  to  be 
avoided  is  that  in  aiming  to  attain  peace  we  shall  be  de- 
ceived by  the  shadow  and  thus  fail  to  secure  the  substace. 
Peace  on  the  basis  of  disunion  is  a  delusion.  It  is  no  peace 
at  all.  It  is  but  the  beginning  of  war — more  wasteful,  more 
destructive,  more  cruel  than  we  have  thus  far  experienced. 
Those  who  cry  for  the  "immediate  cessation  of  the  war"  are 
the  best  advocates  of  its  endless  continuance.  They  mean 
peace  by  the  recognition  of  Rebel  Independence,  and  Rebel 
Independence  is  absolutely  incompatible  with  peace. 

Among  the  cherished  errors  of  those  who  are  willing  to 
acknowledge  the  Southern  Confederacy  as  the  basis  of 
peace,  the  most  fatal  is  that  which  assumes  the  continued 
union,  harmony  and  power  of  the  loyal  States.  This  can- 
not be.  Contentions  and  strifes  without  number  would  at 
once  spring  up.  The  border  States  would  be  convulsed 
with  a  fierce  contest  as  to  which  section  they  would  adhere 
to.  The  Pacific  slope,  to  escape  the  dangers  and  constant 
embroilments  which  it  could  neither  control  nor  avoid, 
would  naturally  seek  for  independence ;  and  the  North- 
west, if  it  did  not  follow  the  example,  would  demand  such 
a  reconstruction  of  the  government  of  the  remaining  States 
as  would  make  our  further  connection  therewith  undesirable 
if  not  absolutely  intolerable.  In  short  disunion  upon  the 
line  of  the  revolted  States  would  involve  the  total  and 
speedy  disintegration  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  we 


148  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

would  find  ourselves  launched  on  "a  sea  of  troubles"  with 
no  pilot  capable  of  holding  the  helm,  and  no  chart  to  guide 
us  on  our  perilous  voyage. 

There  is  indeed  but  one  path  of  safety,  and  that  is  like- 
wise the  path  of  honor  and  of  interest.  We  must  preserve 
the  Union.  Differ  as  we  may  as  to  the  measures  necessary 
to  that  end,  there  shall  be  no  difference  among  loyal  men  as 
to  the  end  itself.  No  sacrifice  we  can  make  in  our  efforts 
to  save  the  Union  is  comparable  with  that  we  should  all 
make  in  losing  it.  He  is  the  enemy  to  both  sections  and  to 
the  common  cause  of  humanity  and  civilization,  who  is  Avill- 
ing  to  conclude  the  Avar  by  surrendering  the  Union  ;  and  the 
most  alarming  development  of  the  times  is  the  disposition 
manifested  by  leading  journals,  by  public  men  and  by  polit- 
ical conventions  in  the  loyal  States  to  accept  this  conclu- 
sion. For  myself,  in  the  limited  sphere  of  my  influence  I 
shall  never  consent  to  such  a  delusive  settlement  of  our 
troubles.  Neither  at  the  polls  as  an  American  citizen,  nor 
in  Congress  as  a  Representative  (should  I  again  be  chosen) 
will  I  ever  give  a  vote  admitting  even  the  possibility  of 
ultimate  failure  in  this  great  struggle  for  Nationality. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obd't  servant, 

J.  G.  ELAINE. 

During  the  succeeding  39th  Congress  he  occupied  a 
subordinate  position  on  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. 
But  his  influence  on  that  important  committee  or  in  the 
House  was  not  secondary.  During  the  session  of  that 
Congress  Blaine  reached  that  leading  position  as  a  states- 
man which  he  has  held  ever  since.  His  position  on  the 
basis  of  representation  in  Congress,  claiming  that  the  South 
should  be  entitled  to  representatives  only  in  proportion  to 
its  enfranchised  citizens,  was  one,  which,  when  adopted  com- 
pelled the  South  for  their  own  interest  to  grant  the  right  of 
suffrage  to  the  negro  population. 

The  registry  of  vessels  engaged  in  American  trade ;  the 
appropriations  for  the  army  ;  the  still  unsettled  question  of 
paying  to  the  States  their  expenditures  for  raising  troops 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  149 

in  the  war ;  the  West  India  telegraph  ;  reorganization  of 
the  army  ;  the  reconstruction  of  the  Southern  States  ;  equal- 
ization of  taxes,  and  the  celebrated  controversy  with  Hon. 
Roscoe  Conkling  over  General  Fry,  called  out  his  most 
brilliant  talents  and  fastened  him  to  the  hearts  of  the 
people. 

The  exciting  discussion  with  Conkling  arose  about  the 
Provost  Marshal  General,  against  whom  Conkling,  for  some 
reason  sufficient  to  him,  had  taken  a  most  bitter  dislike. 
Blaine  defended  General  Fry  boldly,  persistently,  and 
sharply.  The  discussion  became  excitingly  personal  and 
the  wordy  warfare  was  one  of  the  most  keen,  sarcastic  and 
bold  ever  waged  in  the  arena  of  daily  conflict. 

On  the  question  of  reimbursing  the  States  for  their  war 
expenses  Blaine  was  the  originator  of  the  proposition,  and 
its  champion  to  its  successful  issue.  His  speech  upon  that 
matter  given  April  12th?  1864,  will  give  the  reader  an  ac- 
curate and  official  account  of  the  measure  and  his  manner 
of  sustaining  it. 

The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  on  the  Special 
Order,  Bill  No.  117,  "to  reimburse  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania for  expenses  incurred  in  calling  out  the  militia  dur- 
ing the  invasion  of  said  State." 
MR.  BLAINE  said : 

Mr.  Chairman — I  move  to  amend  the  amendment  of  the 
gentleman  from  Illinois  (Mr.  Farnsworth)  by  adding  there- 
to the  following,  which  I  design  as  a  substitute  for  the  bill  re- 
ported by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Stevens)  : 
"Sec.  1.  That  a  Board  of  three  commissioners,  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  President,  is  hereby  established  to  ascertain 
the  total  amount  of  indebtedness  that  has  been  incurred  by 
the  loyal  States,  and  by  the  towns,  cities  and  counties 
within  those  States,  in  their  efforts  to  raise,  organize  and 
equip  troops  for  the  present  war  ;  and  said  commissioners 
shull  hold  their  sessions  in  the  city  of  Washington  from  and 


150  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

after  the  1st  day  of  October  next,  and  shall  have  power  to 
employ  such  number  of  clerks  as  they  may  find  necessary, 
not  exceeding  four — one  of  each  class. 

"Sec.  2.  Said  commissioners  shall  give  notice  by  adver- 
tisement in  at  least  one  paper  in  each  loyal  State,  of  the  time 
and  place  of  their  sessions,  that  all  duly  authorized  agents 
may  attend  and  present  their  claims  for  debts  incurred  for 
the  general  or  particular  defense  during  the  war,  and  on  the 
evidence  thereof  according  to  the  principles  of  general  equity 
(although  such  claims  may  not  have  been  sanctioned  by  the 
laws  of  Congress)  to  allow  the  same  as  a  charge  against  the 
United  States,  subject  to  the  approval  of  Congress,  to  be 
liquidated  and  paid  by  the  issuance  to  said  claimants  of  bonds 

of  the  United  States,  payable  in years,  with  interest 

at  the  rate  of per  cent,  per  annum,  or  in  lawful  money 

of  the  United  States,  as  may  hereafter  be  elected  by  Con- 
gress :  Provided  always,  That  the  rule  for  apportioning  to 
States  the  amounts  to  be  refunded  under  this  act  shall  be 
the  same  that  is  provided  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  for  the  apportionment  of  Representatives  and  direct 
taxes. 

"Sec.  3.  Said  commissioners  shall  respectively  take  an 
oath  before  a  judge  of  the  United  States  Court  that  they  will 
faithfully  discharge  their  duties.  They  shall  each  be  paid 

at  the  rate  of dollars  per  day,  and  shall  make  final 

report  of  their  doings  to  Congress  on  or  before  the  first  Mon- 
day of  December,  A.  D.  18G5." 

MR.  STILES.  I  raise  the  point  of  order  on  that  amend- 
ment, that  it  is  not  germane  to  the  original  bill. 

MR.  STEVENS.  I  hope  the  gentleman  from  Maine  will 
withdraw  it.  It  is  upon  a  different  subject  altogether. 

MR.  ELAINE.  I  submit  the  question  to  the  Chair.  If  my 
amendment  is  out  of  order,  of  course  I  cannot  press  it. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  decides  the  amendment  to 
be  in  order,  as  it  relates  to  the  general  subject  of  the  bill, 
and  in  effect  includes  the  pending  measure. 

MR.  BLAINE.  As  early  as  the  7th  of  January  last,  Mr. 
Chairman,  I  called  the  attention  of  the  House  by  a  simple 
declaratory  resolution  to  the  subject  of  refunding  to  the  loyal 
States  the  amounts  expended  by  them  in  the  prosecution  of 
the  existing  war.  Instead  of  asking  a  vote  on  the  resolu- 


OK    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  151 

tion  then  submitted,  I  desire  the  action  of  the  House  on  the 
bill  which  I  have  just  offered  as  a  substitute  for  that  report- 
ed from  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  by  the  distin- 
guished gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Stevens) .  His 
bill  proposes  to  refund  a  certain  amount  of  money  claimed 
to  be  due  from  the  General  Government  to  his  own  State 
for  expenses  incurred  during  the  Gettysburg  campaign.  My 
bill  proposes  to  establish  a  commission  for  the  purpose  of  as- 
certaining the  amounts  due  to  all  the  loyal  States  for  their 
war  expenditures,  with  the  view  of  ultimately  refunding  the 
same  from  the  common  treasury  of  the  nation. 

It  is,  of  course,  well  known  to  all,  that  in  addition  to  the 
enormous  outlay  of  the  National  Government  in  its  effort  to 
suppress  the  Southern  Rebellion,  there  has  been  a  necessary 
and  legitimate  expenditure  in  aid  of  the  same  great  object 
on  the  part  of  the  loyal  States.  These  expenditures  arose 
from  absolute  necessity  ;  they  have  not  been  made  thought- 
lessly or  wastefully,  but  with  due  consideration,  and  with  a 
prudent  economy  which  compares  most  favorably  with  many 
departments  of  the  National  disbursement.  My  proposition 
is,  that  all  expenditures  thus  made  in  good  faith  for  the  de- 
fense and  preservation  of  the  National  life,  should  be  re- 
funded by  the  National  Government.  And  I  shall  proceed 
to  discuss,  as  briefly  as  may  be,  the  justice  and  expediency 
of  refunding  these  amounts  ;  the  precedents  for  so  doing  ; 
and  our  ability  to  do  so  without  impairing  the  National  credit. 
And  of  these  in  their  order. 

If  the  twenty-four  loyal  States,  now  striving,  with  patri- 
otic rivalry,  to  outdo  each  other  in  defending  and  rescuing 
the  nation  from  its  perils,  were  hereafter  to  constitute  the 
entire  Union,  there  might  be  nothing  gained  and  nothing 
lost  to  any  one  of  them,  by  consolidating  their  respective 
war  debts  into  one  common  charge  upon  the  aggregate  re- 
sources of  the  nation.  Under  such  circumstances  each  State 
would  be  freed  from  an  individual  tax  only  to  incur  a  bur- 
den of  similar  magnitude  in  meeting  its  component  part  of 
the  total  national  debt.  But  the  actual  case,  presented  for 
our  consideration  and  decision,  is  far  different  fi-om  this. 
We  are  engaged  in  a  struggle  which  must  inevitably  result 
in  restoring  to  loyalty,  and  to  duty,  eleven  States  now  in 
rebellion  against  the  authority  of  the  National  Government. 


152  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

And  beyond  that,  as  a  consequence  of  a  restored  Union,  and 
of  the  boundless  prosperity  which  awaits  the  auspicious 
event,  our  vast  Western  domain  will  be  peopled  with  a  ra- 
pidity exceeding  all  precedent,  and  States  without  number 
almost  will  spring  into  existence,  to  add  to  the  strength  and 
insure  the  perpetuity  of  our  Government.  Well-considered 
estimates  based  on  past  progress,  and  the  established  ratio 
of  our  advance  in  wealth  and  population,  assure  us  that 
within  less  than  a  century  from  this  time  we  shall  have 
added  forty  new  States  to  our  Union,  making,  with  the 
number  now  composing  it,  a  grand  total  of  seventy-five 
prosperous  Commonwealths.  Were  it  not  for  the  blood  so 
freely  poured  out,  and  the  treasure  so  lavishly  expended  by 
the  twenty-four  loyal  States  represented  on  this  floor,  the 
eleven  States  now  in  revolt  would  not  be  saved  from  self- 
destruction,  and  the  forty  States  so  speedily  to  grow  up  in 
the  Mississippi  valley  and  on  the  Pacific  slope  would  never 
come  into  existence. 

Of  the  immense  national  debt  which  we  are  incurring  in 
this  struggle,  each  State  will,  of  course,  have  to  bear  a 
share  ;  but  it  is  quite  manifest  that  for  two  generations  to 
come,  owing  to  our  established  system  of  taxation,  the  pres- 
ent loyal  States  will  have  to  endure  vastly  the  larger  propor- 
tion of  the  total  burden.  Is  it  fair  or  just,  that  in  addition 
to  this  they  shall  each  be  called  upon  to  bear,  unaided,  a  large 
local  debt,  necessarily,  and  yet  generously,  incurred  in  aid 
of  the  one  common  object  of  preserving  the  life  of  the  whole 
nation?  The  question  which  I  present,  therefore,  is  not 
one  for  dispute  or  difference  between  any  of  the  States  here 
represented,  for  they  all  have  a  common  interest  in  adopting 
the  proposed  measure.  The  financial  issue  is  rather  between 
the  twenty-four  loyal  States  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  eleven 
revolted  States,  together  with  all  future  new  States,  on  the 
other.  We  have  it  in  our  power  to-day  to  determine  the 
matter  upon  principles  of  the  highest  equity,  and  at  the 
same  time  for  the  interest  of  the  loyal  States,  Avho  are  bear- 
ing the  heat  and  burden  of  the  great  contest. 

From  such  data  as  I  have  been  able  to  collect,  I  estimate 
the  war  debts  of  the  loyal  States,  and  of  the  towns,  cities, 
and  counties  within  those  States,  as  amounting  at  least  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  dollars.  The  annual  tax 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  153 

to  meet  the  interest  on  this  sum  must  be  raised  by  a  direct 
levy  on  the  property  of  the  people,  without  the  intervention 
of  an  excise  system,  or  any  other  indirection  to  lighten  or 
disguise  it.  If  this  burden  is  to  remain  permanently  on  the 
communities  now  sustaining  it,  we  shall  witness  the  anom- 
alous spectacle  of  less  than  one-third  of  the  prospective 
number  of  States  bearing  in  its  most  oppressive  form  one 
hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  debt,  every  dollar  of  which 
was  contracted  as  much  for  the  benefit  of  the  other  two- 
thirds  of  the  Union  as  for  themselves.  And  the  injurious 
working  of  such  a  discrimination  will  be  made  odiously  and 
cruelly  manifest  in  the  emigration  from  the  old  to  the  new 
States,  and  from  the  North  to  the  South,  for  the  purpose  of 
escaping  the  very  tax  which  was  incurred  that  the  new 
States  might  be  born,  and  that  the  South  might  be  saved 
from  suicide.  I  could  not,  by  any  argument,  enhance  the 
force  of  such  a  fact  as  this,  nor  strengthen  the  plea  which  it 
makes  for  the  equalization  of  the  entire  debt  created  by  the 
war. 

I  anticipate  an  objection  which  will  be  made  to  the  meas- 
ure on  the  score  of  expediency.  Many  gentlemen,  while 
admitting  the  abstract  justice  and  equity  of  the  proposition, 
have  suggested  the  danger  of  impairing  the  national  credit 
by  adding  to  it  a  burden  which  need  not  be  assumed.  The 
national  treasury  they  fear  is  already  overloaded  by  the  in- 
evitable demands  upon  it,  and  they  protest  against  incurring 
any  fresh  obligation  where  it  can  possibly  be  avoided.  I 
shall,  before  closing  my  remarks,  speak  somewhat  in  detail 
of  our  ability  to  bear  the  national  debt  which  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  rebellion  will  leave  upon  us.  At  this  point  I 
desire  only  to  say  that  it  is  a  mistake,  palpable  and  radical, 
to  assume  that  the  adoption  of  the  refunding  measure  which 
I  have  proposed  would  in  any  degree  add  to  the  national 
burden  or  actually  increase  the  debt  of  the  country.  The 
States  and  communities  which  owe  the  debts  proposed  to  be 
refunded,  are  precisely  the  same  States  and  communities 
upon  which  must  rest  the  maintenance  of  the  national  credit 
during  the  entire  period  that  it  may  be  said  to  be  in  doubt 
or  on  trial  before  the  world.  If  this  $150,000,000  of  local 
indebtedness  is  upon  them,  it  affects  their  resources  and 
their  ability  to  carry  the  national  debt  by  precisely  that 


154  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

amount.  And  if  the  national  debt  be  increased  $150,000,- 
000  by  refunding  to  the  States,  the  local  burdens  are  correl- 
atively  and  proportionally  reduced.  Not  only  is  this  so,  as 
an  actual  fact,  but  it  is  so  in  its  impression  and  its  influence 
in  financial  circles.  You  will  find  that  the  bankers  in  New 
York  and  London  maintain  a  close  observation  upon  our 
State  and  local  indebtedness,  and  thence  measure  our  ability 
to  carry  a  national  debt.  Should  the  refunding  policy  be 
adopted,  no  class  of  men  will  appreciate  it  so  thoroughly  or 
weigh  its  effect  so  clearly  as  those  who  so  largely  control 
the  loan  market.  The  policy  will  need  neither  explanation 
nor  vindication  with  that  sagacious  and  far-seeing  class  of 
men. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  at  the  organization  of  the 
Government,  when  the  policy  of  refunding  to  the  States 
their  outlays  in  the  revolutionary  struggle  was  under  dis- 
cussion, the  very  objection  which  I  have  just  been  consider- 
ing was  vehemently  urged  by  those  who  were  opposed  to 
the  measure.  Their  whole  argument  was  very  quietly  over- 
thrown by  Mr.  Hamilton  in  his  celebrated  report  of  January 
9,  1790,  when  he  summed  up  and  disposed  of  the  entire  case 
in  these  few  words  : 

"Admitting  that  a  provision  must  be  made  in  some  way 
or  other  for  the  entire  debt,  it  will  certainly  follow  that  no 
greater  revenues  will  be  required,  whether  that  provision  be 
made  wholly  by  the  United  States  or  partly  by  them  and 
partly  by  the  States  separately." 

Instead  of  having  an  injurious  effect  on  the  public  credit, 
Mr.  Hamilton  further  maintained  that  the  refunding  policy 
"would  contribute,  in  an  eminent  degree,  to  an  orderly, 
stable,  and  satisfactory  arrangement  of  the  national  finances." 

Every  measure  of  legislation  having  sufficient  importance 
to  enlist  the  interest  and  challenge  the  scrutiny  of  the  coun- 
try, is  greatly  strengthened  if  its  policy  can  be  sustained  by 
the  practice  of  the  past.  Happily,  in  this  instance  we  are 
not  without  the  most  pertinent  and  suggestive  precedents — 
not  only  settling  all  questions  of  Constitutional  power,  but 
vindicating  by  results  the  policy  of  refunding  all  war  ex- 
penditures to  the  States. 

I  need  not  remind  the  House  that  one  of  the  earliest  and 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  155 

one  of  the  gravest  questions  that  came  up  for  adjustment 
upon  the  organization  of  the  Government  was  the  payment, 
from  the  common  purse  of  the  nation,  of  all  debts  contracted 
by  the  States  in  their  great  struggle  to  achieve  our  inde- 
pendence. All  the  possible  questions  and  issues  involved  in 
such  a  policy  were  fully  and  freely  discussed  by  the  leading 
statesmen  of  that  day ;  and  the  decision  was  in  favor  of 
refunding — a  decision  which  was  followed  by  the  almost 
instant  revival  and  subsequent  continued  maintenance  of  the 
public  credit.  The  argument  in  favor  of  the  policy  was  ad- 
mirably condensed  by  Mr.  Hamilton  in  a  single  paragraph 
which  I  quote  from  one  of  his  ablest  papers  : 

"The  equalizing  of  the  condition  of  the  citizens  of  every 
State,  and  exonerating  those  of  the  States  most  indebted 
from  partial  burdens  which  would  press  upon  them  in  con- 
sequence of  exertions  in  a  common  cause,  is  not  completely 
fulfilled  until  the  entire  debt  of  every  State  contracted  in 
relation  to  the  war  is  embraced  in  one  general  and  compre- 
hensive plan.  The  inconvenience  to  the  United  States  of 
disburdening  the  States  which  are  still  incumbered  with 
considerable  debts,  would  bear  no  proportion  to  the  incon- 
venience which  they  would  feel  if  left  to  struggle  with  those 
debts  unaided." 

Following  the  views  and  recommendations  of  Mr.  Ham- 
ilton, Congress,  on  the  5th  of  August,  1790,  passed  "An 
act  to  provide  more  effectually  for  the  settlement  of  accounts 
between  the  United  States  and  the  individual  States."  By 
this  act,  a  board  consisting  of  three  commissioners  was 
appointed  to  hear  and  adjudicate  all  claims  submitted  to 
them.  The  generous  and  comprehensive  basis  on  which 
claims  were  to  be  determined,  may  be  seen  from  the  third 
section  of  the  act,  a  part  of  which  I  will  read  : 

"SEC.  3.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  said  commissioners  to 
receive  and  examine  all  claims  which  shall  be  exhibited  to 
them  before  the  1st  day  of  July,  A.  D.  1791,  and  to  deter- 
mine on  all  such  as  shall  have  accrued  for  the  general  or 
particular  defense  during  the  war,  and  on  the  evidence 
thereof,  according  to  the  principles  of  general  equity,  although 


156  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

such  claims  may  not  be  sanctioned  by  the  resolves  of  Congress, 
nor  supported  by  regular  vouchers,"  etc. 

By  legislation  contemporaneous  with  the  foregoing,  the 
act  indeed  being  approved  one  day  in  advance  of  that  from 
which  I  have  read,  Congress  agreed  to  liquidate  the  claims 
of  States  to  a  specified  amount,  with  the  simple  proviso, 
that  the  claims  should  be  for  "compensations  and  expendi- 
tures for  service  or  supplies  toward  the  prosecution  of  the 
late  war  and  the  defense  of  the  United  States  or  some  part 
thereof  during  the  same."  The  amounts  for  which  United 
States  stocks  were,. in  pursuance  of  this  legislation,  ex- 
changed for  certificates  of  State  indebtedness  were  as  follows 
in  the  various  States,  viz.  :  New  Hampshire,  $300,000  ; 
Massachusetts,  $4,000,000;  Rhode  Island,  $200,000; 
Connecticut,  $1,000,000;  New  York,  $1,200,000;  New 
Jersey,  $800,000 ;  Pennsylvania,  $2,200,000  ;  Delaware, 
$200,000;  Maryland, -$800,000;  Virginia,  $3,500,000; 
North  Carolina,  $2,400,000;  South  Carolina,  $4,000,000; 
Georgia,  $300,000.  Massachusetts,  which  furnished  the 
most  men  in  the  revolutionary  war,  and  South  Carolina, 
which  furnished  the  least  number,  had  the  same  amounts 
liquidated  ;  and  the  aggregate  sum  thus  refunded  to  all  the 
States  for  war  expenditures  was  twenty-one  and  a  half  mil- 
lions of  dollars ;  immeasurably  larger,  in  proportion  to 
the  wealth  and  resources  of  the  country  at  that  time,  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  would  be  for  the  nation  as 
it  exists  to-day. 

The  second  precedent  for  refunding  the  expenditures  made 
by  States  was  in  the  war  with  England  in  1812-15.  Every 
dollar  was  repaid  on  the  most  liberal  principles,  the  only  limit 
or  qualification  being  that  the  money  whose  restitution  was 
claimed,  "had  been  actually  expended  for  the  use  and  bene- 
fit of  the  United  States  during  the  late  war  with  Great 
Britain."  And  the  principle  was  carried  further  than  simply 
refunding  the  amounts  advanced,  for  interest  also  was  sub- 
sequently allowed  to  every  State,  except  Massachusetts, 
upon  all  debts  incurred  on  behalf  of  the  common  cause.  The 
payment  of  interest  was  a  much-discussed  and  long-delayed 
act,  and  its  accomplishment  was  finally  due  to  the  clear  and 
forcible  presentation  of  the  merits  and  rightfulness  of  the 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAIN-E.  157 

policy  by  President  Monroe,  in  a  message  to  Congress  dur- 
ing the  session  of  1824-25.  In  consequence  of  the  argument 
and  influence  of  the  President,  interest  was  allowed  to 
Virginia  "on  all  sums  on  which  she  had  paid  interest ;"  and 
subsequently,  by  separate  acts,  each  State  that  had  made 
advances  for  war  purposes  was  allowed  interest  in  full  there- 
on, with  the  exception  just  noted  ;  and  a  bill  to  refund  in- 
terest to  Massachusetts  is  now  pending.  Reference  may  be 
had  to  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  volume  4,  pages 
161,  175,  192,  241,  499. 

The  third  and  freshest  precedent  for  the  policy  now  urged 
was  the  course  pursued  by  our  Government  with  reference 
to  State  expenses  incurred  during  the  war  with  Mexico. 
The  refunding  to  the  States,  in  that  instance  was  upon  a 
basis  so  comprehensive  and  broad  as  to  be  almost  liable  to 
the  charge  of  looseness  and  prodigality.  Before  the  war 
had  continued  a  year,  before  the  intelligence  of  Taylor's 
victory  at  Buena  Vista  had  reached  this  country,  and  before 
Scott  had  even  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  Congress  provided  by 
joint  resolution  of  March  3,  1847,  for  refunding  as  follows  : 

" Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That 
the  Secretary  of  \Var  be  and  he  is  hereby  authorized  and 
required  to  cause  to  be  refunded  to  the  several  States  or  to 
individuals,  for  services  rendered,  acting  under  the  author- 
ity of  any  State,  the  amount  of  expenses  incurred  by  them 
in  organizing,  subsisting,  and  transporting  volunteers  pre- 
vious to  their  being  mustered  and  received  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States  for  the  present  war." 

Under  this  resolution  many  claims  were  presented  which 
the  auditing  bureaus  of  the  Treasury  Department  refused 
to  allow,  because  of  the  restriction  contained  in  the  phrase 
"acting  under  the  authority  of  any  State."  There  was, 
moreover,  a  class  of  claims  presented  by  counties  and  mu- 
nicipal corporations  which  did  not  seem  to  be  included 
within  the  specific  terms  of  the  resolution.  To  remedy  all 
such  defects,  Congress  the  next  year  passed  an  act,  ap- 
proved June  2,  1848,  the  first  section  of  which  was  in 
the  following  terms : 

"Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  the  provisions  of  the  joint  res- 


.jlutions  approved  March  3,  1847,  entitled  'A  resolution  to 
refund  money  to  the  States  that  have  supplied  volunteers, 
etc.'  be  and  the  same  are  hereby  extended  so  as  to  embrace 
all  cases  of  expenses  heretofore  incurred  in  organizing,  sub- 
sisting and  transporting  volunteers  previous  to  their  being 
mustered  and  received  into  the  United  States  service  for  the 
present  war,  whether  by  States,  counties,  corporations,  or  in- 
dividuals, either  acting  with  or  without  the  authority  of  any 
State  :  Provided,  however,  That  proof  shall  be  made  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the  amount  thus  ex- 
pended, and  that  the  same  was  necessary  and  proper  for  the 
troops  aforesaid." 

Sweeping  and  conclusive  as  was  the  general  scope  of  this 
resolution  the  simple  proviso  requiring  satisfactory  proof 
that  the  expenditures  were  "necessary  and  proper  for  the 
troops  aforesaid,"  operated  as  a  bar  to  the  payment  of  cer- 
tain classes  of  claims.  The  auditing  bureaus,  under  the 
strict  scrutiny  applied  by  them,  held  a  considerable  amount 
suspended  for  three  or  four  years,  until  finally,  in  1852, 
Congress  again  came  to  the  relief  of  the  States  by  declaring 
that  their  accounts  should  be  allowed  "as presented."  This 
legislation  is  contained  in  the  tenth  section  of  the  Army  ap- 
propriation bill,  approved  August  31st,  1852,  as  follows  : 

"And  be  it  further  enacted,  etc.,  That  there  be  appropri- 
ated as  aforesaid  for  refunding  to  the  State  of  Michigan  the 
amount  advanced  by  said  State  in  organizing,  subsisting, 
and  transporting  volunteers  previous  to  their  being  mustered 
into  the  United  States  service  during  the  late  war  with 
Mexico,  $20,000,  which  said  sum  or  so  much  thereof  as 
shall  be  necessary  to  pay  and  cancel  the  claim  of  said  State, 
as  presented,  and  now  on  file  in  the  otnce  of  the  Third  Au- 
ditor of  the  Treasury  Department,  shall  be  paid  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  the  Governor  or  other  proper 
officer  of  the  said  State  of  Michigan  :  Provided,  That  the 
same  principles  be  applied  in  the  settlement  of  the  claims  of 
the  State  of  Alabama  and  all  other  States  for  money  ad- 
vanced in  raising,  subsisting,  and  transporting  troops  for  the 
Mexican  war." 

In  one  of  the  instances  which  I  have  cited,  the  claims  of 
States  were  paid  by  substituting  United  States  bonds  for 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  159 

certificates  of  local  indebtedness.  The  bill  which  I  have  sub- 
mitted proposes  a  similar  plan  at  this  time,  so  that  its 
adoption  involves  no  danger  of  an  expanded  circulation. 
It  neither  adds  to  the  currency  by  an  issue  of  legal-tender 
notes,  nor  does  it  increase  the  bonded  debt  of  the  loyal 
States.  It  simply  changes  the  form  of  the  latter  from  a 
local  and  diverse,  to  a  general  and  uniform  series  of  obli- 
gations. 

Thus  we  find  the  precedents  are  ample,  broad,  and  con- 
clusive. In  the  three  wars  in  which  our  country  has  been 
engaged,  the  policy  of  refunding  to  the  States  all  their  con- 
tributions to  the  common  cause  has  been  uniformly  and  rig- 
idly followed  by  Congress.  It  was  so  in  our  first  war,  which 
was  a  struggle  for  independence  ;  it  was  so  in  our  second 
war,  which  was  waged  for  maritime  rights  and  for  national 
dignity  ;  it  was  so  in  our  third  war,  which,  in  its  spirit  and 
in  its  results,  Avas  mainly  a  war  of  conquest.  We  are  now 
engaged  in  war  for  the  fourth  time,  and  the  struggle  is  for 
national  unity  and  self-preservation.  Instead  of  narrowing 
these  precedents  loft  us  by  former  wars,  every  consideration 
of  justice  and  equity  requires  that  we  should  give  them  their 
widest  application  in  the  present  instance.  If  it  were  just 
to  refund  the  expenditures  heretofore  made  in  a  common 
cause,  it  is  so  now  in  a  ratio  enhanced  by  the  magnitude  of 
the  issues  involved  in  the  pending  contest. 

In  one  aspect  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  argue  this  ques- 
tion, for  the  simple  reason,  as  already  suggested,  that  if  we 
are  not  able  to  carry  the  war  debts  of  the  States  as  a  com- 
mon charge  upon  the  nation,  we  are  not  able  to  carry  them 
where  they  are  now  placed.  The  refunding  policy  which  I 
have  proposed,  neither  adds  to,  nor  subtracts  from  the  debt 
of  the  loyal  people,  who  are  now  struggling  for  the  Union 
and  for  nationality.  It  simply  equalizes  the  burden,  and 
places  it  impartially  on  the  shoulders  of  those  who  are  to  be 
benefited  by  the  victorious  issue  of  the  war,  for  the  support 
of  which  the  State  debts  have  been  contracted. 

The  real  question  of  interest  in  this  connection  is  whether 
we  are  able,  as  a  nation,  to  sustain  the  entire  debt  which  the 
close  of  the  war  will  leave  upon  us,  without  oppressively 
burdening  the  business,  and  crippling  the  energies  of  the  peo- 
ple? I  propose  to  show  by  some  simple  facts  and  figures 


160  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

that  we  are  abundantly  equal  to  the  great  trial,  and  that  in 
bearing  it  we  are  assuming  far  less  responsibility  in  propor- 
tion to  wealth,  population,  and  prospective  development,  than 
has  been  successfully  and  triumphantly  assumed  in  the  past 
by  another  great  nation,  and  even  by  ourselves  at  the  organ- 
ization of  the  Government. 

In  estimating  the  debt  with  which  we  are  to  be  encum- 
bered, it  is  not  wise,  in  my  judgment,  to  adopt  a  too  san- 
guine anticipation  of  -the  speedy  close  of  the  -war.  Very 
many  gentlemen,  whose  opinions  the  public  are  accustomed 
to  respect,  predict  the  entire  suppression  of  the  rebellion 
within  the  ensuing  summer.  For  myself,  I  cannot  indulge 
in  so  pleasing  a  prospect.  Whatever  false  reckonings  we 
may  have  made  in  the  past  in  regard  to  the  shortness  of  the 
war,  I  have  latterly  been  of  those  who  believe  that  the  lead- 
ing conspirators  of  the  South. intend  at  all  events  to  prolong 
the  struggle  until  the  contest  for  the  Presidency  is  ended. 
They  have  a  hope — baseless  enough  it  seems  to  us — that  in 
some  way  they  are  to  be  benefited  by  the  result  of  that  elec- 
tion, and  hence  they  will  hold  out  until  it  is  decided,  and 
with  a  view,  indeed,  of  affecting  its  decision.  Let  us  not 
then  deceive  ourselves  with  regard  to  the  speedy  reduction 
of  the  enormous  expenditures  to  which  we  are  now  sub- 
jected. It  is  wiser  for  us  to  look  soberly  at  facts  as  they 
are,  and  not  beguile  ourselves  with  rose-colored  views  of 
facts  as  we  wish  they  might  be.  Let  us  make  our  calcula- 
tions in  regard  to  the  national  debt,  therefore,  on  the  as- 
sumption that  the  war  will  last  until  July,  1865,  instead  of 
closing  in  July,  1864,  as  has  been  so  confidently  assumed 
by  many.  Should  it  come  to  a  termination  earlier,  our 
error  will  be  the  happiest  feature  in  our  entire  calculation. 

Heretofore  the  estimates  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
in  regard  to  the  amount  of  the  national  debt  at  any  given 
period,  have  proved  astonishingly  accurate.  And  the  safest 
feature  of  his  estimates  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  he  has  in  no 
instance  understated  the  prospective  amount  of  indebtedness 
as  actually  ascertained,  when  the  day  for  which  the  estimate 
was  made  had  arrived.  For  instance,  in  December,  1862, 
the  Secretary  stated  that  the  debt  July  1st,  1863,  would  be 
$1,122,297,403.24.  In  fact,  when  the  time  arrived,  the 
debt  had  only  reached  $1,098,793,181.37,  or  some  twenty- 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  161 

four  millions  less  than  Mr.  Chase  estimated.  With  fuller 
data  for  reckoning  than  when  he  made  the  calculation  just 
referred  to,  the  Secretary  now  estimates  that  if  the  war  shall 
continue  so  long,  at  its  current  rate  of  cost,  our  debt  in 
July,  1865,  will  reach  the  large  sum  of  $2,231,935,190.37. 
To  this  vast  amount  let  us  add  $150,000,000  to  be  incurred 
by  refunding  to  States  as  proposed  in  the  measure  I  am  ad- 
vocating, and  $150,000,000  more  to  cover  unforeseen  ex- 
penses in  closing  up  the  great  contest,  and  you  have  a  grand 
total  of  twenty-five  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  the  annual 
interest  and  ultimate  redemption  of  which  must  be  provided 
for  by  the  nation.  Besides  contracting  this  enormous  debt, 
we  shall  have  expended  all  the  current  receipts  of  the  Treas- 
ury in  conducting  the  war,  amounting  in  the  aggregate,  for 
the  four  years,  to  more  than  five  hundred  millions,  making 
thus  a  gross  outlay  of  over  three  thousand  millions  as  the 
cost  of  subduing  the  rebellion — an  expenditure  of  two  mil- 
lions per  day  from  the  inception  to  the  close  of  the  contest. 

Let  us  see  how,  by  the  experience  of  our  own  country  in 
a  former  generation,  as  well  as  by  the  experience  of  another 
great  people,  we  may  hope  to  meet  this  burden  with  confi- 
dence and  courage — bearing  it  without  oppression  when  it  is 
heaviest,  and  coming  in  good  season  to  its  total  discharge, 
or  by  attainment  of  superior  strength  making  it  so  light  as 
to  be  practically  disregarded. 

At  the  organization  of  our  Government  in  1789,  the  en- 
tire population,  free  and  slave,  was  under  four  millions, 
scattered  along  the  seaboard  from  the  St.  Croix  to  the  St. 
Mary's,  not  fifty  thousand  in  all  living  one  hundred  miles 
distant  from  the  flow  of  the  Atlantic  tide.  Facilities  for  in- 
tercommunication were  greatly  restricted  ;  manufactures  and 
the  arts  were  in  feeble  infancy ;  agriculture  was  rude  and 
not  highly  remunerative,  because  commerce,  its  handmaid, 
was  languishing  and  waiting  to  be  quickened  to  enterprise 
and  vigor.  The  entire  valuation  of  the  thirteen  States,  ac- 
cording to  the  weight  of  authority,  did  not  exceed  six  hun- 
dred millions  of  dollars — three  hundred  millions  less  than 
the  valuation  of  Massachusetts  to-day,  and  not  one-half  so 
great  as  that  of  Pennsylvania.  Property  at  that  time  was 
ill  adapted  to  bear  taxation,  profits  were  small,  and  to  the 
political  economist,  measuring  the  condition  and  capacity  of 


1G2  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

the  country,  it  seemed  utterly  unable  to  carry  a  debt  of  any 
considerable  magnitude.  And  yet  our  ancestors  did  not 
hesitate  to  assume  the  burden  of  ninety  millions  of  dollars — 
more  than  one-seventh  of  all  the  property  they  owned.  Mr. 
Jefferson,  who  was  the  most  distrustful  of  all  the  statesmen 
of  that  day  in  regard  to  the  ability  of  the  nation  to  sustain 
the  load,  was  yet  willing  to  say  that  it  could  be  easily  borne 
if  our  annual  increase  of  population  and  property  could 
maintain  an  average  of  five  per  cent. — then  the  most  san- 
guine estimate  which  any  one  dared  to  place  on  the  future 
growth  of  the  country.  Had  we  realized  only  the  ratio  of 
increase  assumed  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  our  population  in  1860 
would  have  been  some  fifteen  instead  of  thirty-one  millions, 
and  our  wealth  twenty-seven  hundred  millions  instead  of 
sixteen  thousand  millions.  Upon  Mr.  Jefferson's  assumed 
basis  of  increase,  th«  debt  would  never  have  been  oppres- 
sive ;  but  with  the  rate  of  growth  actually  realized,  the 
country  paid  the  interest  on  the  debt  and  accumulated  a 
fund  for  its  redemption  with  such  ease  that  the  people  never 
felt  they  were  taxed.  And  yet  I  hope  to  show  that  our 
debt  at  the  close  of  this  war  will  be  relatively  lighter  than 
the  debt  which  our  Revolutionary  fathers  thus  assumed,  and 
proceeded  so  early  and  so  easily  to  discharge. 

Look  also  at  the  case  of  Great  Britain.  At  the  close  of 
her  gigantic  struggle  with  Napoleon,  in  1815,  the  national 
debt  of  that  kingdom  amounted  to  £861,000,000  sterling, 
or  forty-three  hundred  millions  of  dollars;  and  for  readier 
comparison  I  shall  speak  of  her  debt  in  dollars  rather  than 
in  pounds.  Her  entire  population  at  that  time  was  less  than 
twenty  millions,  and  the  valuation  of  all  her  property  was 
about  nine  thousand  five  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  She 
owed,  indeed,  nearly  half  of  all  she  possessed.  Her  popu- 
lation was  less  than  two-thirds  of  what  ours  is  to-day.  Her 
entire  property  was  not  three-fifths  of  what  ours  was  by  the 
census  of  1860,  while  her  debt  was  eighteen  hundred  millions 
of  dollars  greater  than  ours  will  be  in  July,  1865. 

And  in  contracting  this  debt  she  was  compelled  to  sell  her 
bonds  at  the  most  enormous  sacrifice.  From  1792  to  1815 
her  debt  was  increased  three  thousand  millions  of  dollars, 
and  yet  in  exchange  for  this  amount  of  bonds  she  received 
in  money  but  $1,730,000,000,  thus  submitting  to  a  discount 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  163 

of  $1,270,000,000.  In  other  words,  England,  during  the 
twenty-three  years  of  continental  war  only  realized  on  an 
average  for  the  whole  period,  $100  in  money  in  exchange 
for  $173  of  her  bonds.  This,  be  it  remembered,  was  the 
average  for  the  whole  time.  As  the  contest  waxed  desper- 
ate, her  sacrifices  became  desperate  in  proportion,  and  the 
money  which  enabled  her  to  fight  the  decisive  campaign  of 
Waterloo,  was  obtained  by  selling  her  bonds  to  the  European 
bankers  at  less  than  fifty  cents  on  the  dollar. 

Compared  with  this,  our  sacrifices  on  our  National  secu- 
rities have  thus  far  been  light,  not  averaging  from  the  incep- 
tion of  the  war  to  the  present  day,  with  all  elements  of  ex- 
penditure fairly  estimated,  more  than  from  twenty  to  twenty- 
five  per  cent.,  reckoning  on  the  gold  basis. 

To  meet  their  enormous  debt,  the  British  people  had  noth- 
ing but  the  commercial  and  industrial  resources  of  the  United 
Kingdom,  whose  whole  area  is  not  double  that  of  the  single 
State  of  Missouri.  They  had  a  population  of  but  twenty 
millions,  as  already  stated,  subject  to  no  increase  from  im- 
migration, and  growing  in  half  a  century  no  more  than  we 
have  added  during  the  last  decade.  And  yet,  on  this  re- 
stricted area,  the  enterprise  and  energy  of  the  British  people 
have  increased  their  property,  until  it  is  valued  at  thirty-three 
thousand  millions  of  dollars;  and  in  defiance  of  the  large 
expenditure  resulting  from  several  costly  wars  since  1815, 
they  have  actually  reduced  their  debt  some  three  hundred 
millions  of  dollars.  Their  steady  progress  in  wealth  under 
their  large  debt,  is  comprehended  in  the  statement  that  the 
average  property  per  capita  in  1815  was  less  than  five  hun- 
dred dollars,  and  in  1861  about  eleven  hundred  dollars.  In 
1815  some  twenty-five  per  centum  of  all  the  earning  and  in- 
come of  the  people  was  absorbed  in  taxation,  and  in  1861 
less  than  ten  per  centum  was  taken  for  the  same  object.  In 
1815  the  proportion  of  taxes  per  head  for  the  whole  people 
exceeded  seventeen  dollars,  and  in  1861  it  had  fallen  below 
ten  dollars. 

These  brief  details  of  British  experience  show  how  a  great 
debt,  without  being  absolutely  reduced  to  any  considerable 
extent,  becomes  relatively  lighter  by  the  increased  capacity 
to  bear  it.  The  wealth  per  capita  of  the  entire  population  in 
a  period  of  forty-six  years  has  more  than  doubled ;  the  ag- 


164  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

gregate  property  of  the  realm  has  more  than  trebled  ;  and 
all  this  on  a  fixed  area  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
square  miles,  and  with  a  population  increasing  at  the  slow 
rate  of  only  one  per  cent,  per  annum.  If  such  results  can 
be  wrought  out  by  a  kindred  people,  against  such  obstacles 
and  hindrances,  what  may  we  not  hope  to  accomplish  under 
the  auspicious  circumstances  that  surround  our  own  nation  ! 

In  the  light  of  the  National  experiences  we  have  been 
glancing  at,  we  may  clearly  read  our  own  great  future.  It 
is  not,  indeed,  a  matter  of  surmise  or  speculative  query,  but 
of  well-founded  and  confident  calculation — a  calculation 
which,  however  sanguine  it  may  be  made,  will  have  its  only 
error  in  falling  short  of  results  actually  to  be  realized. 

The  war  closing  in  July,  1865,  will  leave  us  in  this  con- 
dition :  a  nation  numbering  some  thirty -three  millions  of 
people,  owning  over  sixteen  thousand  millions  of  property, 
and  carrying  a  debt  of  twenty-five  hundred  millions  of  dol- 
lars. The  proportion  between  debt  and  property  will  be 
just  about  the  same  that  it  was  when  the  Union  was  formed, 
while  the  ratio  of  our  advance  and  the  largely  enhanced 
productiveness  of  agricultural,  manufacturing,  and  commer- 
cial pursuits,  gives  the  present  generation  an  advantage  that 
renders  the  debt  far  less  burdensome  at  the  very  outset. 

And  if  the  revolutionary  debt  became  in  a  very  brief 
period  so  light  as  to  be  unnoticed,  why  may  we  not,  with  a 
vastly  accelerated  ratio  of  progress,  assume  a  similar  auspi- 
cious result  with  regard  to  the  debt  we  are  now  contracting  ? 
Were  our  future  advance  in  wealth  and  population  to  be  no 
more  rapid  than  Great  Britain's  has  been  since  1815,  we 
should  at  the  close  of  the  present  century  have  a  population 
of  forty-five  million  souls,  and  a  property  amounting  to  fifty 
thousand  millions  of  dollars.  Even  upont  his  ratio  of  prog- 
ress our  entire  debt  would  cease  to  be  felt  as  a  burden. 
But  upon  the  increase  of  population  and  development  of 
wealth  to  be  so  assuredly  anticipated,  the  debt  would  be  so 
small,  in  comparison  with  the  total  resources  of  the  nation, 
as  to  become  absolutely  inconsiderable.  Let  us  look  at  the 
figures. 

According  to  the  estimates  made  in  the  report  of  the 
Eighth  census,  and  made  with  great  care  upon  very  com- 
plete data,  our  population  in  the  year  1900  will  be  one  hun- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  165 

dred  millions.  The  property  of  the  country  during  the  last 
decade  increased  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  per  cent ;  our 
aggregate  wealth  in  1850  being  a  trifle  over  seven  thousand 
millions  of  dollars,  and  in  I860  exceeding  sixteen  thousand 
millions.  Some  of  the  States  exhibit  an  almost  fabulous 
progress — Iowa,  the  highest  in  ratio,  gaining  nine  hundred 
and  forty-two  per  cent. ,  or  nearly  one  hundred  per  cent,  per 
annum  ;  and  California,  not  far  behind  her,  making  a  gain 
of  eight  hundred  and  thirty-eight  per  cent.  ;  the  average  of 
all  the  States  being,  as  I  have  already  stated,  one  hundred 
and  twenty-six  per  centum.  The  aggregate  addition  of 
wealth  for  the  ten  years  was  thus  absolutely  larger  than  all 
that  had  been  accumulated  in  the  country  from  the  settle- 
ment of  Jamestown  and  Plymouth  down  to  the  year  1850. 
We  can  hardly  hope  to  maintain  this  enormous  ratio  for 
each  successive  decade,  but  it  is  assuming  very  much  less 
than  the  average  of  the  past  would  justify,  to  say  that  our 
property  will  increase  in  double  the  ratio  of  our  population. 
From  1790  to  18GO  our  population  increased  in  all  about 
seven  hundred  per  cent.,  while  our  property  increased  some 
twenty-six  hundred  per  cent.,  thus  showing  an  increase  in 
property  nearly  fourfold  greater  than  in  population.  A  pop- 
ulation of  one  hundred  millions  in  A.  D.  1900  implies  an 
increase  of  two  hundred  and  ten  per  cent.,  on  the  census  of 
1860.  Doubling  the  ratio,  for  increase  in  property,  gives 
us  a  gain  of  four  hundred  and  twenty  per  cent. ,  which  would 
give  a  total  valuation  at  the  time  specified  of  eighty-five  thou- 
sand millions  of  dollars,  of  which  vast  amount  our  estimated 
national  debt  would  constitute  only  the  trifling  proportion  of 
three  per  centum.  The  embarrassment  to  the  country  un- 
der such  circumstances  would  prove  as  light  as  would  a  debt 
of  $3,000  to  an  individual  who  had  an  otherwise  unencum- 
bered estate  of  $100,000,  the  estate  all  the  while  receiving 
a  steady  increase  of  ten  per  cent,  per  annum. 

All  that  I  have  said  has  been  based  on  the  supposition  of 
the  debt  remaining  at  a  fixed  sum,  the  country  simply  pay- 
ing the  interest.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  it  is  per- 
fectly obvious  that  in  the  progress  and  prosperity  of  the  fu- 
ture, one  of  our  first  acts  will  be  to  provide  for  the  gradual 
but  absolute  redemption  of  the  principal.  That  this  will  be 
consummated  without  oppressively  adding  to  the  annual 


166    .  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

burden  of  taxes,  may  be  inferred,  with  certainty,  from  a 
slight  examination  of  our  capacity  to  make  increased  pay- 
ments proportioned  to  our  increased  amount  of  consolidated 
wealth.  The  time  of  redemption  will  depend  wholly  on  the 
will  of  the  tax-payers  ;  but  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  con- 
dition of  the  country  may  justify  its  being  done  as  rapidly 
as  Mr.  Hamilton  proposed  to  redeem  the  debt  which  he 
funded  in  1790.  The  period  assigned  by  him  was  thirty- 
five  years,  and  so  well  based  were  his  calculations,  that  the 
entire  debt,  augmented  largely  and  unexpectedly  as  it  was 
by  the  war  of  1812,  was  paid  in  forty-four  years  from  the 
date  of  funding ;  and  in  1834  the  United  States  found  itself 
owing  but  thirty-seven  thousand  dollars. 

To  those  who  may  be  disposed  to  doubt  the  future  prog- 
ress of  our  country  according  to  the  ratio  assumed,  a  few 
familiar  considerations  in  respect  to  our  resources  may"  be 
recalled  with  advantage.  We  occupy  a  territory  at  least 
three  million  square  miles  in  extent ;  within  a  fraction  as 
large  as  the  whole  of  Europe.  Our  habitable  and  cultivable 
area  is  indeed  larger  than  that  of  all  Europe,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  superior  fertility  and  general  productiveness  of  our 
soil.  So  vast  is  our  extent  that  though  we  may  glibly  re- 
peat its  numerical  measure,  we  find  it  most  difficult  to  form 
any  just  conception  of  it.  The  State  of  Texas  alone  is 
equal  in  area  to  the  Empire  of  France  and  the  kingdom  of 
Portugal  united ;  and  yet  these  two  monarchies  support  a 
population  of  forty  millions,  while  Texas  has  but  six  hun- 
dred thousand  inhabitants.  Or,  if  we  wish  for  a  compara- 
tive measure  nearer  home,  let  me  state  that  the  area  of 
Texas  is  greater  than  that  of  the  six  New  England  States, 
together  with  New  York  and  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania 
and  Ohio  and  Indiana  all  combined.  California,  the  second 
State  in  size,  is  equal  in  extent  to  the  kingdom  of  Spain 
and  the  kingdom  of  Belgium  together.  Spain  and  Belgium 
have  twenty  millions  of  people,  while  California  has  not 
half  a  million.  And  we  might  pursue  this  species  of  com- 
parison almost  indefinitely,  clearly  showing  that  in  capacity 
and  assured  destiny  our  individual  States,  if  peaceful  and 
united,  are  to  become  as  wealthy,  as  populous,  and  as  pow- 
erful as  the  separate  great  nations  of  Europe.  Mere  terri- 
torial extent  does  not  of  course  imply  future  greatness, 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  167 

I 

though  it  is  one  great  requisite  to  it.  Aiid  in  our  case  it  is 
so  vast  an  element  that  we  may  be  pardoned  for  dwelling 
on  it  with  emphasis  and  iteration.  The  land  that  is  still  in 
the  hands  of  our  government,  not  sold  nor  even  pre-empted, 
amounts  to  a  thousand  millions  of  acres — an  extent  of  ter- 
ritory thirteen  times  as  large  as  Great  Britain,  and  equal  in 
area  to  all  the  kingdoms  of  Europe,  with  Russia  and  Tur- 
key alone  excepted. 

Combined  with  this  almost  limitless  expanse  of  territory 
we  have  facilities  for  the  acquisition  and  consolidation  of 
wealth — varied,  magnificent,  and  immeasurable.  Our  ag- 
ricultural resources,  bounteous  and  boundless  by  nature, 
are,  by  the  application  of  mechanical  skill  and  labor-saving 
machinery,  receiving  a  development  each  decade,  which  a 
century  in  the  past  would  have  failed  to  secure,  and  which 
a  century  in  the  future  will  place  beyond  all  present  power 
of  computation — giving  us  so  far  the  lead  in  the  production 
of  those  staple  articles  essential  to  life  and  civilization  that 
we  become  the  arbiter  of  the  world's  destiny  without  aiming 
at  the  world's  empire.  The  single  State  of  Illinois,  culti- 
vated to  its  capacity,  can  produce  as  large  a  crop  of  cereals 
as  has  ever  been  grown  within  the  limits  of  the  United 
States  ;  while  Texas,  if  peopled  but  half  as  densely  as  Mary- 
land even,  could  give  an  annual  return  of  cotton  larger  than 
the  largest  that  has  ever  been  grown  in  all  the  cotton  States 
together.  Our  facilities  for  commerce  and  exchange,  both 
domestic  and  foreign — who  shall  measure  them?  Our 
oceans,  our  vast  inland  seas,  our  marvelous  and  unlimited 
flow  of  navigable  streams,  our  canals,  our  network  of  rail- 
roads more  than  thirty  thousand  miles  in  extent,  greater 
than  the  railroads  of  all  Europe  and  all  the  world  besides — 
these  give  us  avenues  of  trade  and  channels  of  communica- 
tion, both  natural  and  artificial,  such  as  no  other  nation  has 
ever  enjoyed,  and  which  tend  to  the  production  of  wealth 
with  a  rapidity  not  to  be  measured  by  any  standard  of  the 
past.  The  enormous  field  for  manufacturing  industry  in 
all  its  complex  and  endless  variety — with  our  raw  material, 
our  wonderful  motive-power  both  by  water  and  steam,  our 
healthful  climate,  our  cheap  carriage,  our  home  consump- 
tion, our  foreign  demand — foreshadows  a  traffic  whose  mag- 
nitude and  whose  profit  will  in  no  long  period  surpass  the 


168  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

gigantic  industrial  system  of  Great  Britain,  where  to-day 
the  cunning  hands  of  ten  million  artisans  accomplish,  with 
mechanical  aid,  the  work  of  six  hundred  millions  of  men  ! 
Our  mines  of  gold  and  silver  and  iron  and  copper  and  lead 
and  coal,  with  their  untold  and  unimaginable  wealth,  spread 
over  millions  of  acres  of  territory,  in  the  valley,  on  the 
mountain-side,  along  rivers,  yielding  already  a  rich  har- 
vest, are  destined  yet  to  increase  a  thousand-fold,  until  their 
every-day  treasures, 

"familiar  grown, 
Shall  realize  Orient's  fabled  wealth." 

These  are  the  great  elements  of  material  progress ;  and 
they  comprehend  the  entire  circle  of  human  enterprise — 
agriculture,  commerce,  manufactures,  mining.  They  as- 
sure to  us  a  growth  in  property  and  population  that  will  sur- 
pass the  most  sanguine  deductions  of  our  census  tables, 
framed  as  those  tables  are  upon  the  ratios  and  relations  of 
our  progress  in  the  past.  They  give  into  our  hands,  under 
the  blessing  of  Almighty  God,  the  power  to  command  our 
fate  as  a  Nation.  They  hold  out  to  us  the  grandest  future 
reserved  for  any  people  ;  and  with  this  promise  they  teach 
us  the  lesson  of  patience,  and  make  confidence  and  fortitude 
a  duty.  With  such  amplitude  and  affluence  of  resources, 
and  with  such  a  vast  stake  at  issue,  we  should  be  unworthy 
of  our  lineage  and  our  inheritance  if  we  for  one  moment 
distrusted  our  ability  to  maintain  ourselves  a  united  people, 
with  "one  country,  one  constitution,  one  destiny." 

During  this  year  his  fame  became  such  that  his  speech  on 
the  taxing  of  exports  agitated  the  country  in  a  most  extra- 
ordinary manner.  It  is  so  interesting  as  a  matter  of  po- 
litical history  that  it  is  inserted,  although  the  reasons  which 
called  it  out  have  long  since  ceased,  through  legislation 
and  economic  changes. 

Speech  of  Mr.  Elaine,  of  Maine,  in  favor  of  Amending 
the  Federal  Constitution,  by  striking  out  the  clause  which 
prohibits  the  taxing  of  exports,  delivered  in  the  House  of 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  1£9 

Representatives,    second    session,    Thirty-Eighth  Congress, 
Thursday,  March  2d,  1865: 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  I  am  aware  that  it  is  a  very  grave  step 
for  Congress  to  propose  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  A  change  in  that  "great  charter  of 
our  liberties"  should  be  made  only  after  the  most  mature 
deliberation,  and  under  the  conviction  of  an  imperious  pub- 
lic necessity.  There  has  always  been  in  the  American  mind 
a  well-founded  and  justifiable  prejudice  against  tampering 
with  the  provisions  of  our  organic  law — a  prejudice  so  set- 
tled, and  so  strong,  that  it  has  been  overcome  in  but  three 
instances  since  the  organization  of  our  Government,  in  1789. 
I  trust,  and  confidently  believe,  that  the  fourth  instance  will 
be  found  in  the  adoption  of  that  great  amendment  in  the  in- 
terest of  impartial  freedom  which  Congress  has  so  recently 
submitted  to  the  States  for  their  acceptance  or  rejection. 

I  speak  now  in  advocacy  of  a  fifth  amendment— one 
which  in  my  judgment  is  absolutely  essential  to  the  financial 
success  of  the  Government,  and  to  the  commercial,  manu- 
facturing, and  agricultural  prosperity  of  our  country  in  all 
future  time.  It  is  an  amendment  which  I  had  the  honor  to 
propose  during  the  last  session  of  Congress,  and  which  was 
embodied  in  the  following  resolution,  adopted  by  the  House 
on  my  motion,  on  the  24th  of  March,  1864  : 

Resolved^  That  the  Judiciary  Committee  be  directed  to  in- 
quire into  the  expediency  of  proposing  an  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  by  striking  out  the  fifth 
clause  of  section  nine,  article  one,  which  forbids  the  levying 
of  "a  tax,  or  duty,  on  articles  exported  from  the  State." 

The  subject  was  referred  anew,  in  December  last,  to  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  and  it  was  expected,  until 
very  recently,  that  it  would  be  brought  before  the  House  for 
definite  action,  before  the  expiration  of  the  Thirty-Eighth 
Congress.  The  pressure  of  public  measures  already  on  the 
Calendar  seems  now  to  forbid  all  hope  of  securing  a  vote  on 
the  proposition  during  this  session  ;  but  I  cannot  allow  the 
occasion  to  pass  without  saying  a  few  words  in  defense  and 
support  of'the  proposed  amendment,  and  of  the  great  change 
which  it  contemplates  in  the  future  administration  of  our 
system  of  taxation  and  finance. 


170  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

The  subject  of  taxing  exports,  or  rather  of  giving  Con- 
gress the  power  to  do  it,  was  discussed  at  great  length  in 
the  Convention  of  1787  ;  and  one  of  the  marked  errors  of 
subsequent  times  is  the  very  general  belief  that  the  Conven- 
tion inserted  the  constitutional  prohibition  by  a  very  decisive 
vote.  Another  erroneous  belief,  quite  as  current  as  the  fore- 
going, is  that  which  attributes  the  advocacy  of  prohibitory 
clause  to  the  Southern  or  "staple  States,"  as  George  Mason 
termed  them,  and  the  opposition  thereto  to  the  Northern 
States.  The  facts  of  history  do  not  sustain  either  of  these 
assumptions,  as  I  shall  proceed  to  show,  by  a  record  that 
is  undisputed  and  indisputable. 

Any  one  who  will  take  the  pains  to  peruse  the  synopsis  of 
the  debates  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  as  given  in 
the  Madison  papers,  will  be  struck  with  the  fact  that  many 
of  the  strongest  men  of  that  august  body — the  really  far- 
sighted  statesmen  among  its  members — were  opposed  to  the 
insertion  of  the  clause  prohibiting  a  tax  on  exports ;  and  of 
these  there  were  even  more  conspicuous  examples  from  the 
South  than  from  the  North. 

Mr.  Madison  himself,  at  one  point  of  the  discussion,  ex- 
pressed himself  thus : 

"As  we  ought  to  be  governed  by  national  and  permanent 
views,  it  is  a  sufficient  argument  for  giving  the  power  over 
exports  that  a  tax,  though  it  may  not  be  expedient  at  pres- 
ent, may  be  so  hereafter.  A  proper  regulation  of  exports 
may,  and  probably  will,  be  necessary  hereafter,  and  for  the 
same  purposes  as  the  regulation  of  imports,  namely,  for 
revenue,  for  domestic  manufactures,  and  for  procuring  equi- 
table regulations  of  commerce  from  other  nations." 

At  another  stage  of  the  debate,  on  the  same  important 
subject,  Mr.  Madison  spoke  as  follows : 

"First,  the  power  of  laying  taxes  on  exports  is  proper  in 
itself,  and  as  the  States  cannot,  with  propriety,  exercise  it 
separately,  it  ought  to  be  vested  in  them  collectively ;  sec- 
ondly, it  might,  with  particular  advantage,  be  exercised 
with  regard  to  articles  in  which  America  is  not  rivaled  in 
foreign  markets,  as  tobacco,  etc.  ;  thirdly,  the  Southern 
States,  being  most  in  danger,  and  most  needing  naval  pro- 


OF   JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  171 

tection,  could  the  less  complain  if  the  burden  should  fall 
somewhat  heaviest  on  them." 

Mr.  John  Dickinson,  of  Delaware,  said  that : 

"The  power  of  taxing  exports  might  be  inconvenient  at 
present,  but  it  must  be  of  dangerous  consequence  to  pro- 
hibit it  with  respect  to  all  articles  and  forever." 

Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  in  reply  to 
what  he  regarded  as  sectional  arguments,  remarked  that : 

"Local  considerations  should  not  impede  the  general  in- 
terest. He  considered  the  taxing  of  exports  to  be  in 
many  cases  highly  politic.  All  countries  having  peculiar 
articles,  tax  the  exportation  of  them,  as  France  her  wines 
and  brandies." 

And  he  added  in  another  place  : 

"That  the  state  of  our  own  country  would  change,  and 
render  duties  on  exports  of  peculiar  raw  materials  politic 
in  view  of  encouraging  American  manufactures."  And  he 
concluded  by  declaring  that  "taxes  on  exports  would  be  often 
more  proper  and  easy  than  taxes  on  imports,"  and  that  "To 
prohibit  it  altogether  was  so  radically  objectionable  that  it 
might  cost  the  whole  system  the  support  of  some  mem- 
bers." 

Mr.  James  Wilson,  from  the  same  State,  one  of  the  pur- 
est and  ablest  men  of  the  Convention,  followed  Morris  in 
support  of  the  same  position.  He  declared  himself  "de- 
cidedly against  prohibiting  general  taxes  on  exports,"  and 
in  subsequently  debating  the  question,  he  remarked  that : 

"In  favoring  the  general  power  over  exports  he  opposed 
the  particular  interest  of  his  own  State.  To  deny  this  pow- 
er is  to  take  from  the  common  Government  half  the  regu- 
lation of  trade.  It  was  his  opinion  that  a  power  over 
exports  might  be  more  effectual  than  over  imports  in 
obtaining  beneficial  treaties  of  commerce." 

Mr.  Rufus  King,  of  Massachusetts,  opposed  the  pro- 
hibition as  a  measure  "introducing  a  weakness  which  will 
render  common  defense  more  difficult." 


172  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

But  I  need  not  multiply  these  quotations.  I  have  cited 
enough  to  show  that  their  prohibitory  clause  was  not  in- 
serted in  the  Constitution  without  very  serious  opposition 
from  many  of  the  leading  minds  of  the  Convention.  The 
citation  I  have  made  demonstrates  also  that  their  opposition 
was  not  based  on  narrow,  local,  and  sectional  grounds,  but 
that  it  sprang  from  great  national  considerations,  overriding 
all  these.  Neither  the  support  nor  hostility  to  the  measure  was 
determined  by  geographical  lines.  The  statesmen  from  whom 
I  have  quoted,  represented  alike  the  New  England  States, 
the  Middle  States,  and  the  Southern  States — the  three  great 
divisions  then  comprising  the  whole  country.  So  on  the 
other  hand,  among  those  who  labored  to  deprive  the  General 
Government  of  all  power  over  exports,  we  find  Gerry  of 
Massachusetts,  Langdon  of  New  Hampshire,  and  Ellsworth 
of  Connecticut,  quite  as  zealous  and  resolute  as  Mercer  of 
Maryland,  Mason  of  Virginia,  and  Rutledge  of  South 
Carolina. 

When  the  Convention  approached  a  vote  on  the  question, 
Mr.  Madison,  perceiving  the  probability  of  the  prohibitory 
clause  being  adopted,  attempted  to  have  it  amended  so  that 
an  export  tax  might  be  laid  by  Congress  "with  the  con- 
currence of  two-thirds  of  the  House."  He  stated  that  he 
considered  this  "a  lesser  evil  than  total  prohibition,"  and  on 
this  proposition  the  test  vote  was  taken.  Eleven  States  were 
present ;  five  voted  in  favor  of  Mr.  Madison's  motion  and 
six  against  it.  Of  the  six,  Virginia  was  one,  and  her  vote 
was  carried  against  it  by  a  majority  of  one  in  her  delega- 
tion— it  appearing  on  the  record  that  Mr.  Blair,  Mr. 
Mason,  and  Mr.  Randolph  voted  no,  while  General  Wash- 
ington and  Mr.  Madison  voted  aye.  A  single  member  of 
the  Virginia  delegation,  against  the  wise  and  considerate 
judgment  of  Washington  and  Madison,  is  thus  responsible 
for  the  vote  which  deprived  Congress  of  all  power  over  the 
exports  of  the  country.  No  important  provision  in  the  en- 
tire Constitution  was  adopted  by  so  slight  a  majority,  and 
against  the  strenuous  opposition  of  leading  men. 

Thus  much,  Mr.  Speaker,  as  to  the  origin  of  this  pro- 
hibitory clause,  with  the  circumstances  attending  its  adop- 
tion. Stoutly  as  its  introduction  was  resisted,  it  has  re- 
mained in  the  Constitution  without  cavil  or  question  from 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  173 

that  day  to  this — a  proposition  to  strike  it  out  never  having 
been  submitted  in  Congress  prior  to  the  one  I  am  now  dis- 
cussing. Indeed,  the  perfect  ease  with  which  the  National 
treasury  has  been  filled  from  tariff  duties,  up  to  the  begin- 
ning of  the  present  war,  continually  obviated  the  necessity 
of  looking  to  other  sources  of  revenue,  and  hence  very  nat- 
urally little  thought  has  been  given  to  the  immense  sum  that 
might  be  derived  from  a  judicious  tax  on  exports. 

But  Mr.  Madison  and  his  distinguished  associates,  from 
whom  I  have  quoted,  admonished  the  Convention  that  the 
time  might  come  when  an  export  tax  would  be  a  necessity, 
for  the  triple  object  of  obtaining  revenue  of  encouraging 
domestic  manufacturers,  and  for  procuring  equitable  treaties 
of  commerce  with  foreign  nations.  The  period  thus  antici- 
pated by  the  wise  statesmen  of  1787,  has  arrived,  and  for 
the  maintenance  of  our  National  credit  in  the  trials  and  crisis 
of  the  immediate  and  distant  future,  there  is  an  absolute 
necessity  that  Congress  shall  have  the  power  to  levy  a  tax 
on  exports.  Of  course,  a  wise  and  cautious  discrimination 
is  to  be  exercised  in  selecting  the  articles  and  commodities 
that  will  bear  a  tax  of  this  character.  The  general  and 
obvious  distinction  is  to  tax  such  and  such  only  as  have  no 
competing  product  in  foreign  marts,  or  at  all  events  such 
weak  competition  as  will  give  us  the-command  of  the  mar- 
ket after  the  commodity  has  paid  its  export  dues  in  this 
country.  As  an  illustration,  take  cotton,  which  is  our  lead- 
ing export  in  time  of  peace.  It  is  believed  with  confidence 
that  the  American  product  can  pay  an  export  tax  of  five 
cents  per  pound,  and  yet  with  ease  maintain  its  pre-eminence 
in  the  markets  of  England  and  the  European  continent. 
Our  export  in  a  single  year  has  reached  three  million  two 
hundred  thousand  bales  of  five  hundred  pounds  each,  and  it 
would  rapidly  run  beyond  that  figure  after  peace  is  restored 
and  the  competition  of  free  labor  is  applied  to  its  produc- 
tion. But  if  it  should  never  go  beyond  the  quantity  named, 
an  export  tax  of  five  cents  per  pound  would  yield  a  revenue 
of  eighty  million  dollars  from  this  single  article,  as  any  one 
will  see  by  a  moment's  calculation. 

Tobacco  and  naval  stores  also  afford  a  large  margin  for 
an  export  tax,  owing  to  the  superior  quality  and  quantity 
of  the  American  production  of  each  article.  Without  at- 


174  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

tempting  to  weary  the  House  with  a  parade  of  statistics,  it 
may  be  sufficient  to  state  that  in  the  judgment  of  our  best 
economists,  the  three  commodities  to  which  I  have  referred 
would  jointly  yield  in  time  of  jpeace  a  coin  revenue  of  $100,- 
000,000,  without  in  any  degree  impairing  their  command  of 
the  markets  where  they  have  always  been  purchased  so  readi- 
ly. Of  tobacco  alone,  our  export  in  a  single  year  has  ex- 
ceeded the  enormous  figure  of  two  hundred  million  pounds, 
and  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  revenue  of  France,  and 
some  other  European  governments  is  derived  from  the  duty 
laid  upon  its  importation.  Might  we  not,  at  all  events, 
share  with  foreign  nations  the  advantage  of  the  enormous 
tax  which  this  article  of  luxury  will  bear,  making  them  pay 
a  moity  into  our  coffers  instead  of  monopolizing  it  all  for 
their  own  ?  Should  petroleum  continue  to  be  developed  in 
such  immense  quantities,  without  being  found  elsewhere,  it, 
too,  will  in  due  time  bear  a  very  considerable  export  tax,  as 
indeed  will  all  articles  (without  attempting  their  specific 
enumeration)  whose  production  is  peculiar  to  this  country, 
or  whose  quality  may  be  greatly  superior  to  products  of  sim- 
ilar kind  in  other  countries,  or,  in  the  comprehensive  phrase 
of  Mr.  Madison,  "articles  in  which  America  is  not  rivaled 
in  foreign  markets." 

The  fear  that  has  often  been  expressed,  that  the  Congres- 
sional power  to  tax  exports  might  be  used  to  oppress  certain 
sections,  and  to  discriminate  against  particular  commodities, 
is  manifestly  groundless.  It  is  always  safe  to  trust  to  self- 
interest  in  a  nation  as  well  as  in  an  individual.  The  high- 
est National  interest  in  the  matter  we  are  discussing,  is  to 
encourage  exports  in  every  honorable  and  practicable  way  ; 
and  the  moment  that  an  export  tax  should  tend  to  check  or 
decrease  exportation,  that  moment  it  would  be  abolished  or 
reduced.  Of  course,  there  must  be  exportation  before  rev- 
enue can  be  derived  from  an  export  tax,  and  hence  I  repeat 
that  the  interest  which  underlies  the  whole  design,  affords 
the  most  absolute  guaranty  against  any  oppressive  attempt 
to  discriminate  against  any  section  or  any  particular  com- 
modity. 

Intelligent  gentlemen  will  tell  us,  however,  that  Govern- 
ment can  just  as  efficiently  collect  the  tax  on  any  given  ar- 
ticle through  the  excise  system  of  our  internal  revenue  as 


OF   JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  175 

by  levying  an  export  tax,  and  they  hence  argue  against  any 
necessity  for  the  proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution. 
I  take  issue  upon  this  point,  and  I  maintain  that  an  excise 
tax  upon  raw  products  intended  to  be  shipped  to  foreign 
countries  will  prove  disadvantageous,  if  not  absolutely  dis- 
astrous, both  to  the  producer  and  the  Government,  and  that 
the  export  tax  is  far  preferable,  viewed  from  any  standpoint 
whatever. 

Let  us  analyze  the  process  and  effect  in  the  case  of  cotton, 
as  an  example,  assuming  that  it  is  but  fair  to  apply  the  same 
arguments  to  all  other  articles  of  large  export. 

Practically,  an  excise  tax  should  be  as  far  removed  from 
the  source  of  production  as  possible,  the  more  remote  the 
less  the  burden  ;  the  nearer  it  comes  the  more  oppressive  it 
grows.  Government  derives  to-day  a  very  large  revenue 
from  distilled  spirits,  malt  liquors  and  wines  ;  but  should  an 
attempt  be  made  to  tax  the  corn,  the  barley,  and  the  grapes 
out  of  which  these  articles  are  made,  the  effect  would  be 
most  disastrous.  Tobacco  in  its  manufactured  state  pays  a 
very  large  revenue  with  perfect  ease  ;  but  if  a  tax  should 
be  laid  on  the  leaf,  I  predict  that  production  would  be  great- 
ly discouraged  and  the  revenue  correspondingly  diminished. 
So,  Sir,  if  you  lay  an  excise  tax  upon  cotton,  you  increase 
immensely  the  difficulties  of  production,  and  must  of  neces- 
sity diminish  the  amount  produced.  The  export  tax  which 
I  have  stated  cotton  would  bear,  amounts  to  twenty-five 
dollars  per  shipping  bale,  and  the  attempt  to  collect  that 
amount  by  excise  tax  on  each  plantation  before  the  cotton 
could  be  removed  for  sale,  would  prove  an  intolerable  bur- 
den to  the  producer.  The  small  farmer,  with  a  crop  of  only 
forty  bales,  would  be  compelled  to  raise  $1,000  in  coin  or 
lawful  money  before  he  could  send  a  pound  of  his  cotton  to 
market ;  and  the  large  planter,  with  a  thousand  bales, 
would  have  to  make  an  advance  of  $2o,000,  besides  all 
the  cost  of  production,  before  he  could  realize  a  penny  in 
return. 

Such  a  system  of  taxation  would  be  destructive  ;  it  would 
place  the  enterprising  producer,  who  most  of  all  deserves 
the  patronage  and  protection  of  the  Government,  under  a 
perpetual  mortgage,  and  would  subject  him  to  the  exactions 
and  heavy  charges  of  the  speculative  iisurers,  who  would 


176  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

at  once  spring  up  to  feast  and  fatten  upon  his  capital  and 
his  industry.  The  law  which  would  permit  that  would  be 
reckless  of  the  highest  interests  of  agriculture,  commerce, 
and  the  general  prosperity  of  the  country. 

And  now,  Sir,  a  glance,  very  briefly,  at  the  other  side. 
Let  cotton  be  relieved  from  all  excise  tax,  and  let  it  be 
bought  and  sold,  and  freely  moved  from  point  to  point  with- 
in our  own  country,  without  tax  or  charge,  of  any  kind 
whatever.  Let  the  planter  carry  it  to  market  without  any 
hindrance,  and  when  it  reaches  the  point  of  exportation, 
having  passed  from  the  hands  of  the  producer  into  the  pos- 
session of  the  capitalist,  or  speculator,  let  the  Government, 
as  it  is  placed  on  shipboard  for  transportation  to  foreign 
markets,  exact  its  tax  of  five  cents  per  pound.  Collected 
there  and  then,  it  comes  from  those  who  are  able  to  pay  it, 
who  pay  it  just  on  the  eve  of  realizing  its  return  on  the  other 
side  of  the  water,  from  the  pockets  of  foreign  buyers,  and 
who  pay  it  in  a  way  that  does  not  embarrass  or  oppress  the 
producer,  nor  tend  to  decrease  production. 

Not  the  least  advantage,  Mr.  Speaker,  in  this  mode  of 
collecting  the  tax,  is  the  cheapness  with  which  it  can  be 
done.  The  points  of  shipment  of  cotton  are  so  few  that 
you  may  count  them  on  your  fingers ;  and  the  tendency, 
owing  to  the  converging  of  water  courses  and  railroad 
lines,  is  against  any  increase  in  the  number  of  these  ports. 
The  same  officers  of  customs,  that  are  already  there,  to  col- 
lect your  tariff  duties,  can  perform  the  labor  of  collecting 
the  export  duties,  without  a  dollar's  additional  expense,  be- 
yond the  salaries  of  a  few  extra  clerks  that  the  increase  of 
business  might  demand.  Compare  with  this  the  vast  ex- 
pense of  sending  an  army  of  excisemen  throughout  all  the 
cotton  and  tobacco  plantations,  and  you  will  find  that  the 
system  of  export  duties  would  effect  a  saving  of  millions  to 
the  Government,  simply  in  the  mode  of  collection.  And, 
Sir,  you  could  invent  no  more  offensive  system  of  taxation 
than  would  be  involved  in  sending  your  Government  agents 
to  every  rural  home  in  the  planting  regions,  to  interrogate 
the  farmers  as  to  the  number  of  bales  in  his  cotton  crop,  or 
how  many  pounds  of  tobacco  he  had  raised.  The  officials, 
who  should  perambulate  the  country  on  such  errands,  would 
acquire,  in  popular  opinion,  as  bad  a  reputation  as  Dr. 


OF    JA3IES    G.    ELAINE.  177 

Johnson,  in  his  dictionary,  fastened  on  the  English  excise- 
man, "an  odious  wretch,  employed  to  collect  an  unjust 
tax." 

The  great  statesmen  whom  I  have  quoted  in  the  earlier 
portion  of  my  remarks  as  against  the  insertion  of  this  pro- 
hibitory clause  in  the  Constitution,  among  other  grounds  of 
opposition  to  it,  stated  that  an  export  tax  might  be  neces- 
sary "for  the  encouragement  of  domestic  manufactures." 
Sir,  this  result  would  be  realized  in  its  fullest  extent  if  cot- 
ton should  be  subjected  to  an  export  tax  of  five  cents  per 
pound,  leaving  that  consumed  at  home  free  of  duty  except 
the  excise  tax,  which  would  be  levied  upon  it  in  the  various 
forms  of  its  manufacture.  With  this  vast  advantage  in  the 
raw  material  we  should  cease  to  wrangle  here  about  tariffs, 
for  we  could  in  our  home  markets  undersell  the  fabrics  of 
Europe,  and  should  soon  compete  with  them  in  the  markets 
of  the  world.  The  export  tax  as  compared  with  the  excise, 
would  thus  prove  beneficent  to  all  the  interests  of  our 
country,  stimulating  the  production  of  the  raw  material  and 
developing  the  manufacturing  enterprise  of  the  land  in  a 
ratio  compared  with  which  the  accomplishments  of  the  past 
would  seem  tame  and  inconsiderable. 

The  amendment  which  I  am  advocating,  Mr.  Speaker, 
is  not  a  snap  judgment  against  the  interests  of  the  Southern 
States,  to  be  hurried  through  here  in  the  absence  of  their  rep- 
resentatives for  fear  their  presence  might  defeat  it.  If  there 
be  any  logical  truth  in  the  views  I  have  so  imperfectly  pre- 
sented, it  is  the  interest  of  the  planting  States  to  have  an 
export  tax,  and  were  those  States  fully  represented  on  this 
floor  to-day  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  they  would 
from  necessity  and  self-interest  support  this  amendment. 
And  for  this  obvious  reason,  Sir  :  it  is  evident  to  every  one 
that  when  this  war  is  over  and  the  Federal  authority  firmly 
re-established,  cotton  and  other  Southern  products  must  pay 
their  fair  share  of  the  national  revenue,  and  the  choice  is 
simply  between  an  excise  tax  and  an  export  tax.  With 
such  an  alternative  no  one  can  doubt  that  the  South  would 
choose  the  export  duty  as  the  least  burdensome  and  the 
most  advantageous  to  its  peculiar  local  interests.  The  in- 
dustrial system,  the  financial  ease,  the  vital  prosperity  of 
the  planting  States,  would  demand  an  export  tax  in  prefer- 


178  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

ence  to  any  other  that  could  be  laid  on  their  products  by  the 
Federal  Government. 

In  the  future  of  our  country,  Mr.  Speaker,  the  great  task 
and  test  of  statesmanship  will  be  in  the  administration  of 
our  finances  and  the  wise  distribution  of  the  burdens  of  tax- 
ation. We  began  our  career  as  an  independent  Nation 
without  money,  without  credit,  and  with  an  oppressive  load 
of  debt.  But  a  great  genius  in  the  person  of  Hamilton 
evoked  order  out  of  chaos,  gave  stability  to  the  government, 
imparted  confidence  to  the  people,  and  established  public 
credit  on  so  firm  a  basis  that,  until  the  breaking  out  of  this 
wicked  rebellion,  we  had  scarcely  known  an  hour's  serious 
embarrassment  to  our  National  Treasury.  Unless  we  are 
guided  by  counsels  of  wisdom  we  may  not  be  so  fortunate 
in  the  future  as  we  have  been  in  the  past.  An  immense 
amount  of  money  will  be  required  to  meet  the  interest  of 
our  National  debt,  to  maintain  our  army  and  navy — even 
on  a  peace  foundation,  and  to  defray  the  ordinary  expenses 
of  civil  government.  The  revenue  for  these  objects  may  be 
raised  so  injudiciously  as  to  cripple  and  embarrass  the  com- 
mercial and  industrial  interests  of  the  whole  country  ;  or  on 
the  other  hand  the  requisite  tax  may  be  so  equitably  distrib- 
uted and  so  skillfully  assessed  that  the  burden  will  be  inap- 
preciable to  the  public.  Whoever,  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  shall  accomplish  the  former  and  avoid  the  latter 
result,  must  be  armed  with  a  plenitude  of  power  in  the 
premiser.  He  must  have  open  to  him  the  three  great  ave- 
nues of  taxation — the  tariff,  the  excise  system,  and  the 
duties  on  exports ;  and  must  be  empowered  to  use  each  in 
its  appropriate  place  by  Congressional  legislation.  At 
present  only  two  of  these  modes  of  taxation  are  available, 
and  the  absence  of  the  third,  in  the  language  of  an  eminent 
statesman  already  quoted,  "takes -from  the  general  govern- 
ment half  the  regulation  of  trade."  It  is  for  Congress  to 
say  whether  the  people  shall  have  an  opportunity  to  change 
the  organic  law  in  this  important  respect,  or  whether  with 
a  blind  disregard  of  the  future  we  shall  rush  forward,  reck- 
less of  the  financial  disasters  that  may  result  from  a  failure 
to  do  our  duty  here. 

Elaine's  position  with  reference  to  the  currency  was  ever 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  179 

on  the  side  of  "an  honest  dollar,"  and  most  vigorously  for 
ten  years  did  lie  assail  the  proposition  for  issuing  an  irre- 
deemable paper  currency.  During  the  Thirty-Ninth  Con- 
gress, one  phase  of  the  question  came  up,  and  no  descrip- 
tion of  his  manner  or  words  will  serve  so  well  as  the  speech 
itself. 

In  moving  to  call  back  from  the  Ways  and  Means  Com- 
mittee and  lay  on  the  table  the  Gold  Bill  introduced  by 
Thaddeus  Stevens,  which  motion  was  carried  by  the  deci- 
sive vote  of  73  to  52,  Mr.  Blaine  said : 

"I  move  to  reconsider  the  vote  whereby  the  House  yes- 
terday referred  to  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  a  bill 
introduced  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Stev- 
ens) 'to  prevent  gold  and  silver  coin  and  bullion  from  be- 
ing paid  or  exchanged  for  a  greater  value  than  their  real 
current  value,  and  for  preventing  any  note  or  bill  issued  by 
the  United  States,  and  made  lawful  money  and  a  legal  ten- 
der, from  being  received  for  a  smaller  sum  than  is  herein 
specified.'  I  believe,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  this  bill  has  been 
productive  of  great  mischief  in  the  brief  twenty-four  hours 
that  it  has  been  allowed  to  float  before  the  public  mind  as  a 
meas-ure  seriously  entertained  by  this  House.  And  I  be- 
lieve that  still  more  mischief  will  ensue  every  day  and  every 
hour  the  House  stands  committed  to  such  legislation,  even 
by  the  motion  of  courtesy  which  refers  the  bill  to  a  commit- 
tee. The  provisions  of  the  bill  are  very  extraordinary,  and 
but  for  the  respect  I  feel  for  the  distinguished  gentleman 
who  introduced  it,  I  should  say  they  were  absurd  and  mon- 
strous. Let  me  read  two  or  three  of  these  provisions  : 

2.  That  a  dollar  note  issued  by  the  Government,  de- 
clared lawful  money  and  legal  tender,  is  declared  of  equal 
value  for  all  purposes  as  gold  and  silver  coin  of  like  denomi- 
nation . 

3.  That  a  contract  made  payable  in  coin  may  be  paya- 
ble in  legal  tender  United  States  notes,  and  that  no  differ- 
ence in  sale  or  value  shall  be  allowed  between  them. 

5.  That  no  person  shall,  by  any  device,  shift,  or  con- 
trivance, receive,  or  pay,  or  contract  to  receive  or  pay  any 


180  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Treasury  or  other  note  issued  by  the  United  States  for  cir- 
culation as  money,  and  declared  legal  tender,  for  less  than 
their  lawfully  expressed  value  ;  and  any  offender,  upon  con- 
viction, shall  suffer  imprisonment  not  exceeding  six  months 
and  a  fine  equal  to  the  full  amount  of  the  sum  specified  in 
said  note. 

6.  That  if  any  person  shall,  in  the  purchase  or  sale  of 
gold  or  silver  coin  or  bullion,  agree  to  receive  in  payment 
notes  of  corporations  or  individuals  at  less  than  par  value, 
he  shall  be  deemed  to  have  offended  against  the  provisions 
of  this  act,  and  shall  be  punished  accordingly. 

I  forbear  to  recite  the  remainder  of  the  bill.  I  have  read 
enough  to  show  that  if  it  should  become  a  law  the  entire 
population  on  the  Pacific  coast  would  be  .liable  to  indictment 
and  conviction  for  a  criminal  offense,  simply  because  they 
will  persist  in  believing  that  in  the  present  condition  of  our 
currency  a  gold  dollar  is  worth  more  than  a  paper  dollar. 
And  still  further,  not  limiting  the  scope  of  the  bill  to  pro- 
tection of  Government  currency,  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania proposes  to  punish,  as  for  a  misdemeanor,  any  one 
who  shall  agree  to  sell  gold  and  receive  in  payment  '  notes 
of  corporations  or  individuals  at  less  than  par  value.' 

The  whole  bill,  Sir,  aims  at  what  is  simply  impossible. 
You  cannot  make  a  gold  dollar  worth  less  than  it  is,  or  a 
paper  dollar  worth  more  than  it  is,  by  a  Congressional  dec- 
laration. I  think  we  had  experience  enough  in  that  direc- 
tion with  the  famous  Gold  Bill  at  the  last  session.  We 
passed  that  measure  after  a  very  severe  pressure  and  with 
great  promises  as  to  the  wonders  it  would  work  in  Wall 
Street.  It  continued  on  the  statute  book  for  some  twelve 
days, — gold  advancing  at  a  frightful  rate  every  day  until  its 
repeal  was  effected.  The  bill  now  under  consideration  has 
already  had  a  most  pernicious  effect,  and  should  it  become  a 
law,  no  man  can  measure  its  fatal  influence.  It  is  for  these 
reasons  that  I  desire  to  have  its  reference  reconsidered" 

It  must  have  been  a  triumph  indeed  for  Elaine,  when 
after  years  of  study,  work  and  opposition,  he  saw  slavery 
completely  eradicated,  and  this  land  a  land  of  the  free  in 
fact  as  in  name.  It  is  almost  fascinating  to  see  how  step 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  181 

by  step  he  led  on  contending  constantly  until  the  institution 
he  hated  in  his  boyhood  was  destroyed  in  his  prime.  Many 
measures  were  proposed,  many  defeated,  for  the  settlement 
of  this  fearful  question.  But  it  is  remarkable  to  note  how 
universally  the  measures  he  proposed  or  advocated,  came 
at  last  to  be  adopted  by  the  nation.  In  the  Thirty -Ninth  Con- 
gress he  made  several  short  speeches  on  the  several  amend- 
ments to  the  Constitution,  but  only  two  of  them  can  be  in- 
serted here.  Those  were  xipon  the  basis  of  representation,  a 
question  growing  out  of  the  enfranchisement  of  slaves. 

MR.  BLAIXE.  Mr.  Speaker  :  If  there  had  not  been  such  an 
evident  indisposition  on  both  sides  of  the  House  to  proceed  to 
an  immediate  vote  on  this  question,  I  should  not  have  asked 
any  time  ;  although,  as  the  original  mover  of  the  resolution, 
which  appears  in  another  form,  which  form  I  do  not  like, 
I  might  be  supposed  to  have  some  little  desire  to  say  a  word 
in  regard  to  it.  I  Avish,  in  the  first  instance,  to  correct  a 
mere  question  of  figures  which  I  quoted  yesterday  from  the 
table  prepared  under  the  auspices  of  the  gentleman  Avho  is 
at  the  head  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  (Mr. 
Morrill),  by  which  he  showed  that  the  suffrage  basis  of 
white  males  over  twenty-one  would  give  to  the  State  of  New 
York  thirty-six  members,  and  to  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 
twenty-four.  The  gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  Conk- 
ling)  controverted  this  proposition,  and  I  now  reassert  it. 
The  gentleman's  own  table  differs  only  a  unit  from  mine. 
It  gives  thirty-five  to  New  York  and  twenty-four  to  Penn- 
sylvania, making  a  net  gain  to  New  York  in  the  one  case  of 
four  members,  in  the  other  of  five.  Well,  that  is  not  a  very 
vast  change  in  either  case.  It  is  not  "so  deep  as  a  Avell 
nor  so  Avide  as  a  church  door ;  but  'tis  enough"  for  Penn- 
sylvania, I  should  think,  and  I  hope,  on  the  other  side,  it 
would  be  enough  for  NCAV  York.  It  is  a  tremendous  dislo- 
cation of  the  relative  strength  of  those  States  upon  the  floor. 

But  as  the  gentleman  from  NeAV  Yrork,  in  introducing  his 
figures,  did  not  use  them  in  support  of  the  suffrage  basis,  of 
course  I  haA-e  no  issue  with  him,  because  they  supported 
nothing  except  a  proposition  on  which  both  he  and  I  agree  ; 


182  THE    LIKE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

and  so  far  as  his  argument  went  in  that  way  it  went  against 
the  conclusion  he  was  contending  for,  presenting  anew  the 
spectacle  of  the  waterman  in  the  Pilgrim's  Progress,  who 
got  his  living  by  vigorously  rowing  in  one  direction  while 
steadily  looking  in  the  other. 

MR.  CONKLING.  I  desire  to  answer  not  so  much  the  ar- 
gument as  the  witticism  of  my  friend  from  Maine. 

MR.  ELAINE.  Oh,  no  ;  no  wit,  either  perpetrated  or  in- 
tended. 

MR.  CONKLING.  Well,  Mr.  Speaker,  we  consider  it  very 
witty  over  here ;  but  then  we  are  so  far  off. 

MR.  ELAINE.  Glad  the  gentleman  thinks  my  wit  will 
carry  a  long  distance,  but  I  cannot  yield  the  floor  now. 

MR.  KELLEY.  Will  the  gentleman  permit  me  to  offer  an 
amendment  which  I  believe  will  remove  much  of  the  objec- 
tion which  is  made? 

MR.  ELAINE.  I  will  yield  for  the  purpose  of  having  it 
read. 

The  proposed  amendment  was  read  as  follows  : 

Provided,  That  this  article  shall  not  be  construed  to  affect 
the  power  of  Congress  to  regulate  the  qualifications  for  elect- 
ors of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  Legislatures  of  the 
several  States. 

THE  SPEAKER.  The  chair  would  state  that  there  is  an 
amendment  pending,  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania (Mr.  Stevens).  Any  amendment  to  the  amend- 
ment must  be  germane  to  it.  The  only  way  in  which  the 
resolution  could  be  amended  now  would  be  by  offering  a 
substitute  embracing  all  its  phraseology  and  any  additional 
language  decided. 

MR.  ELAINE.  I  must  decline  to  yield  further  unless  for 
the  purpose  of  explanation.  I  was  going  on  to  remark  that 
an  additional  reason  adverse  to  the  suffrage  basis  will  be 
found  in  the  fact  that  the  moment  you  make  suffrage  the 
basis  of  distributing  Representatives  among  the  States,  you 
inevitably,  by  logical  sequence,  make  it  the  basis  of  distrib- 
uting Representatives  within  the  States.  I  want  to  be  un- 
derstood on  this  point.  If  we  distribute  representation  on 
the  basis  of  voters,  the  States  will  take  it  up  by  logical  se- 
quence, and  within  their  own  territory  distribute  their  Rep- 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  183 

resentatives  on  the  basis  of  voters,  and  a  city  or  district  of 
country  which  might  have  a  surplus  or  a  deficiency  of  males 
over  twenty-one  years  of  age,  would  either  aggrandize  itself 
or  lose  its  proper  weight  and  power  as  the  figures  might  go 
up  or  down. 

You  cannot  resist  that  conclusion.  That  is  one  of  the 
evils  that  will  follow  from  the  suffrage  basis.  Following 
that  by  a  slight  paradox,  I  think  this  amendment,  excluding 
blacks  from  the  basis  of  representation,  will,  by  the  opera- 
tion of  the  same  principle,  have  precisely  the  opposite  effect 
in  the  South,  namely :  if  you  cut  off  the  blacks  from  being 
enumerated  in  the  basis  of  representation  in  the  Southern 
States,  the  white  population  of  those  States  will  immedi- 
ately distribute  representatives  within  their  own  territory  on 
the  basis  of  white  population.  Therefore,  the  most  densely 
populated  negro  districts  will  not  be  allowed  to  offset  the 
most  densely  populated  white  districts. 

It  therefore  becomes  an  immediate  and  pressing  interest 
with  those  districts  to  enfranchise  the  negroes.  Do  you  sup- 
pose the  upland  districts  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  in- 
habited largely  by  whites,  will,  in  the  event  of  the  adoption 
of  this  amendment,  allow  the  distribution  of  Representatives 
to  be  made  on  the  basis  of  the  whole  population  ?  By  no 
means.  They  will  at  once  insist  on  the  white  basis  within 
the  State.  There  fore,  you  make  it  the  imperative,  and  most 
urgent  interest  of  the  late  slave  masters  in  the  rice  regions 
and  densely  populated  negro  districts  in  the  South,  to  en- 
franchise the  black  man.  The  upland  and  rice  regions  to 
which  I  have  referred,  differ  in  soil,  climate,  air,  sky,  and 
population,  as  much  as  the  Tierra  Caliente  and  the  Tierra 
Templada  of  Mexico  do  to-day,  or  as  they  did  three  hun- 
dred years  ago. 

While  I  shall  vote  for  the  proposition,  I  shall  do  so  with 
some  reluctance  unless  it  is  amended,  and  I  do  not  regret, 
therefore,  that  the  previous  question  was  not  sustained.  I 
am  egotistic  enough  to  believe  that  the  phraseology  of  the 
original  resolution  as  introduced  by  me,  was  better  than  that 
employed  in  the  pending  amendment.  The  phrase  "civil 
or  political  rights  and  privileges,"  which  I  employed,  is  broad- 
er and  more  comprehensive  than  the  term  "elective  fran- 
chise," for  I  fear,  with  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  (Mr. 


184  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Farnsworth) ,  that  under  the  latter  phrase  the  most  vicious 
evasion  might  be  practiced.  As  that  gentleman  has  well 
said,  they  might  make  suffrage  depend  on  ownership  of  fifty 
acres  of  land,  and  then  prohibit  any  negro  holding  real  es- 
tate ;  but  no  such  mockery  as  this  could  be  perpetrated  under 
the  provisions  of  the  amendment  as  I  originally  submitted  it. 

MR.  BINGHAM.  "Will  the  gentleman  from  Maine  (Mr. 
Blaine)  allow  me  to  make  a  suggestion  ? 

MR.  BLAINE.     Certainly. 

MR.  BINGHAM.  I  beg  to  notify  the  gentleman  that  this 
amendment  of  itself  does  not  and  cannot  execute  the  purpose 
intended  to  be  accomplished  by  it,  unless  Congress — 

MR.  BLAINE.  If  the  gentleman  is  going  to  reply  to  my 
argument,  I  will  not  yield  the  floor.  If  he  wants  merely  to 
make  an  explanation,  I  will  hear  him. 

MR.  BINGHAM.  I  apprehend  that  no  possible  amendment 
that  can  be  suggested  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
on  this  subject,  will  answer  the  purpose  unless  it  is  followed 
by  further  legislation. 

MR.  BLAINE.  That  may  be  so.  But  the  man  who 
shoots  at  the  sun  will  come  nearer  to  it  than  the  man  who  does 
not  draw  the  bow.  I  say  the  phraseology  "civil  or  po- 
litical rights  and  privileges,"  is  more  inclusive  than  that 
phrase  "elective  franchise."  If  you  make  it  so  that  a  State 
shall  not  count  in  her  basis  of  representation  any  race  to 
which  "civil  or  political  rights  and  privileges"  are  denied  or 
abridged,  then  the  objection  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois 
(Mr.  Farnsworth)  cannot  stand,  because  the  exclusion  from 
holding  real  estate  would  be  a  denial  of  civil  rights  and 
privileges. 

MR.  BROMWELL.  If  the  gentleman  will  permit  me,  I 
will  say  that  the  objection  to  this  resolution  is  not  that  it  is 
intended  to  provide  for  a  representation  based  upon  actual 
voters,  but  upon  the  population  of  the  classes  or  races  per- 
mitted to  vote.  If  the  gentleman  will  allow  me,  I  will 
submit  an  amendment  which  I  think  will  obviate  the 
difficulty. 

MR.  BLAINE.  I  cannot  yield  for  any  such  purpose. 
There  is  one  other  objection  to  the  resolution  as  reported, 
and  that  is  a  point  to  which  I  wish  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  chairman  of  the  committee  reporting  it  (Mr.  Stevens), 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  185 

and  the  gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  Conkling),  who 
defended  it.  The  proposed  amendment  reads  : 

Provided,  That  whenever  the  elective  Franchise  shall  be 
denied  or  abridged  in  any  State  on  account  of  race  or  color, 
all  persons  of  such  race  or  color  therein  shall  be  excluded 
from  the  basis  of  representation. 

Now,  I  contend  that  ordinary  fair  play — and  certainly  we 
can  afford  fair  play  where  it  does  not  cost  anything — calls 
for  this,  namely,  that  if  we  exclude  them  from  the  basis  of 
representation  they  should  be  excluded  from  the  basis  of 
taxation.  Ever  since  this  government  was  founded,  taxa- 
tion and  representation  have  always  gone  hand  in  hand.  If 
we  shall  exclude  the  principle  in  this  amendment,  we  will 
be  accused  of  a  narrow,  ill-liberal,  mean-spirited,  and  money- 
grasping  policy.  More  than  that,  we  do  not  gain  anything 
by  it.  What  kind  of  taxation  is  distributed  according  to 
representation?  Direct  taxation.  Now  we  do  not  have 
any  direct  taxation.  There  has  been  but  twenty  millions 
of  direct  taxation  levied  for  the  last  fifty  years.  That  tax 
was  levied  in  1861,  and  was  not  collected,  but  distributed 
among  the  States  and  held  in  the  Treasury  Department  as 
an  offset  to  the  war  claims  of  the  States.  So  that  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  we  are  putting  an  offensive  discrimination  in 
this  proposition,  and  gaining  nothing  by  it  except  obloquy. 
We  are  asked  to  put  in  something  that  will  enable  the 
Southern  States  to  say,  "you  gouged  us  out  of  our  fair  pro- 
tection in  the  basis  of  taxation  Avhen  you  had  the  power, 
and  you  gouged  us  so  meanly  in  spirit  that  you  gained  noth- 
ing by  it  yourselves."  I  maintain  that  we  should  follow 
the  precedent  of  former  years.  And  if  we  exclude  any 
portion  of  the  population  from  representation,  we  should 
pari  passu  exclude  them  from  taxation.  That  is  fair  play, 
and  fair  play  is  a  jewel  the  world  over. 

Let  me  say  in  conclusion,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  my  oppo- 
sition to  the  suffrage  basis  is  not  grounded  on  the  fact  that 
Maine  would  lose  by  it.  No  statistics  that  have  yet  been 
presented  show  any  loss  to  Maine  ;  and  on  several  theories 
of  calciilation  we  should  gain  one  member.  My  opposition, 
therefore,  is  not  grounded  on  local  selfishness,  but  upon  the 
belief  that  the  principle  is  a  dangerous  one,  that  it  is  an 
abandonment  of  one  of  the  oldest  and  safest  landmarks  of 


186  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

the  Constitution,  and  that  it  is  a  most  perilous  leap  in  the 
dark.  It  introduces  a  new  principle  in  our  government, 
whose  evil  tendency  and  results  no  man  can  measure  to-day. 


MR.  ELAINE.  Since  the  beginning  of  the  present  session, 
Mr.  Chairman,  we  have  had  several  propositions  to  amend 
the  Federal  Constitution  with  respect  to  the  basis  of  repre- 
sentation in  Congress.  These  propositions  have  differed 
somewhat  in  phrase,  but  they  all  embrace  substantially  the 
one  idea  of  making  suffrage  instead  of  population  the  basis 
of  apportioning  Representatives  ;  or  in  other  words,  to  give 
to  the  States  in  future  a  representation  proportioned  to  their 
voters  instead  of  their  inhabitants. 

The  effect  contemplated  and  intended  by  this  change  is 
perfectly  well  understood,  and  on  all  hands  frankly  avowed. 
It  is  to  deprive  the  lately  rebellious  States  of  the  unfair  ad- 
vantage of  a  large  representation  in  this  House,  based  on 
their  colored  population,  so  long  as  that  population  shall  be 
denied  political  rights  by  the  legislation  of  those  States. 
The  proposed  constitutional  amendment  would  simply  say 
to  those  States,  while  you  refuse  to  enfranchise  your  black 
population,  you  shall  have  no  representation  based  on  their 
numbers  ;  but  admit  them  to  civil  and  political  rights,  and 
they  shall  at  once  be  counted  to  your  advantage  in  the  ap- 
portionment of  Representatives. 

The  direct  object  thus  aimed  at,  as  it  respects  the  rebellious 
States,  has  been  so  generally  approved  that  little  thought 
seems  to  have  been  given  to  the  incidental  evils  which  the 
proposed  constitutional  amendment  would  inflict  on  a  large 
portion  of  the  loyal  States — evils,  in  my  judgment,  so  serious 
and  alarming  as  to  lead  me  to  oppose  the  amendment  in  any 
form  in  which  it  has  yet  been  presented.  As  an  abstract 
proposition,  no  one  will  deny  that  population  is  the  true 
basis  of  representation  ;  for  women,  children,  and  other 
non-voting  classes  may  have  as  vital  an  interest  in  the  legis- 
lation of  the  country  as  those  who  actually  deposit  the  ballot. 
Indeed,  the  very  amendment  we  are  discussing  implies  that 
population  is  the  true  basis,  inasmuch  as  the  exclusion  of 
the  black  people  of  the  South  from  political  rights  has 
suggested  this  indirectly  coercive  mode  of  securing  them 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  187 

those  rights.  Were  the  negroes  to  be  enfranchised  through- 
out the  South  to-day,  no  one  would  insist  on  the  adoption 
of  this  amendment ;  and  yet  if  the  amendment  shall  be  in- 
corporated in  the  Federal  Constitution,  its  incidental  evils 
will  abide  in  the  loyal  States  long  after  the  direct  evil  which 
it  aims  to  cure,  may  have  been  eradicated  in  the  Southern 
States. 

If  voters  instead  of  population  shall  be  made  the  basis  of 
representation  certain  results  will  follow,  not  fully  appre- 
ciated perhaps  by  some  who  are  now  urgent  for  the  change. 
I  will  confine  my  examination  of  these  results  to  the  nine- 
teen free  States  whose  statistics  are  presented  in  the  census 
of  1860  ;  and  the  very  radical  change  which  the  new  basis 
of  representation  would  produce  among  and  between  those 
States  forms  the  ground  of  my  opposition  to  it.  The  ratio 
of  voters  to  population  differs  very  widely  in  different  sec- 
tions, varying  in  the  States  referred  to  from  a  minimum  of 
nineteen  per  cent,  to  a  maximum  of  fifty-eight  per  cent.,  and 
the  changes  which  this  fact  would  work  in  the  relative  rep- 
resentation of  certain  States  would  be  monstrous.  For  ex- 
ample, California  has  a  population  of  358,110,  and  Ver- 
mont 314,369,  and  each  has  three  representatives  on  this 
floor  to-day.  But  California  has  207,000  voters  and  Ver- 
mont has  87,000.  Assuming  voters  as  the  basis  of  appor- 
tionment, and  allowing  Vermont  three  Representatives, 
California  would  be  entitled  to  eight.  The  great  State  of 
Ohio,  with  nearly  seven  times  the  population  of  California, 
would  have  but  little  more  than  two  and  a  half  times  the 
number  of  Representatives ;  and  New  York,  with  quite 
eleven  times  the  population  of  California,  would  have  in  the 
new  style  apportionment  less  than  five  times  as  many  mem- 
bers of  this  House.  California,  it  may  be  said,  presents  an 
extreme  case,  but  no  more  so  than  will  continually  recur  for 
the  next  century  under  the  stimulus  to  the  emigration  of 
young  voters  from  the  older  States  to  the  inviting  fields  of 
the  Mississippi  Valley  and  the  Pacific  Slope. 

But  cases  less  extreme  than  California  will  present  quite 
as  clearly  the  injurious  working  of  the  proposed  change. 
Take  two  States — one  in  the  East  and  one  in  the  West — • 
not  greatly  differing  in  aggregate  population,  for  example, 
Massachusetts  and  Indiana,  the  former  with  1,221,432  in- 


188  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

habitants,  the  latter  with  1,328,710.  Massachusetts  has 
to-day  ten  Representatives  on  this  floor  and  Indiana  has 
eleven,  an  exactly  fair  apportionment.  But  Massachusetts 
has  only  227,429  voters,  while  Indiana  has  316,824,  and 
therefore  on  the  new  basis  if  Massachusetts  should  retain 
her  ten  Representatives  Indiana  would  be  allowed  about 
fifteen,  and  if  Indiana  should  be  confined  to  her  eleven, 
Massachusetts  would  be  reduced  to  seven.  And  I  might 
adduce  many  other  instances  showing  the  gross  inequalities 
of  representation  to  which  the  proposed  amendment  would 
subject  the  loyal  States. 

MR.  STEVENS.  Will  the  gentleman  allow  me  to  ask  him 
a  question. 

MR.  ELAINE.      Certainly. 

MR.  STEVENS.  What  is  the  cause  of  the  disparity  of 
men  and  women  in  Massachusetts  and  in  the  New  England 
States  ?  Is  it  not  that  the  men  go  to  the  Western  States 
as  emigrants  ? 

MR.  BLAINE.     I  suppose  it  is. 

MR.  STEVENS.  Very  well,  is  not  Massachusetts  repre- 
sented there,  then? 

MR.  BLAINE.  Not  according  to  some  harangues  we  hear 
in  this  House,  from  gentlemen  representing  that  section,  on 
the  tariff,  as  my  distinguished  friend  on  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  knows  very  well.  They  go  there,  be- 
come identified  with  what  they  term  Western  interests,  and, 
I  am  sorry  to  say,  attack  New  England  and  New  England 
interests. 

MR.  GRINNELL.     Not  all  of  them. 

MR.  BLAINE.  And  there  are  other  objections,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, to  the  proposed  constitutional  amendment.  Basing 
representation  on  voters,  unless  Congress  should  be  empow- 
ered to  define  their  qualification,  would  tend  to  cheapen 
suffrage  everywhere.  There  would  be  an  unseemly  scramble 
in  all  the  States  during  each  decade,  to  increase,  by  every 
means,  the  number  of  voters,  and  all  conservative  restric- 
tions, such  as  the  requirement  of  reading  and  writing,  now 
enforced  in  some  of  the  States,  woiild  be  stricken  down  in  a 
rash  and  reckless  effort  to  procure  an  enlarged  representa- 
tion in  the  national  councils.  Foreigners  would  be  invited 
to  vote  on  a  mere  preliminary  "declaration  of  intention," 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  189 

and  the  ballot,  which  cannot  be  too  sacredly  guarded,  and 
which  is  the  great  and  inestimable  privilege  of  the  American 
citizen,  would  be  demoralized  and  disgraced  everywhere. 

And  the  worst  feature  of  all  is  that  there  is  no  need, 
whatever,  of  precipitating  the  evils  I  have  referred  to.  The 
great  end  of  depriving  the  South  of  the  representation  which 
is  based  on  the  colored  population,  until  that  population  is 
enfranchised,  can  be  very  readily  secured,  without  accom- 
panying it  with  these  offensive  inequalities  of  representation 
among  the  loyal  States.  The  Constitution  may  be  amended 
so  as  to  prevent  the  one  evil,  without  involving  others  of 
greater  magnitude,  and  I  venture  to  express  the  belief  that 
the  proposition  submitted  by  me  this  morning,  and,  on  my 
motion,  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Reconstruction,  will, 
if  adopted,  secure  the  desired  result.  Let  me  briefly  explain 
that  proposition.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
article  one,  section  two,  clause  three,  reads  as  follows,  to 
the  first  period : 

"Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned 
among  the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this 
Union,  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  which  shall 
be  determined  by  (adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons, 
including  those  bound  to  service  for  a  number  of  years,  and 
excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other  persons) ." 

The  portion  which  I  have  included  in  parenthesis  has  be- 
come meaningless  and  nugatory,  by  the  adoption  of  the  con- 
stitutional amendment  which  abolishes  the  distinction  be- 
tween "free  persons"  and  all  other  persons,"  and  being  thus 
a  dead  letter,  might  as  well  be  formally  struck  out ;  and  in 
its  stead  I  propose  to  insert  the  words  included  in  parenthe- 
sis, so  that  the  clause,  as  amended,  will  read  thus  : 

"Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned 
among  the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  the 
Union,  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  which  shall 
be  determined  by  (taking  the  whole  number  of  persons,  ex- 
cept those  to  ivhom  civil  or  political  rights  or  privileges  are 
denied  or  abridged,  by  the  constitution  or  laws  of  any  State, 
on  account  of  race  or  color)." 

This  is  a  very  simple  and  direct  way,  it  seems  to  me,  of 
reaching  the  result  aimed  at  without  embarrassment  to  any 


190  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

other  question  or  interest.  It  leaves  population,  as  hereto- 
fore, the  basis  of  representation,  does  not  disturb,  in  any 
manner,  the  harmonious  relations  of  the  loyal  States,  and  it 
conclusively  deprives  the  Southern  States  of  all  representa- 
tion in  Congress  on  account  of  the  colored  population  so 
long  as  those  States  may  choose  to  abridge  or  to  deny  to 
that  population  the  political  rights  and  privileges  accorded 
to  others.  The  adoption  of  this  amendment,  as  a  part  of 
the  Federal  Constitution  would,  I  venture  to  predict,  secure 
the  right  of  suffrage  to  the  colored  population  throughout 
the  South  in  a  very  few  years.  And  I  doubt  if  in  any  other 
mode  that  right  can  be  secured  so  speedily,  so  certainly,  and 
so  enduringly. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  all  the  measures  Elaine  advocated 
concerning  our  shipping  interests  have  been  adopted.  But 
that  they  will  be  accepted  wholly,  there  seems  now  to  be 
little  doubt.  The  experience  of  the  years  since  our  com- 
merce fell  so  largely  into  the  hands  of  other  nations  has 
confirmed  his  position  in  many  ways.  It  is  interesting  to 
notice  what  he  thought  about  it,  and  what  he  said  in  1866. 

The  question  concerning  the  right  to  buy  ships  abroad  be- 
ing before  the  House,  Elaine  said : 

"I  think  it  important  that  the  House  should  come  back 
to  a  distinct  understanding  of  the  question  involved  in  this 
bill,  and  I  will  state  it  as  briefly  as  possible.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war,  as  I  can  show  from  reliable  statistics  in 
my  hand,  we  had  twenty-five  hundred  thousand  tons  of 
shipping  engaged  in  the  foreign  trade.  As  the  war  grew 
hot  and  dangers  multiplied  on  the  ocean,  eight  hundred 
thousand  tons  of  this  shipping  took  refuge  under  a  foreign 
flag.  The  flag  of  our  own  nation  was  hauled  down,  and 
protection  was  sought  under  the  flag  of  our  neutral  enemy, 
Great  Britain.  I  do  not  question  the  right  of  the  owners 
of  this  shipping  to  act  in  this  way,  and  many  who  did  so 
are  honorable  and  patriotic  men.  All  I  contend  is  that, 
having  made  their  election,  they  shall  abide  by  it.  They 
escaped  all  the  hazards  to  which  our  flag  was  subjected ; 
they  gained  all  the  profits  of  their  alien  connection  ;  and 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  191 

for  one  I  am  not  now  willing  to  put  them  on  the  same 
ground  with  those  ship-owners  who  took  all  the  risks  of 
standing  by  the  American  flag  in  good  report  and  in  evil 
report,  in  our  dark  days  as  well  as  in  our  bright  days.  The 
ship-owners  who  took  British  registers  escaped  the  heavy 
war  risks  to  which  American  registers  were  subjected,  and 
now  to  place  them  on  the  same  footing  with  those  who 
hazarded  everything  rather  than  sail  under  a  foreign  flag, 
would  be  flagrantly  unjust.  To  contend  for  such  a  policy 
is  as  illogical  and  absurd  as  the  position  of  those  who 
claimed  for  the  Southern  rebels  all  the  advantages  and  im- 
munities of  belligerents  outside  the  Union  and  citizens 
inside  of  it  at  the  same  time.  The  ship-owners  who 
changed  their  registers  sought  the  protection  of  Great 
Britain  when  there  was  danger  at  home  ;  and  now  they 
wish,  when  that  danger  is  over,  to  return  to  our  flag  and 
share  the  profits  that  can  be  derived  from  American  reg- 
istry. I  think,  Sir,  it  would  be  cruelly  unjust  for  the 
American  Congress  to  permit  this  policy,  and  thus  turn 
their  backs  on  those  ship-owners  who,  under  all  the  seduc- 
tions of  profit  and  against  all  the  perils  of  war,  refused  to 
take  refuge  for  a  single  hour  under  any  other  flag  than  that 
which  was  floating  over  the  armies  of  the  Union,  and  which 
protects  us  in  this  Capitol  to  day.  I  have  said,  Sir,  that 
many  who  sought  these  foreign  registers  were  high-minded, 
honorable,  and  patriotic  men.  I  am  personally  acquainted 
with  some  of  them,  and  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  speak  of 
them  in  this  way.  But,  Sir,  there  is  good  reason  to  believe 
that  all  of  them  were  not  of  this  class  ;  that  some  of  them 
were  unpatriotic  and  even  criminal,  and  that,  while  securely 
concealed  behind  their  British  registers,  they  were  sharing 
in  the  enormous  profits  derived  from  running  our  blockade, 
and  engaging,  to  the  detriment  of  the  Union  cause,  in  all 
the  illicit  commerce  which  the  English  flag  covered  during 
the  four  years  of  bloody  war  from  which  we  have  just 
emerged.  I  think  the  American  Congress  should  be  slow 
to  allow  even  one  man  who  has  acted  thus  to  bring  his 
property  back  under  protection  of  our  laws.  We  may  not 
be  able  to  punish  such  men  by  criminal  prosecutions  but 
we  certainly  should  not  go  out  of  our  way  to  show  them 
favors  and  confer  benefits  upon  them. 


192  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

"But  I  do  not  put  this  question  on  the  ground  of  simply 
giving  their  just  dues  to  those  who  took  this  course  with 
their  shipping,  much  less  do  I  base  my  action  on  a  feeling 
of  'spite,'  as  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Garfield)  has 
intimated.  I  conceive  that  it  involves  a  point  of  future 
interest  and  of  far-reaching  importance,  because  if  we  treat 
these  ship-owners  who  left  our  flag,  with  the  same  liberality 
that  we  do  those  who  stood  by  it,  we  offer  a  sort  of  pre- 
mium to  our  whole  navigation  interest  to  seek  foreign  reg- 
isters the  moment  we  have  a  war  with  any  power.  And 
should  we  allow  the  eight  hundred  thousand  tons  of  ship- 
ping now  under  discussion  to  come  back  under  our  flag,  you 
will  see  double  or  triple  that  amount  leave  us  if  we  should 
unfortunately  become  engaged  in  another  war.  I  think 
that  consideration  should  have  great  influence  on  our  action 
on  this  question. 

"One  word  more,  Mr.  Speaker.  The  whole  tone  of  the 
speeches  we  have  had  from  both  the  gentlemen  from  Ohio 
(Mr.  Spaulding  and  Mr.  Garfield)  was  for  free  trade.  They 
urge  that  we  shall  buy  our  ships  wherever  we  can  get  them 
cheapest,  and  that  all  restrictions  as  to  registry  should  be 
abolished.  Well,  Sir,  if  we  are  prepared  to  reduce  this 
free  trade  theory  to  practice,  why  not  have  it  in  everything? 
There  is  no  branch  of  American  industry  that  is,  to-day,  so 
little  protected  and  so  much  oppressed  by  our  revenue  laws 
as  ship-building.  It  is  taxed  at  all  points  and  nearly  taxed 
to  death  ;  and  I  submit  to  these  new  advocates  of  free  trade 
that  it  would  be  better  to  begin  with  some  interest  that  is 
essentially  protected  by  our  laws  to-day.  If  we  are  going 
to  have  free  trade,  let  us  have  it  equally  and  impartially 
applied  to  all  the  industrial  interests  of  the  land ;  but  for 
myself,  I  am  opposed  to  it  altogether.  In  theory  and  in 
practice,  I  am  for  protecting  American  industry  in  all  its 
forms,  and  to  this  end  we  must  encourage  American  manu- 
factures and  we  must  equally  encourage  American  com- 
merce." 

In  1867  Blaine  visited  Europe  and  spent  several  months 
traveling  for  recreation  and  instruction,  in  England  and  on 
the  Continent. 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  195 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Elaine's  renomination  for  Congress. — Popularity  with  both  parties. 
His  great  work  in  the  40th  Congress. — Elected  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives. — Mentioned  for  a  Candidate  for 
President. — His  Speech  on  the  Gold  Bill. — Writer  for  Maga- 
zines.— His  views  of  Negro  Suffrage. 

Elaine  was  renominated  for  a  third  term  in  Congress  in 
1866,  almost  as  a  matter  of  course,  having  then  the  love  of 
his  own  party  and  the  respect  of  the  Democratic  party. 
With  all  his  unflinching  opposition  to  the  measures  of  the 
Democracy,  his  manner  was  so  frank  and  his  life  so  con- 
sistent and  sincere,  that  they  most  honorably  gave  their  com- 
mendation of  his  personal  character. 

After  his  nomination  in  1866,  the  Rockland  Democrat,  an 
opposition  paper  of  considerable  influence,  published  this 
editorial : 

"At  the  Convention  of  the  Third  Congressional  District, 
in  Augusta,  on  Friday  last,  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine  was  re- 
nominated  as  the  Union  candidate  for<Congress  by  acclama- 
tion. This  is  an  endorsement  of  Mr.  Elaine's  ability  and 
course  in  Congress  of  the  most  flattering  character.  His 
constituents  are  second  to  none  in  the  State  for  intelligence 
and  general  political  information,  and  understand  thorough- 
ly the  candidate  they  have  placed  before  the  people  a  third 
time.  In  March  next  Mr.  Blaine  will  have  held  his  seat  in 
the  House  two  terms,  and  in  September  will  be  elected  to 
take  his  third  term.  While  he  has  been  untiring  in  his 
efforts  to  promote  the  interest  in  our  State,  Mr.  Blaine  has 
not  confined  himself  to  local  affairs,  but  has  exerted  himself 


196  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

in  the  broader  field  of  statesmanship,  and  gained  a  national 
reputation.  The  amendment  to  the  Constitution  now  adopted 
by  Congress,  which  proposes  to  correct  the  basis  of  repre- 
sentation in  the  South,  was  originated  by  Mr.  Elaine.  It 
has  been  somewhat  changed  from  its  original  form,  but  its 
purport  and  substance  were  taken  from  him,  and  it  is  now 
one  of  the  most  important  steps  in  the  process  of  reconstruc- 
tion. It  is  not  necessary  to  recall  and  review  the  many 
measures  with  which  his  name  is  prominently  connected, 
for  they  are  generally  known,  and  his  renomination  is  an 
endorsement  of  his  acts  far  beyond  anything  we  might  say. 
As  a  ready,  forcible"  debater,  a  clear  reasoner,  sound  legis- 
lator, fearless  advocate,  and  true  supporter  of  the  principles 
and  organization  of  the  party  of  Union  and  Right,  he  has 
made  a  mark  in  the  annals  of  Congress  of  which  he  and 
those  who  elected  him  may  be  proud.  The  Union  voters  of 
the  Third  District  have  manifested  good  sense  in  renominat- 
ing  so  competent  a  candidate  to  represent  them.  In  these 
critical  times  the  policy  of  changing  experienced,  tried  and 
true  men,  for  new  and  inexperienced  ones,  is  to  be  avoided 
as  much  as  possible.  In  favorable  times  that  policy  will  do, 
but  this  is  not  the  season.  The  Union  men  of  the  Third 
District  will  not  fail  to  give  Mr.  Elaine  a  good  support  at 
the  polls." 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  1867,  there  was  a. 
wide  diversity  of  opinion  concerning  the  currency  and  finan- 
cial measures,  and  it  was  a  season  when  the  greatest  of 
thinkers  were  often  misled.  But  when  Elaine  spoke  upon 
financial  themes  it  was  after  mature  thought  and  the  most 
careful  research.  It  was  a  time  when  the  national  honor 
and  prosperity  were  among  dangerous  breakers.  The  fol- 
lowing speech  upon  the  "Gold  Eill"  was  made  in  one  of  the 
open  debates  which  marked  the  important  discussions  of  that 
period. 

MR.  ELAINE  said  : 

Within  the  past  few  months,  Mr.  Chairman,  some  erro- 
neous and  mischievous  views  have  been  put  forward  in  re- 
gard to  the  nature  of  the  public  obligation  imposed  by  the 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  197 

debt  of  the  United  States.  Without  stopping  to  notice  the 
lesser  lights  of  the  new  doctrine,  and  not  caring  to  analyze 
the  various  forms  of  repudiation  suggested  from  irresponsible 
sources  throughout  the  country,  I  propose  to  review  as 
briefly  as  may  be,  the  position  contemporaneously  assumed 
by  two  able  and  distinguished  gentlemen — the  one  from  the 
West,  the  other  from  the  East — the  one  the  late  candidate  of 
the  Democratic  party  for  the  Vice  Presidency  (Mr.  Pendleton 
of  Ohio),  the  other  a  prominent  member  of  this  House 
from  one  of  the  strongest  Republican  districts  of  Massachu- 
setts (Mr.  Butler). 

The  position  of  these  gentlemen  I  understand  to  be  sim- 
ply this :  That  the  principal  of  the  United  States  bonds, 
known  as  the  Five-twenties,  may  be  fairly  and  legally  paid  in 
paper  currency  by  the  Government  after  the  expiration  of  Jive 
years  from  the  date  of  issue. 

A  brief  review  of  the  origin  of  the  Five-twenty  bonds  witt 
demonstrate,  I  think,  that  this  position  is  in  contravention 
of  the  honor  and  good  faith  of  the  National  Government; 
that  it  is  hostile  to  the  spirit  and  the  letter  of  the  law  ;  that 
it  contemptuously  ignore.3  the  common  understanding  be- 
tween borrower  and  lender  at  the  time  the  loan  was  nego- 
tiated ;  and  that  finally,  even  if  such  mode  of  payment  were 
honorable  and  practicable,  it  would  prove  disastrous  to  the 
financial  interests  of  the  Government  and  the  general  pros- 
perity of  the  country.  I  crave  the  attention  and  indulgence 
of  the  House  while  I  recapitulate  the  essential  facts  in  sup- 
port of  my  assertion. 

The  issue  of  the  Five-twenty  bonds  was  originally 
authorized  by  the  act  of  Feb.  25th,  1862,  which  provided  for 
the  large  amount  of  five  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  It  was 
this  series  which  was  sold  so  successfully  by  Jay  Cooke  & 
Co.,  in  1863,  and  of  which  so  great  a  proportion  was  sub- 
sequently purchased  by  foreign  capitalists.  It  will  be  borne 
in  mind  that  up  to  that  time  in  all  the  loan  bills  passed  by 
Congress,  not  one  word  had  ever  been  said  in  regard  to  gold 
payment  "either  of  bond  or  coupon  ;  and  it  will  be  equally 
borne  in  mind  that  gold  payment,  both  of  the  principal  and 
interest  of  the  public  debt,  had  been  the  invariable  rule  from 
the  foundation  of  the  Government.  No  instance  to  the 
contrary  can  be  found  in  our  history.  In  the  pithy  language 


198  THE   LITE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

of  Nathaniel  Macon,  "our  Government  was  a  hard-money 
Government,  founded  by  hard-money  men,  and  its  debts 
were  hard-money  debts." 

And  it  will  be  still  further  borne  in  mind  that  when  the 
Bill  authorizing  the  original  issue  of  Five-twenties  was  un- 
der discussion  in  Congress,  no  man  of  any  party  either  in 
the  Senate  or  in  the  House,  ever  intimated  that  these  bonds 
were  to  be  paid  in  anything  else  than  gold  or  silver.  The 
issue  of  legal  tender  notes  of  contemporaneous  origin,  was 
regarded  as  a  temporary  expedient  forced  upon  us  by  the 
cruel  necessities  and  demands  of  war,  and  it  was  universally 
conceded  that  the  specie  basis  was  to  be  resumed  long  be- 
fore the  bonds  should  mature  for  payment.  And  in  order 
that  the  public  creditor  might  have  the  amplest  assurance 
of  the  payment  of  both  principal  and  interest  in  coin  it  was 
specially  enacted  that  all  duties  on  imports  should  be  paid 
in  coin,  and  the  amount  thus  raised  was  distinctly  pledged 
not  only  to  the  payment  of  the  interest  in  coin,  but  to  the 
formation  of  a  Sinking  Fund  for  the  ultimate  redemption  of 
the  principal  in  coin.  This  provision  is  so  important  that 
I  quote  it  entire.  After  providing  that  the  duties  shall  be 
paid  in  coin,  the  act  devotes  that  coin  to  the  following 
purposes : 

"First.  To  the  payment  in  coin  of  the  interest  on  the 
bonds  of  the  United  States. 

Second.  To  the  purchase  or  payment  of  one  per  centum 
of  the  entire  debt  of  the  United  States  to  be  made  within 
each  fiscal  year  after  the  first  day  of  July,  1862,  which  is 
to  be  set  apart  as  a  sinking  fund,  and  the  interest  of  which 
shall  be  in  like  manner  applied  to  the  purchase  or  payment 
of  the  public  debt,  as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall, 
from  time  to  time,  direct. 

Third.  The  residue  thereof  shall  be  paid  into  the  Treas- 
ury of  the  United  States." 

Considerable  carping  and  criticism  have  been  expended 
on  the  second  clause  of  this  provision,  mainly  by  those  who 
seem  desirous  of  wresting  and  distorting  its  plain  and 
obvious  meaning.  Brushing  aside  all  fine-spun  construction 
and  cunning  fallacy,  it  is  quite  manifest  that  the  Sinking 
Fund  herein  authorized,  was  primarily  to  be  formed  from 
gold ;  and  that  it  was  only  to  be  invested  and  re-invested  in 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  199 

securities  whose  interest  was  equally  pledged  and  guaran- 
teed in  gold  ;  that  this  process  was  not  to  be  confined  to  any 
specific  number  of  years,  but  it  was  limited  only  by  the 
amount  and  the  duration  of  the  debt  which  was  ultimately 
to  be  redeemed  by  the  Sinking  Fund  thus  constituted.  The 
Sinking  Fund  was  thus  to  receive  an  annual  increment  in 
gold,  amounting  to  the  one-hundreth  part  of  the  entire  debt 
of  the  Government ;  and  this  increment  was  to  be  invested 
only  in  securities  which  would  yield  gold  interest  for  the 
further  increment  of  the  Fund.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
conceive  how  the  language  of  an  enactment  could  more  dis- 
tinctly recognize  and  provide  for  the  ultimate  coin  payment 
of  the  entire  Bonded  debt  of  the  nation.  And  instead  of 
the  Government  having  the  right  at  this  late  day  to  change 
its  gold  obligation  into  one  of  paper,  it  seems  to  me  that  the 
public  creditors  could  with  far  more  consistency  allege  that 
the  Government  had  not  fully  kept  its  faith  with  them  in 
failing,  as  it  has,  to  provide  the  Sinking  Fund  which  was 
thus  guaranteed  at  the  outset  as  one  of  the  special  securities 
of  the  loan. 

But  we  do  not  rest  merely  on  the  after  construction  of  a 
statute  to  prove  that  the  principal  of  the  Five-twenties  is 
payable  in  coin.  The  declarations  in  Congress  at  the  time 
the  measure  was  under  consideration,  were  numerous,  direct 
and  specific.  Indeed,  no  other  possible  mode  of  payment 
was  ever  hinted  at,  and  Mr.  Stevens,  as  Chairman  of  the 
Ways  and  Means,  was  emphatic  and  repeated  in  his  asser- 
tions to  the  effect  that  the  bonds  were  redeemable  in  gold. 
He  stated  this  fact  no  less  then  three  times  in  his  speech  of 
February  6,  1862 — giving  it  all  the  prominence  and  empha- 
sis that  iteration  and  reiteration  could  impart.  He  spoke 
of  the  "redemption  in  gold  in  twenty  years,"  as  one  of  the 
special  inducements  for  capitalists  to  take  the  loan,  and  he 
gave  in  every  form  that  language  could  assume,  the  sanction 
of  his  influential  position  and  still  more  influential  name  to 
the  maintenance  of  the  gold  standard  in  the  payment  of  the 
bonds. 

It  may  astonish  even  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
himself,  to  be  reminded  that  within  less  than  three  years 
from  the  date  of  these  declarations,  he  asserted  on  this  floor 
— referring  to  the  Five-twenty  bonds — that  "i<  is  just  as 


200  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

clear  as  anything  is  clear  that  the  interest  is  payable  in  gold, 
but  the  principal  in  lawful  money."  He  made  this  startling 
statement  in  answer  to  a  question  addressed  to  him  by  my 
honorable  friend  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Spaulding),  and  the  gen- 
tleman from  Massachusetts  has  quoted  it  in  his  argument 
on  this  question  as  though  it  had  been  made  when  the  five- 
twenty  bill  was  originally  introduced,  and  was  to  be  taken 
as  the  authorized  opinion  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Commit- 
tee at  that  time.  I  have  shown  that  at  the  outset  the  gen- 
tleman from  Pennsylvania  was  a  firm  advocate  of  gold  pay- 
ment and  a  considerable  period  had  elapsed  before  he  expe- 
rienced his  marvelous  change  on  this  question.  But  it  is 
due  to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  to  say  that  late  as 
he  was  in  his  declaration,  he  was  in  advance  of  other  gen- 
tlemen who  have  since  figured  so  prominently  as  advocates 
of  the  doctrine.  And  should  this  scheme  of  repudiation 
ever  succeed,  it  is  but  just  to  give  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania the  honor  of  first  proposing  it.  He  announced  it 
on  this  floor  while  yet  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
was  doing  honorable  service  on  the  tented  field,  and  while 
Mr.  Pendleton  was  still  adhering  to  those  hard-money 
theories  of  which  he  was  a  conspicuous  and  eloquent  de- 
fender during  his  service  in  this  House. 

But  I  digress.  I  was  stating  that  while  the  original  Five- 
twenty  bill  Avas  pending,  the  declaration  that  the  bonds 
were  redeemable  in  gold  was  constantly  repeated.  It  was 
the  ground  assumed  by  every  member  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means,  and  it  was  likewise  the  ground  taken  by 
the  Finance  Committee  of  the  Senate — Mr.  Fessenden  and 
Mr.  Sherman  being  on  record  in  many  ways  to  that  effect. 
And  while  so  many  gentlemen  in  both  branches  of  Congress 
were  repeating  that  these  bonds  were  redeemable  in  gold,  it 
is  a  very  significant  circumstance,  as  already  intimated,  that 
no  one  ventured  the  opposite  opinion.  The  universality  of 
the  understanding  at  that  time  is  that  which  renders  a  dif- 
ferent construction  now  so  reprehensible.  Mr.  Pendleton 
was  in  his  seat  during  the  whole  discussion  of  the  measure, 
and  he  was  an  active  and  frequent  participant  therein. 
Then  was  his  time  to  have  enunciated  his  scheme  of'  green- 
back payment  if  he  ever  intended  it  in  good  faith.  As  a 
gentleman  of  candor,  however,  I  am  sure  that  he  will  con- 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  201 

fess  that  he  never  dreamed  of  such  an  idea  till  long  after  the 
bonds  were  purchased  by  the  people,  and  possibly  not  until 
some  prospect  of  party  advantage  lured  him  to  the  adoption 
of  a  theory  which  is  equally  at  war  with  the  letter  of  the 
law  and  sound  principles  of  finance. 

After  the  bill  became  a  law,  Mr.  Chase,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  proceeded  to  place  the  loan  formally  on  the 
market,  and  following  the  uniform  previous  practice  of  the 
government,  and  especially  adopting  the  language  used  by 
Mr.  Stevens,  and  other  gentlemen  in  both  branches  of  Con- 
gress, he  officially  proclaimed  through  the  loan  agents  of  the 
government  that  the  Five-twenty  bonds  were  "a  six  per 
cent,  loan,  the  interest  and  principal  payable  in  coin."  And 
it  was  on  this  basis,  with  this  understanding,  and  with  this 
public  proclamation,  that  the  people  were  asked  to  subscribe 
to  the  loan.  They  had  the  assurance  of  an  unbroken  prac- 
tice on  the  part  of  the  government,  rendered  still  more  sig- 
nificant by  the  provision  for  a  Sinking  Fund  in  coin  ;  they 
had  the  general  assurance  of  both  branches  of  Congress, 
especially  expressed  through  the  appropriate  channels  of  the 
Chairman  of  Finance  in  the  Senate,  and  the  Chairman  of 
the  Ways  and  Means  in  the  House  ;  and  further  and  finally 
enforced  by  a  distinct  declaration  to  that  effect  by  the  pub- 
lic advertisement  proposing  the  loan  to  the  people,  issued  by 
the  authority  and  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  If  anything  could  constitute  an  honorable  con- 
tract between  borrower  and  lender — between  government 
and  people — then  was  it  a  contract  that  the  Five-twenty 
bonds  should  be  redeemed  in  coin. 

I  have  been  thus  minute,  and  possibly  tedious,  in  regard 
to  the  facts  attending  the  issue  of  the  first  series  of  Five- 
twenties,  because  in  effect  that  established  the  rule  for  all 
subsequent  issues.  Ex  uno  disce  omnes.  The  principle  laid 
down  so  clearly  in  the  proposal  for  the  first  loan  was  not 
departed  from  afterwards.  It  is  quite  true  that  the  Chair- 
man of  Ways  and  Means  (Mr.  Stevens),  as  I  have  already 
said,  changed  his  ground  on  the  question,  but  he  failed  to 
influence  Congress,  notwithstanding  his  parade  of  terrible 
figures  showing  the  utter  impossibility  of  ever  paying  gold 
interest,  to  say  nothing  of  gold  principal.  The  gentleman 
can  recall  his  statistics  with  amusement  if  not  with  advan- 


202  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

tage  from  that  grave  of  unfulfilled  prophecies  to  which  he 
in  common  with  the  rest  of  us  have  sent  so  many  baseless 
predictions. 

The  next  Loan  bill  passed  by  Congress  was  that  of 
March  3,  1863,  authorizing  the  borrowing  of  nine  hundred 
millions.  This  is  commonly  known  as  the  Ten-forty  act, 
and  it  contains  the  special  provision  that  both  principal  and 
interest  shall  be  paid  in  coin.  But  this  provision  was  never 
inserted  by  way  of  discrimination  against  the  Five-twenties 
— implying  that  they  were  to  be  paid  in  paper  currency. 
The  origin  of  the  provision  palpably  discredits  any  such 
inference.  It  was  moved  as  an  amendment  by  Mr.  Thomas 
of  Massachusetts,  and  it  was  moved  to  meet  and  repel  the 
first  covert  insinuation  that  any  bond  of  the  United  States 
was  redeemable  in  anything  else  than  coin.  The  Chair- 
man of  the  Ways  and  Means,  in  apparent  forgetfulness  of 
his  declaration  the  preceding  year,  had  for  the  first  time 
intimated  that  the  principal  of  the  United  States  bonds  was 
payable  in  paper  money,  and  the  amendment  of  Mr.  Thomas, 
as  the  discussion  reported  in  the  Globe  clearly  discloses, 
was  intended  as  a  sharp  protest  against  the  heresy  of  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  ;  and  as  such  it  was  adopted 
by  the  House  by  a  majority  so  overwhelming  that  its  oppo- 
nents did  not  call  for  a  division.  During  the  discussion, 
Mr.  Horton  of  Ohio,  a  distinguished  member  of  the  Ways 
and  Means,  a  gentleman  of  very  high  character  in  every 
respect,  said : 

"I  wish  to  state  here  that  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  in  framing  this  bill,  never  dreamed  that  these 
twenty-year  bonds  were  to  be  payable  in  anything  other 
than  gold,  until  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr. 
Stevens)  told  it  yesterday  upon  the  floor  of  the  House. 

*  *  *  I  say  to  the  gentleman  and  to  this  House,  that 
I  never  heard  an  expression  by  any  member  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  of  the  possibility  that  these 
bonds  were  to  be  payable  in  anything  other  than  coin.  *  * 
The  form  here  proposed  is  the  form  always  used  by  Gov- 
ernment in  the  issue  of  these  bonds,  and  they  have  always 
been  paid  in  coin  up  to  this  day." 

In  this  connection  I  desire  the  special  attention  of  the 
House  to  one  fact  of  conclusive  import — and  it  is  this :  At 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  203 

the  time  this  Ten-forty  Loan  bill  was  passed,  March  3, 
1863,  only  twenty-five  millions  of  the  Five-twenty  loan, 
authorized  the  year  before,  had  been  disposed  of.  It  was  in 
the  succeeding  summer  and  autumn  of  1863,  especially  after 
the  triumph  of  the  Union  arms  at  Vicksburg  and  Gettys- 
burg, that  those  marvelous  sales  of  five  hundred  millions 
were  effected  through  the  government  agency  of  Jay  Cooke 
&  Co.  And  yet  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  would 
have  us  believe  that  the  people  subscribed  for  a  loan  of  five 
hundred  millions,  that  was  payable  in  five  years  in  paper 
currency,  when  another  loan  for  a  larger  amount,  to  run 
forty  years,  absolutely  payable  in  gold,  was  already  author- 
ized and  about  to  be  put  on  the  market.  Such  a  conclusion 
cannot  be  reconciled  even  with  the  common  sanity — to  say 
nothing  of  the  proverbial  shrewdness,  of  those  who  invested 
their  money  in  the  Five-twenty  loan.  Why,  Sir,  every 
one  sees,  every  one  knows;  that  not  one  dollar  of  the  Five- 
twenty  loan  could  have  been  disposed  of  on  the  understand- 
ing that  the  bonds  were  redeemable  in  currency — when 
another  loan  for  a  longer  and  more  favorable  period,  possi- 
bly at  the  same  rate  of  interest  for  the  bill  so  allowed — and 
absolutely  redeemable  in  gold — was  already  authorized  by 
Congress,  and  immediately  to  be  offered  to  the  public. 

The  next  Loan  bill  in  the  order  of  time  was  the  Act  of 
March  3,  1864,  which  was  merely  suplementary  to  the  Ten- 
forty  bill,  whose  history  I  have  just  reviewed.  It  covered 
the  amount  of  two  hundred  millions,  and,  like  the  bill  to 
which  it  formed  a  supplement,  it  provided  for  both  interest 
and  principal  to  be  paid  in  coin.  Under  this  bill,  more  than 
$175,000,000  were  negotiated,  partly  in  Ten-forties,  and 
partly  in  Five-twenties — by  far  the  greater  part  in  the 
former.  But  as  some  Five-twenties  were  negotiated  under 
it,  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  even  on  the  line  of 
logic  which  he  has  sought  to  travel,  will  be  compelled  to 
acknowledge  that  they  were  payable  in  coin,  and  hence, 
according  to  his  theory,  some  of  the  Five-twenties  are  re- 
deemable in  coin,  and  some  in  paper — a  distinction  which 
has  never  yet  been  proclaimed,  and  the  equity  of  which 
would  hardly  be  apparent  to  the  holders  of  the  same  de- 
scription of  bonds,  precisely  identical  in  phrase,  and  differing 
only  in  the  subordinate  and  immaterial  circumstances  of  date. 


204  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

The  last  Loan  bill  to  which  I  need  specially  refer,  is  that 
of  June  30,  1864,  under  the  provisions  of  which  the  Five- 
twenties  bearing  that  date  were  issued.  The  Seven-thir- 
ties, authorized  by  the  same  act,  as  well  as  by  the  subsequent 
Acts  of  January  28,  and  March  3,  18G5,  were  convertible 
into  Five-twenties  of  the  same  tenor  and  description  with 
those  whose  issue  was  directly  authorized  ;  so  that  in  re- 
viewing the  history  of  the  Loan  bill  of  June  30,  18G4,  I 
shall,  in  effect,  close  the  narrative  of  Congressional  proceed- 
ings in  regard  to  Five-twenty  bonds.  And  the  history  of 
that  bill  shall  be  brief.  It  was  discussed  in  its  various 
provisions  very  elaborately  in  both  branches  of  Congress. 
As  reported  from  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  it  was 
worded  like  all  previous  bonds,  promising  to  pay  so  many 
dollars  to  the  holder,  without  specifying  that  they  were  to  be 
anything  else  than  gold  dollars,  in  which  United  States 
bonds  had  always  been  paid.  Towards  the  close  of  the  dis- 
cussion, Mr.  Brooks  of  New  York,  then  as  now  a  member 
of  this  House,  moved  to  insert  an  amendment  providing  es- 
pecially that  the  bonds  should  be  " pay able  in  coin."  Mr. 
Brooks  was  answered  by  Mr.  Hooper  oi  Massachusetts,  on 
behalf  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  as  follows : 

"The  bill  of  last  year,  the  $900,000,000  bill,  contained 
these  words,  but  it  was  not  deemed  necessary  or  considered 
expedient  to  insert  them  in  this  bill.  I  will  send  to  the  desk 
and  ask  to  have  read  as  a  part  of  my  reply  to  the  gentleman 
from  New  York,  a  letter  from  the  Secretary,  giving  his 
views  on  this  point." 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows  : 

"TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  May  18,  1884. 

"SiR :  Your  letter  of  the  13th  inst.,  making  inquiries 
in  regard  to  the  kind  of  currency  with  which  the  Five- 
twenty  years  six  per  cent,  bonds,  and  the  three  years 
Seven-thirty  per  cent,  notes  are  to  be  redeemed,  has  been 
received. 

"It  has  been  the  constant  usage  of  the  Department  to  re- 
deem all  coupon  and  registered  bonds,  forming  part  of  the 
funded  or  permanent  debt  of  the  United  States,  in  coin,  and 
this  usage  has  not  been  deviated  from  during  my  adminis- 
tration of  its  affairs. 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  205 

'•All  the  Treasury  notes  and  other  obligations,  forming 
part  of  the  temporary  loan,  are  payable,  and  will  be  re- 
deemed in  lawful  money,  that  is,  in  United  States  notes, 
until  after  the  resumption  of  specie  payment,  when  they  also 
will  doubtless  be  redeemed  in  coin  or  equivalent  notes. 

"The  Five-twenty  sixes,  payable  twenty  years  from  date, 
though  redeemable  after  five  years,  are  considered  as  be- 
longing to  the  funded  on^ermanent  debt,  and  so  also  are  the 
twenty  years  sixes  into  which  the  three  years  Seven-thirty 
notes  are  convertable.  These  bonds,  therefore,  according  to 
the  usage  of  the  Government,  are  payable  in  coin. 

"The  three  years  Seven-thirty  Treasury  notes  are  part 
of  the  temporary  loan,  and  will  be  paid  in  United  States 
notes,  unless  holders  prefer  conversion  to  payment. 

"Very  respectfully, 
(Signed)  S.  P.  CHASE,  Secretary. 

Mr.  Brooks,  apparently  satisfied  with  this  statement, 
withdrew  his  amendment,  regarding  the  point  as  conclusively 
settled,  not  only  by  the  uniform  practice  of  the  Government, 
but  by  the  special  declaration  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, who  immediately  proceeded  afterwards,  on  the  basis  of 
that  letter,  to  put  the  bonds  on  the  market.  Mr.  Hooper 
stated  the  case  well  when  he  said  it  was  "not  deemed  neces- 
sary or  considered  expedient"  to  insert  coin  payment  in  this 
bill — "nor  necessary,"  for  the  practice  of  the  Government, 
and  the  assurances  of  the  Treasury  Department,  in  its  ad- 
vertisements in  proposing  for  loans,  conclusively  settled  the 
point — and  not  "considered  expedient,"  for  to  specially  in- 
sert gold  payment  in  all  the  Loan  bills  except  that  of  Feb- 
ruary 25,  1862,  under  which  five  hundred  millions  of  Five- 
twenties  had  been  sold,  might,  in  the  end,  by  the  exclusio 
unius  give  some  shadow  of  ground  for  the  mischievous  in- 
ference which  is  now  sought  to  be  drawn  without  any  ground 
whatever. 

We  thus  find  that  the  voice  of  Congress  has  been  uniform 
and  consistent  in  support  of  the  principle  of  paying  the 
bonded  debt  in  gold.  No  vote  in  Congress,  even  implying 
the  opposite  theory,  has  ever  been  given  ;  even  the  weighty 
influence,  and  conceded  ability,  of  the  distinguished  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania  failing  to  carry  with  him  any  sup- 


206  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

port  whatever  when  he  made  his  surprising  and  unprece- 
dented change  on  this  question.  But  the  public  creditor  did 
not  rely  solely  on  the  declarations  of  the  leading  men  in 
Congress  in  regard  to  gold  payment,  nor  did  they  rest  wholly 
on  the  past  practice  and  the  good  faith  of  the  Government. 
They  had,  in  addition  to  both  these  strong  grounds  of  confi- 
dence and  assurance,  the  more  direct  and  explicit  guarantee 
of  the  Treasury  Department,  the  authorized  agent  of  the 
Government,  speaking  ex  cathedra,  with  the  knowledge  and 
assent  of  Congress.  I  have  already  quoted  Secretary 
Chase's  significant  declarations  in  his  public  proposals  for 
loans,  and  I  have  now  to  quote  one  of  his  equally  significant 
acts.  At  the  close  of  1862,  the  Twenty-year  loan  of  1842, 
amounting  to  nearly  three  millions  of  dollars,  fell  due. 
Nothing  was  said  in  that  loan  about  coin  payment,  and  thus 
a  grand  opportunity  was  afforded  to  test  the  theory  of  paper 
payment.  Circumstances  all  conspired  to  favor  such  a  pol- 
icy if  it  could  be  honorably  adopted.  Gold  was  at  a  high 
premium,  and  the  Government  was  passing  through  the 
darkest  and  most  doubtful  hours  of  the  whole  struggle. 
Could  there  have  been  even  a  decent  pretext  to  pay  the  debt 
in  paper  currency,  the  temptation  was  surely  great  enough 
to  resort  to  it,  if  not  to  fully  justify  it.  But  in  the  face  of 
all  the  adverse  circumstances ;  with  gold  very  high,  and 
daily  rising  ;  with  expenses  enormous  and  daily  increasing  ; 
with  resources  already  embarrassed,  and  daily  growing  more 
so,  and  with  a  military  situation  rendered  wellnigh  desper- 
ate, by  months  of  almost  unbroken  disaster,  Secretary  Chase 
decided  that  the  faith  of  the  Government  demanded  that  its 
funded  debt,  falling  due  no  matter. when,  and  owned  by  no 
matter  whom,  must  be  paid  in  coin.  And  it  was  paid  in 
coin;  and  no  voice,  but  the  voice  of  approval,  was  raised  in 
either  branch  of  Congress.  The  course  of  Secretary  Chase 
was  not  only  honorable  to  himself  and  the  country,  but  it 
was  in  the  highest  degree  wise,  merely  from  the  standpoint 
of  worldly  Avisdom,  for  it  created  such  a  profound  confidence 
in  the  good  faith  of  our  Government,  that  it  aided  us  incal- 
culably in  the  negotiation  of  all  our  great  loans  for  the  war. 
When  the  Government  paid  its  debt  to  the  uttermost  farth- 
ing at  such  a  time,  capitalists  at  once  argued  that  there  never 
could  come  a  crisis  when  any  invasion  or  denial  of  public 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  207 

obligation  would  be  resorted  to.  It  has  been  reserved  for 
the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  and  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio,  and  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  jointly  and 
severally,  to  propose  that  our  Government  should  adopt  a 
policy  in  the  calm  sunshine  and  prosperity  of  peace,  which 
it  scorned  to  resort  to  in  the  terrible  storms  and  dark  adver- 
sities of  war. 

The  course  of  Secretary  Chase  in  guaranteeing  gold  pay- 
ment on  all  bonds  of  the  United  States,  was  followed,  en- 
dorsed and  repeated  by  his  successors,  Secretary  Fessenden, 
and  Secretary  McCulloch.  The  words  of  Mr.  Fessenden 
are  entitled  to  great  weight  in  the  premises,  for  he  had  been 
Chairman  of  Finance  during  the  passage  of  all  the  Loan 
bills,  had  elaborately  discussed  them  in  turn,  and  had  as 
largely  as  any  single  member  of  either  branch  of  Congress 
shaped  their  provisions.  His  views  on  the  question  at  issue 
may  be  briefly  and  conclusively  presented  by  the  following 
extract  from  his  Report  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  made 
to  Congress  in  December,  1864  : 

"Though  forced  to  resort  to  the  issue  of  paper  for  the 
time,  the  idea  of  a  specie  basis  was  not  lost  sight  of,  as  the 
payment  of  interest  on  long  loans  in  coin  was  amply  secured. 
And  though  in  several  of  the  acts  authorizing  the  issue  of 
bonds  at  long  periods,  payment  of  the  principal  at  maturity 
in  coin  is  not  specifically  provided,  the  omission  it  is  believed 
was  accidental,  as  there  could  have  been  no  intention  to  make 
a  distinction  between  the  different  classes  of  securities  in  this 
regard." 

It  will  be  noted  that  this  declaration  of  Mr.  Fessenden, 
made  in  his  official  report,  was  at  the  very  time  that  the 
Five-twenties  of  1864  were  being  negotiated,  and  preceded 
the  large  sale  of  Seven-thirties,  which  were  convertible  into 
Five-twenties.  So  that  in  effect  it  was  an  additional  guar- 
antee of  gold  payment  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  op- 
erating at  once  as  the  condition  and  the  inducement  of  the 
loan. 

It  is  well  known  that  Secretary  McCulloch  entertains  pre- 
cisely the  same  opinions  that  were  so  freely  expressed  by 
Messrs.  Chase  and  Fessenden,  and  he  placed  himself  on 


208  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

record   very  pointedly  on  the  question  by  his  letter  to  L.  P. 
Morton  &  Co.,  of  New  York,  wherein  he  says: 

"Treasury  Department,  November  15th,  1866. 
"Gentlemen  :  Your  favor  of  the  13th  inst.,  is  received. 
I  regard,  as  did  also  my  predecessors,  all  bonds  of  the  United 
States  as  payable  in  coin.  The  bonds  which  have  matured 
since  the  suspension  of  specie  payments,  have  been  so  paid, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  same  will  be  true  with  all  others. 
This  being,  as  I  understand  it  to  be,  the  established  policy 
of  the  Government,  the  Five-twenty  bonds  of  1862  will 
either  be  called  in  at  the  expiration  of  five  years  from  their 
date,  and  paid  in  coin,  or  be  permitted  to  run  until  the  Gov- 
ernment is  prepared  to  pay  them  in  coin. 

"I  am  very  truly  yours, 
"(Signed)  H.  McCuLLOCH,  Secretary." 

In  view  of  the  uniform  declarations  of  the  Treasury  De- 
partment, made  through  official  reports,  through  public  pro- 
posals for  loans,  and  through  personal  letters  of  assurance, 
all  guaranteeing  coin  payment  of  the  Five-twenty  bonds,  I 
submit  that  the  Government  is  bound  thereto  even  if  there 
were  no  other  obligation  expressed  or  implied.  These  offi- 
cial and  unofficial  promulgations  from  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, were  made  with  the  full  knowledge  of  Congress,  and 
without  the  slightest  expression  of  dissent  on  the  part  of 
Congress.  It  is  too  late  for  Congress  to  declare  now  that 
the  Government  is  not  bound  by  the  stipulations  which  the 
Treasury  Department  proclaimed  to  all  lenders  of  money — 
proclaimed  with  the  full  knowledge  and  the  full  assent  of 
Congress.  Had  Congress  not  believed  or  intended  that  the 
Five-twenty  bonds  were  to  be  paid  in  coin,  the  Secretary 
should  not  have  been  allowed  with  its  evident  assent  to  so 
advertise — and  for  Congress  after  this  permission  and  war- 
rant, so  significantly  given,  to  step  forward  at  this  late  day, 
and  declare  itself  not  bound  by  the  conditions  published  by 
the  Secretary,  is  simply  to  place  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment in  the  position  of  a  man  playing  a  "confidence  game" 
of  the  meanest  description,  in  which  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment and  Congress  are  the  confederate  knaves  and  the  whole 
mass  of  bondholders  the  unfortunate  victims. 

With  these  statements  I  conclude  what  I  have  to  present 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  209 

to  the  House  in  regard  to  the  public  obligation  to  pay  the 
principal  of  the  Five-twenty  bonds  in  coin.  That  obliga- 
tion is  established,  I  may  repeat,  in  very  brief  summary,  by 
the  uniform  and  unbroken  practice  of  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  to  redeem  all  its  funded  debt  in  coin  ;  it 
is  established  by  the  fact  that  in  the  first  of  the  Five-twenty 
Loan  bills,  Congress  directed  the  formation  of  a  Sinking  Fund 
in  coin  for  the  purchase  and  payment  of  the  bonded  debt  of 
the  United  States  ;  it  is  established  by  the  general  under- 
standing in  Congress  and  in  the  country  when  the  Five- 
twenty  Loan  bills  were  passed  ;  and  it  is  conclusively  and  ir- 
reversibly established  by  the  pledge  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  when  the  loan  was  negotiated — a  pledge  made  with 
the  knowledge  and  rendered  binding  by  the  assent  of  Con- 
gress. 

But,  now,  Mr.  Speaker,  suppose  for  the  sake  of  argu- 
ment, we  admit  that  the  Government  may  fairly  and  legally 
pay  the  Five-twenty  bonds  in  paper  currency,  what  then  ?  I 
ask  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  to  tell  us,  what  then  ? 
It  is  easy,  I  know,  to  issue  as  many  greenbacks  as  will  pay 
the  maturing  bonds,  regardless  of  the  effect  upon  the  infla- 
tion of  prices,  and  the  general  derangement  of  business. 
Five  hundred  millions  of  the  Five-twenties  are  now  payable, 
and  according  to  the  easy  mode  suggested,  all  we  have  to  do 
is  to  set  the  printing-presses  in  motion,  and  "so  long  as  rags 
and  lampblack  hold  out"  we  need  have  no  embarrassment 
about  paying  our  National  Debt.  But  the  ugly  question  re- 
curs, what  are  you  going  to  do  with  the  greenbacks  thus  put 
afloat  ?  Five  hundred  millions  this  year,  and  eleven  hundred 
millions  more  on  this  theory  of  payment  by  the  year  1872  ; 
so  that  within  the  period  of  four  or  five  years  we  would  only 
have  added  to  our  paper  money  the  trifling  inflation  of  six- 
teen hundred  millions  of  dollars.  We  should  all  have  splen- 
did times  doubtless  !  Wheat,  under  the  new  dispensation, 
ought  to  bring  twenty  dollars  a  bushel,  and  boots  would  not 
be  worth  more  than  two  hundred  dollars  a  pair,  and  the 
farmers  of  our  country  would  be  as  well  off  as  Santa  Anna's 
rabble  of  Mexican  soldiers,  who  were  allowed  ten  dollars  a 
day  for  their  services  and  charged  eleven  for  their  rations 
and  clothing.  The  sixteen  hundred  millions  of  greenbacks 
added  to  the  amount  already  issued,  would  give  us  some 


210  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

twenty-three  hundred  millions  of  paper  money,  and  I  sup- 
pose the  theory  of  the  new  doctrine  would  leave  this  mass 
permanently  in  circulation,  for  it  would  hardly  be  consistent 
to  advocate  the  redemption  of  the  greenbacks  in  gold  after 
having  repudiated  and  foresworn  our  obligation  on  the  bonds. 

But  if  it  be  intended  to  redeem  the  legal  tenders  in  gold, 
what  will  have  been  the  net  gain  to  the  Government  in  the 
whole  transaction  ?  If  any  gentleman  will  tell  me,  I  shall 
be  glad  to  learn  how  it  will  be  easier  to  pay  sixteen  hundred 
millions  in  gold  in  the  redemption  of  greenbacks,  than  to 
pay  the  same  amount  in  the  redemption  of  Five-twenty 
bonds?  The  policy  advocated,  it  seems  to  me,  has  only  two 
alternatives — the  one  to  ruinously  innate  the  currency  and 
leave  it  so,  reckless  of  results  ;  the  other  to  ruinously  inflate 
the  currency  at  the  outset,  only  to  render  redemption  in  gold 
far  more  burdensome  in  the  end. 

I  know  it  may  be  claimed,  that  the  means  necessary  to 
redeem  the  Five-twenties  in  greenbacks  may  be  realized  by 
a  new  issue  of  currency  bonds  to  be  placed  on  the  market. 
Of  results  in  the  future  every  gentleman  has  the  right  to  his 
own  opinion,  and  all  may  alike  indulge  in  speculation.  But 
it  does  seem  to  me  that  the  Government  would  be  placed  in 
an  awkward  attitude  when  it  should  enter  the  market  to  ne- 
gotiate a  loan,  the  avails  of  which  were  to  be  devoted  to 
breaking  faith  with  those  who  already  held  its  most  sacred 
obligations  !  What  possible  security  would  the  new  class  of 
creditors  have,  that  when  their  debts  were  matured,  some 
new  form  of  evasion  would  be  resorted  to  by  which  they  in 
turn  would  be  deprived  of  their  just  and  honest  dues? 

Falsus  in  uno,  falsus  in  omnibus  would  supply  the  ready 
form  of  protest  against  trusting  a  Government  with  a  new 
loan  when  it  had  just  ignored  its  plain  obligation  on  an  old 
one. 

Payment  of  the  Five-twenty  bonds  in  paper  currency 
involves  therefore  a  limitless  issue  of  greenbacks,  with  at- 
tendant evils  of  gigantic  magnitude  and  far-reaching  conse- 
quence. And  the  worst  evil  of  the  whole  is  the  delusion 
which  calls  this  a  payment  at  all.  It  is  no  payment  in  any 
proper  sense,  for  it  neither  gives  the  creditor  what  he  is 
entitled  to,  nor  does  it  release  the  debtor  from  subsequent 
responsibility.  You  may  get  rid  of  the  Five-twenty  by 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  211 

issuing  the  greenback,  but  how  will  you  get  rid  of  the 
greenback  except  by  paying  gold?  The  only  escape 
from  ultimate  payment  of  gold  is  to  declare  that  as  a  nation 
we  permanently  and  finally  renounce  all  idea  of  ever  attain- 
ing, a  specie  standard — that  we  launch  ourselves  on  an 
ocean  of  paper  money  without  shore  or  sounding,  with  no 
rudder  to  guide  us  and  no  compass  to  steer  by.  And  this 
is  precisely  what  is  involved  if  we  adopt  this  mischievous 
suggestion  of  "a  new  way  to  pay  old  debts."  Our  fate  in 
attempting  such  a  course  may  be  easily  read  in  the  history 
of  similar  follies  both  in  Europe  and  in  our  own  country. 
Prostration  of  credit,  financial  disaster,  widespread  distress 
among  all  classes  of  the  community,  would  form  the  closing 
scenes  in  our  career  of  gratuitous  folly  and  national  dishonor. 
And  from  such  an  abyss  of  sorrow  and  humiliation,  it 
would  be  a  painful  and  toilsome  effort  to  regain  as  sound  a 
position  in  our  finances  as  we  are  asked  voluntarily  to 
abandon  to-day. 

The  remedy  for  our  financial  troubles,  Mr.  Speaker,  will 
not  be  found  in  a  superabundance  of  depreciated  paper  cur- 
rency. It  lies  in  the  opposite  direction — and  the  sooner  the 
nation  finds  itself  on  a  specie  basis,  the  sooner  will  the  pub- 
lic treasury  be  freed  from  embarrassment,  and  private  busi- 
ness relieved  from  discouragement.  Instead  therefore  of 
entering  upon  a  reckless  and  boundless  issue  of  legal  tend- 
ers, with  their  consequent  depression  if  not  destruction  of 
value,  let  us  set  resolutely  to  work  and  make  those  already 
in  circulation  equal  to  so  many  gold  dollars.  When  that 
result  shall  be  accomplished,  we  can  proceed  to  pay  our 
Five-twenties  either  in  coin  or  paper,  for  the  one  would  be 
equivalent  to  the  other.  But  to  proceed  deliberately  on  a 
scheme  of  depreciating  our  legal  tenders  and  then  forcing 
the  holders  of  Government  bonds  to  accept  them  in  pay- 
ment, would  resemble  in  point  of  honor,  the  policy  of  a 
merchant  who,  with  abundant  resources  and  prosperous 
business,  should  devise  a  plan  for  throwing  discredit  on  his 
own  notes  with  the  view  of  having  them  bought  up  at  a  dis- 
count, ruinous  to  the  holders  and  immensely  profitable  to 
his  own  knavish  pocket.  This  comparison  may  faintly 
illustrate  the  wrongfulness  of  the  policy,  but  not  its  consum- 
mate folly — for  in  the  case  of  the  "Government,  unlike  the 


212  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

merchant,  the  stern  necessity  would  recur  of  making  good 
in  the  end,  by  the  payment  of  hard  coin, -all  the  discount 
that  might  be  gained  by  the  temporary  substitution  of  paper. 

Discarding  all  such  schemes  as  at  once  unworthy  and 
unprofitable,  let  us  direct  our  policy  steadily,  but  not  rash- 
ly, towards  the  resumption  of  specie  payment.  And  when 
we  have  attained  that  end — easily  attainable  at  no  distant 
day  if  the  proper  policy  be  pursued — we  can  all  unite  on 
some  honorable  plan  for  the  redemption  of  the  Five-twenty 
bonds,  and  the  issuing  instead  thereof,  a  new  series  of 
bonds  which  can  be  more  favorably  placed  at  a  lower  rate 
of  interest.  When  we  shall  have  reached  the  specie  basis, 
the  value  of  United  States  securities  will  be  so  high  in  the 
money  market  of  the  world,  that  we  can  command  our  own 
terms.  We  can  then  call  in  our  Five-twenties  according  to 
the  very  letter  and  spirit  of  the  bond,  and  adjust  a  new  loan 
that  will  be  eagerly  sought  for  by  capitalists,  and  will  be 
free  from  those  elements  of  discontent  that  in  some  measure 
surround  the  existing  Funded  debt  of  the  country. 

As  to  the  particular  measures  of  legislation  requisite  to 
hasten  the  resumption  of  specie  payment,  gentlemen  equally 
entitled  to  respect  may  widely  differ  ;  but  there  is  one  line 
of  policy  conducive  thereto  on  which  we  all  ought  to  agree  ; 
and  that  is  on  a  serious  reduction  of  the  Government  ex- 
penses and  a  consequent  lightening  of  the  burdens  of  taxa- 
tion. The  interest-bearing  debt  of  the  United  States,  when 
permanently  funded,  will  not  exceed  twenty-one  hundred 
millions  of  dollars,  imposing  an  annual  interest  of  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  millions.  Our  other  expenses,  includ- 
ing War,  Navy,  the  Pension  list,  and  the  Civil  list,  ought  not 
to  exceed  one  hundred  millions  ;  so  that  if  we  raise  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  millions  from  Customs  and  Internal  Revenue 
combined,  we  should  have  twenty-five  millions  annual  sur- 
plus to  apply  to  the  reduction  of  the  Public  debt.  But  to 
attain  this  end  we  must  mend  our  ways,  and  practice  an 
economy  far  more  consistent  and  severe  than  any  we  have 
attempted  in  the  past.  Our  Military  peace  establishment 
must  be  reduced  one-half  at  least,  and  our  Naval  appropria- 
tions correspondingly  curtailed  ;  and  innumerable  leaks  and 
gaps  and  loose  ends,  that  have  so  long  attended  our  Govern- 
ment expenditure,  must  -be  taken  up  and  stopped.  If  such 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  213 

a  policy  be  pursued  by  Congress,  neither  the  principal  of 
the  debt,  nor  the  interest  of  the  debt,  nor  the  annual  ex- 
penses of  Government,  will  be  burdensome  to  the  people. 
We  can  raise  two  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  revenue  on 
the  gold  basis,  and  at  the  same  time  have  a  vast  reduction 
in  our  taxes.  And  we  can  do  this  without  repudiation  in 
any  form,  either  open  or  covert,  avowed  or  indirect,  but 
with  every  obligation  of  the  Government  fulfilled  and  dis- 
charged in  its  exact  letter  and  in  its  generous  spirit. 

And  this,  Mr.  Speaker,  we  shall  do.  Our  National  honor 
demands  it ;  our  National  interest  equally  demands  it.  We 
have  vindicated  our  claim  to  the  highest  heroism  on  a 
hundred  bloody  battle-fields,  and  have  stopped  at  no  sacri- 
fice of  life  needful  to  the  maintenance  of  our  National 
integrity.  I  am  sure  that  in  the  peace  which  our  arms 
have  conquered,  we  shall  not  dishonor  ourselves  by  with- 
holding from  any  public  creditor  a  dollar  that  we  promised 
to  pay  him,  nor  seek  by  cunning  construction  and 'clever 
afterthought,  to  evade  or  escape  the  full  responsibility  of  our 
National  indebtedness.  It  will  doubtless  cost  us  a  vast  sum 
to  pay  that  indebtedness — but  it  would  cost  us  incalculably 
more  not  to  pay  it. 

The  work  which  Elaine  performed  in  the  Fortieth  Con- 
gress, 1867-8,  was  most  astonishing.  Bills,  resolutions, 
hearings,  reports  and  speeches  kept  him  in  a  state  of  con- 
stant activity.  He  was  directly  connected  by  committee- 
work,  or  as  the  originator  of  measures  concerning  the  army, 
navy,  post-offices,  Congressional  library,  Indian  reserva- 
tions, relief  of  individuals,  common  carriers  between  the 
States,  Treasury  Department,  cotton  tax,  issue  of  U.  S. 
bonds,  Funding  bill,  Mexican  treaties,  foreign  commerce, 
election  cases,  river  and  harbor  improvement,  Funeral  of 
Ex -President  Buchanan,  Custom-house  frauds,  House  Rules, 
military  laws,  the  re- arrangement  of  the  rooms  of  the  Capi- 
tol, and  even  matters  concerning  the  messengers,  pages  and 
restaurant-keeper. 

He  was  not  only  the  acknowledged   leader  of  the  Repub- 


214  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

lican  party  in  the  House,  but  almost  equally  so  of  the  en- 
tire body  in  matters  of  business.  Working  diligently  with 
him,  and  daily  uniting  with  him  in  important  measures,  was 
a  man  much  like  Elaine  in  earnestness,  patriotism  and  in- 
dustry— James  A.  Garfield  of  Ohio. 

March  4th,  1869,  on  the  same  day  with  the  second  inau- 
guration of  General  Grant,  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  Elaine  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. He  was  nominated  by  the  Republican  caucus 
without  material  opposition,  and  was  elected  by  a  vote  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty-five  against  fifty-seven  votes  for  Hon. 
Michael  C.  Kerr  of  Indiana. 

His  speech  in  accepting  the  office  was  short,  modest  and 
clear.  Probably  no  man  since  the  organization  of  the  Re- 
public, with  perhaps  the  exception  of  Hon.  Nathaniel  P. 
Banks,  has  been  equally  successful  as  Speaker  of  the  House. 
Elaine  was  cool,  courteous,  decided  and  most  strictly  impar- 
tial. None  of  his  political  enemies  ever  accused  him  of  in- 
tentional unfairness  when  the  heat  of  debate  was  passed. 

All  parties  joined  in  doing  him  honor  at  the  close  of  his 
term.  For  six  years  he  held  that  important  position,  to  the 
admiration  of  the  whole  country.  So  popular  did  he  be- 
come as  a  Speaker,  that  he  was  considered  by  the  people  to 
be  the  sure  candidate  for  the  Presidency  in  1876,  long  be- 
fore politicians  or  party  leaders  had  defined  their  plans. 

During  this  time  of  arduous  labor  he  somehow  found  time 
to  prepare  scores  of  political  campaign  speeches,  and  write 
important  addresses  and  magazine  articles.  In  the  North 
American  Review,  1870,  appeared  an  interesting  article  from 
his  pen  on  the  subject,  "Ought  the  Negro  to  be  Disfran- 
chised?" In  the  same  number  of  the  magazine  appeared 
articles  on  the  same  topic  by  L.  Q.  C.  Lamar,  Wade  Hamp- 
ton, James  A.  Garfield,  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Wendell 
Phillips,  Montgomery  Blair,  and  Thomas  A.  Hendricks. 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  215 

Blaine  had  the  opening  and  closing  of  the  discussion.  The 
article  received  a  world- wide  attention,  and  it  is  here  given 
in  full. 

MR.  ELAINE  wrote :  These  questions  have  lately  been 
asked  by  many  who  have  been  distinguished  as  the  special 
champions  of  the  negro's  rights  ;  by  many  who  have  devoted 
their  lives  to  redressing  the  negro's  wrongs.  The  questions 
owe  their  origin  not  to  any  cooling  of  philanthropic  interest, 
not  to  any  novel  or  radical  views  about  universal  suffrage, 
but  to  the  fact  that,  in  the  judgment  of  many  of  those  hith- 
erto accounted  wisest,  negro  suffrage  has  failed  to  attain  the 
ends  hoped  for  when  the  franchise  was  conferred  ;  failed  as 
a  means  of  more  completely  securing  the  negro's  civil  rights  ; 
failed  to  bring  him  the  consideration  which  generally  attaches 
to  power ;  failed,  indeed,  to  achieve  anything  except  to  in- 
crease the  political  weightand  influence  of  those  against  whom, 
and  in  spite  of  whom,  his  enfranchisement  was  secured. 

Those  who  have  reached  this  conclusion,  and  those  who 
are  tending  toward  it,  argue  that  the  important  franchise 
was  prematurely  bestowed  on  the  negro  ;  that  its  possession 
necessarily  places  him  in  inharmonious  relations  with  the 
white  race ;  that  the  excitement  incident  to  its  free  enjoy- 
ment hinders  him  from  progress  in  the  rudimentary  and  es- 
sential branches  of  education  ;  that  his  advance  in  material 
wealth  is  thus  delayed  and  obstructed ;  -and  that  obstacles, 
which  would  not  otherwise  exist,  are  continually  accumulat- 
ing in  his  path — rendering  his  progress  impossible  and  his 
oppression  inevitable.  In  other  words,  that  suffrage  in  the 
hands  of  the  negro  is  a  challenge  to  the  white  race  for  a 
contest  in  which  he  is  sure  to  be  overmatched  ;  and  that  the 
withdrawal  of  the  franchise  would  remove  all  conflict,  re- 
store kindly  relations  between  the  races,  place  the  whites  on 
their  proper  and  honorable  responsibility,  and  assure  to  each 
race  the  largest  prosperity  attainable  under  a  Government 
where  both  are  compelled  to  live. 

The  class  of  men  whose  views  are  thus  hastily  summa- 
rized do  not  contemplate  the  withdrawal  of  the  suffrage  from 
the  negro  without  a  corresponding  reduction  in  the  repre- 
sentation in  Congress  of  the  States  where  the  negro  is  a 
large  factor  in  the  apportionment.  And  yet  it  is  quite  prob- 


216  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

able  that  they  have  not  given  thought  to  the  difficulty,  or 
rather  the  impossibility,  of  compassing  that  end.  Under 
the  Constitution,  as  it  is  now  construed,  the  diminution  of 
representative  strength  could  only  result  from  the  States 
passing  such  laws  as  would  disfranchise  the  negro  by  some 
educational  or  property  test,  as  it  is  forbidden  by  the  fif- 
teenth amendment  to  disfranchise  him  on  account  of  his 
race.  But  no  Southern  State  will  do  this,  and  for  two  rea- 
sons :  first,  they  will  in  no  event  consent  to  a  reduction  of 
representative  strength ;  and,  second,  they  could  not  make 
any  disfranchisement  of  the  negro  that  would  not  at  the 
same  time  disfranchise  an  immense  number  of  whites. 

Quite  another  class — mostly  resident  in  the  South,  but 
with  numerous  sympathizers  in  the  North — would  be  glad 
to  have  the  negro  disfranchised  on  totally  different  grounds. 
Born  and  reared  with  the  belief  that  the  negro  is  inferior  to 
the  white  man  in  everything,  it  is  hard  for  the  class  who 
were  masters  at  the  South  to  endure  any  phase  or  form  of 
equality  on  the  part  of  the  negro.  Instinct  governs  reason, 
and  with  the  mass  of  Southern  people  the  aversion  to  equal- 
ity is  instinctive  and  ineradicable.  The  general  conclusion 
with  this  class  would  be  to  deprive  the  negro  of  voting  if  it 
could  be  done  without  impairing  the  representation  of  their 
States,  but  not  to  make  any  move  in  that  direction  so  long 
as  diminished  power  in  Congress  is  the  constitutional  and 
logical  result  of  a  denial  or  abridgment  of  suffrage.  In  the 
mean  while,  seeing  no  mode  of  legally  or  equitably  depriv- 
ing the  negro  of  his  suffrage  except  with  unwelcome  penalty 
to  themselves,  the  Southern  States  as  a  whole — differing  in 
degree  but  the  same  in  effect — have  striven  to  achieve  by  in- 
direct and  unlawful  means  what  they  cannot  achieve  direct- 
ly and  lawfully.  They  have  so  far  a#  possible  made  negro 
suffrage  of  none  effect.  They  have  done  this  against  law 
and  against  justice. 

Having  stated  the  position  of  both  classes  on  this  question, 
I  venture  now  to  give  my  own  views  in  a  series  of  state- 
ments in  which  I  shall  endeavor  to  embody  both  argument 
and  conclusion : 

First.  The  two  classes  I  have  named,  contemplating  the 
possible  or  desirable  disfranchisement  of  the  negro  from 
entirely  different  standpoints,  and  with  entirely  different 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAIXE.  217 

aims,  are  both  and  equally  in  the  wrong.  The  first  is  radi- 
cally in  error  in  supposing  that  a  disfranchisement  of  the 
negro  would  put  him  in  the  way  of  any  development  or  prog- 
ress that  would  in  time  fit  him  for  the  suffrage.  He  would 
instead  grow  more  and  more  unfit  for  it  every  day  from  the 
time  the  first  backward  step  should  be  taken,  and  he  would 
relapse,  if  not  into  actual  chattel  slavery,  yet  into  such  a  de- 
pendent and  defenseless  condition  as  would  result  in  only 
another  form  of  servitude.  For  the  ballot  to-day,  imper- 
fectly enjoyed  as  it  is  by  the  negro,  its  freedom  unjustly  and 
illegally  curtailed,  its  independence  ruthlessly  marred,  its 
purity  defiled,  is  withal  and  after  all  the  strong  shield  the 
race  has  against  a  form  of  servitude  which  would  have  all 
the  cruelty  and  none  of  the  alleviations  of  the  old  slave  sys- 
tem, whose  destruction  carried  with  it  the  shedding  of  so 
much  innocent  blood. 

The  second  class  is  wrong  in  anticipating  even  the  remote 
possibility  of  securing  the  legal  disfranchisement  of  the  ne- 
gro without  a  reduction  of  representation.  Both  sides  have 
fenced  for  position  on  this  question.  But  for  the  clause 
regulating  representation  in  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  to 
the  Constitution  we  should  to-day  have  the  South  wholly 
under  the  control,  and  legally  under  the  control,  of  those 
who  rebelled  against  the  Union  and  sought  to  erect  the  Con- 
federate Government — enjoying  full  representation  by  rea- 
son of  the  negroes  being  counted  in  the  apportionment  with- 
out a  pretense  of  suffrage  being  conceded  to  the  race.  The 
Fourteenth  Amendment  was  designed  to  prevent  this,  and, 
if  it  does  not  succeed  in  preventing  it,  it  is  because  of  eva- 
sion and  violation  of  its  express  provisions  and  of  its  clear 
intent.  Those  who  erected  the  Confederate  Government 
may  be  in  exclusive  possession  of  power  throughout  the 
South,  but  they  are  not  so  fairly  and  legally  ;  and  they  will 
not  be  permitted  to  continue  in  the  enjoyment  of  political 
power  unjustly  seized — and  seized  in  derogation  and  in  defi- 
ance of  the  rights  not  merely  of  the  negro  but  of  the  whites 
in  all  other  sections  of  the  country.  Injustice  cannot  stand 
before  exposure  and  argument  and  the  force  of  public  opin- 
ion ;  and  no  more  severe  weapons  of  defense  will  be  required 
against  the  wrong  which  now  afflicts  the  South  and  is  a 
scandal  to  the  whole  country. 


218  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Second,  But,  while  discussing  the  question  of  the  dis- 
franchisemeut  of  the  negro,  and  settling  its  justice  or  ex- 
pediency according  to  our  discretion,  it  may  be  worth  while 
to  look  at  its  impracticability,  or,  to  state  it  still  more  strong- 
ly, its  impossibility.  Logicians  attach  weight  to  arguments 
drawn  ab  inconvenienti.  Arguments  must  be  still  mo  re  cogent, 
and  conclusions  still  more  decisive  when  drawn  ab  impossibili. 
The  negro  is  secure  against  disfranchisement  by  two  con- 
stitutional amendments,  and  he  cannot  be  remanded  to  the 
non-voting  class  until  both  these  amendments  are  annulled. 
And  these  amendments  cannot  be  annulled  until  two-thirds  of 
the  Senate  and  two-thirds  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States  shall  propose,  and  a  majority  in  the 
Legislatures  or  conventions  of  twenty-nine  States  shall  by 
affirmative  vote  approve,  the  annulment.  In  other  words, 
the  negro  cannot  be  disfranchised  so  long  as  one  vote  more 
than  one-third  in  the  United  States  Senate,  or  one  vote 
more  than  one-third  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  shall 
be  recorded  against  it ;  and  if  these  securities  and  safeguards 
should  give  way,  then  the  disfranchisement  could  not  be  ef- 
fected so  long  as  a  majority  in  one  branch  in  the  Legisla- 
tures of  only  ten  States  should  refuse  to  assent  to  it,  and 
refuse  to  assent  to  a  convention  to  which  it  might  be  referred. 
No  human  right  on  this  continent  is  more  completely  guar- 
anteed than  the  right  against  disfranchisement  on  account  of 
race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude,  as  embodied 
in  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

Third.  In  enforcement  and  elucidation  of  my  second 
point,  it  is  of  interest  to  observe  the  rapid  advance  and  de- 
velopment of  popular  sentiment  in  regard  to  the  rights  of 
the  negro  as  expressed  in  the  last  three  amendments  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  In  18G5  Congress  sub- 
mitted the  Thirteenth  Amendment,  which  merely  gave  the 
negro  freedom,  without  suffrage,  civil  rights,  or  citizenship. 
In  18C6  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  was  submitted,  declar- 
ing the  negro  to  be  a  citizen,  but  not  forbidding  the  States 
to  withhold  suffrage  from  him — yet  inducing  them  to  grunt 
it  by  the  provision  that  representation  in  Congress  should  be 
reduced  in  proportion  to  the  exclusion  of  male  citizens  twenty- 
one  years  of  age  from  the  right  to  vote,  except  for  rebellion 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  219 

or  other  crime.  In  1869  the  decisive  step  was  taken  of  de- 
claring that  the  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote 
shall  not  be  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on 
account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude." 
A  most  important  provision  in  this  amendment  is  the  in- 
hibition upon  the  "United  States"  as  well  as  upon  "any 
State"  ;  for  it  would  not  be  among  the  impossible  results  of 
a  great  political  revolution,  resting  off  prejudice  and  grasp- 
ing for  power,  that,  in  the  absence  of  this  express  nega- 
tion, the  United  States  might  assume  or  usurp  the  right  to 
deprive  the  negro  of  suffrage,  and  then  the  States  would  not  be 
subjected  to  forfeiture  of  representation  provided  in  the 
Fourteenth  Amendment  as  the  result  of  the  denial  or  abridg- 
ment of  suffrage  by  State  authority.  In  this  stately  pro- 
gression of  organic  enactments  the  will  of  a  great  people  is 
embodied,  and  its  reversal  would  be  one  of  those  revolu- 
tions which  would  ^convulse  social  order  and  endanger  the 
authority  of  law.  There  will  be  no  step  backward,  but 
under  the  provision  which  specifically  confers  on  Congress 
the  power  to  enforce  each  amendment  by  "appropriate  leg- 
islation" there  will  be  applied,  from  time  to  time,  fitfully 
perhaps  and  yet  certainly,  the  restraining  and  correcting 
edicts  of  national  authority. 

Fourth.  As  I  have  already  hinted,  there  will  be  no  at- 
tempt made  in  the  Southern  States  to  disfranchise  the  ne~ro 
by  any  of  those  methods  which  would  still  be  within  the 
power  of  the  State.  There  is  no  Southern  State  that  would 
dare  venture  on  an  educational  qualification,  because  by  the 
last  census  there  were  more  than  one  million  white  persons 
over  fifteen  years  of  age,  in  the  States  lately  slave-holding, 
who  could  not  read  a  word,  and  a  still  larger  number  who 
could  not  write  their  names.  There  was,  of  course,  a  still 
greater  number  of  negroes  of  the  same  ages  who  could  not 
ivad  nor  write ;  but  in  the  nine  years  that  have  intervened 
since  the  census  was  taken,  there  has  been  a  much  greater  ad- 
vance in  the  education  of  the  negroes  than  in  the  education 
of  the  poor  whites  of  the  South  ;  and  to-day  on  an  educa- 
tional qualification  it  is  quite  probable  that,  while  the  pro- 
portion would  be  in  favor  of  the  whites,  the  absolute  exclu- 
sion of  the  whites  in  some  of  the  States  would  be  nearly  as 
great  as  that  of  the  negroes.  Nor  would  a  property  test 


220  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

operate  with  any  greater  advantage  to  the  whites.  The 
slave  States  always  had  a  large  class  of  very  poor  and  en- 
tirely uneducated  whites,  and  any  qualification  of  property 
that  would  seriously  diminish  the  negro  vote  Avould  also  cut 
off  a  very  large  number  of  whites  from  the  suffrage. 

Thus  far  I  have  directed  my  argument  to  the  first  ques- 
tion propounded,  "Ought  the  negro  to  be  disfranchised?" 
The  second  interrogatory,  "Ought  he  to  have  been  enfran- 
chised ?"  is  not  practical  but  speculative  ;  and  yet,  unless  it 
can  be  answered  with  confidence  in  the  affirmative,  the 
moral  tenure  of  his  suffrage  is  weakened,  and,  as  a  conse- 
quence, his  legal  right  to  enjoy  it  is  impaired.  For  myself 
I  answer  the  second  question  in  the  affirmative,  with  as 
little  hesitation  as  I  answered  the  first  in  the  negative.  And, 
if  the  question  were  again  submitted  to  the  judgment  of 
Congress,  I  would  vote  for  suffrage  in  the  light  of  experi- 
ence with  more  confidence  than  I  voted  for  it  in  the  light  of 
an  experiment.  Had  the  franchise  not  been  bestowed  upon 
the  negro  as  his  shield  and  weapon  of  defense,  the  demand 
upon  the  General  Government  to  interfere  for  his  protection 
would  have  been  constant  and  irritating  and  embarrassing. 
Great  complaint  has  been  made  for  years  past  of  the  Gov- 
ernment's interference,  simply  to  secure  to  the  colored  citi- 
zen his  plainest  constitutional  right.  But  this  intervention 
has  been  trifling  compared  to  that  which  would  have  been 
required  if  we  had  not  given  suffrage  to  the  negro.  In  the 
Reconstruction  experiment  under  President  Johnson's  plan, 
before  the  negro  was  enfranchised,  it  was  clearly  foreshad- 
owed that  he  was  to  be  dealt  with  as  one  having  no  rights 
except  such  as  the  whites  should  choose  to  grant.  The  ne- 
gro was  to  work  according  to  labor  laws  ;  freedom  of  move- 
ment and  transit  was  to  be  denied  him  by  the  operation  of 
vagrant  laws  ;  liberty  to  sell  his  time  and  his  skill  at  their 
market  value  was  to  be  restrained  by  apprentice  laws  ;  and 
the  slavery  that  was  abolished  by  the  Constitution  of  a  na- 
tion was  to  be  revived  by  the  enactment  of  a  State.  To 
counteract  these  and  all  like  efforts  at  re-enslavement,  the 
national  authority  would  have  been  constantly  invoked  ;  in- 
terference in  the  most  positive  and  peremptory  manner  would 
have  been  demanded,  and  angry  conflict  and  possibly  re- 
sistance to  law  would  have  resulted.  The  one  sure  mode 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  221 

to  remand  the  States  that  rebelled  against  the  Union  to  their 
autonomy  was  to  give  suffrage  to  the  negro  ;  and  that  au- 
tonomy will  be  complete,  absolute  and  unquestioned  when- 
ever the  rights  that  are  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution  of 
the  Republic  shall  be  enjoyed  in  every  State — as  the  admin- 
istration of  justice  was  assured  in  Magna  Charta — "promptly 
and  without  delay  ;  freely  and  without  sale  ;  completely  and 
without  denial." 

In  conclusion,  MR.  BLAINE  said  : 

At  the  instance  of  the  Editor  of  the  North  American 
Review,  and  not  by  request  or  desire  of  mine,  the  brief 
article  which  I  wrote  in  regard  to  negro  suffrage  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  gentlemen  who  have  replied  to  it,  and  in  turn 
their  articles  have  been  submitted  to  me.  I  have  now  the 
privilege  of  rejoinder,  and  the  whole  series  of  papers  thus 
assumes  the  phase  of  a  connected  discussion. 

With  the  exception  of  Mr.  Wendell  Phillips  and  General 
Garfield,  the  replies  are  from  gentlemen  identified  with  the 
Democratic  party,  and  distinguished  and  influential  in  its 
councils.  General  Garfield  is  a  Republican,  and  has  taken 
prominent  and  honorable  parts  in  all  the  legislation  respect- 
ing negro  suffrage.  His  views  are  so  entirely  in  harmony 
with  my  own  that  nothing  is  left  me  but  to  commend  his  admi- 
rable statement  of  the  case.  Mr.  Phillips  is  neither  a  Repub- 
lican nor  a  Democrat,  but  reserves  to  himself  the  right — a 
right  most  freely  exercised — to  criticise  and  condemn  either 
party  with  unsparing  severity,  generally  bestowing  his  most 
caustic  denunciation  upon  the  party  to  which  he  most  inclines. 
It  is  by  this  sign  that  we  feel  occasionally  comforted  with  the 
reflection  that  Mr.  Phillips  still  has  sympathies  with  the 
Republican  party,  and  still  indulges  aspirations  for  its  ulti- 
mate success. 

The  arraignment  of  the  Republicans  at  this  late  day  by 
Mr.  Phillips,  because  they  did  not  reduce  the  Confederate 
States  to  Territories  and  govern  them  by  direct  exercise  of 
Federal  power,  is  causeless  and  unjust ;  and  it  cannot  cer- 
tainly influence  the  judgment  of  any  man  whose  memory 
goes  back  to  1866-'67.  For  I  assume  that  if  anything,  not 
capable  of  demonstration,  is  yet  an  absolute  certainty,  it  is 
that  such  an  attempt  by  the  Republican  party  would  have 
led  to  its  utter  overthrow  at  the  initial  point  of  its  recon- 


222  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

struction  policy.  The  overthrow  of  the  Republican  party 
at  that  time  would  have  restored  the  Confederate  States  to 
full  power  in  the  Union  without  the  imposition  of  a  single 
condition,  without  the  exaction  of  a  single  guarantee.  All 
the  inestimable  provisions  of  the  Fourteenth  Amendment 
would  have  been  lost ;  its  broad  and  comprehensive  basis  of 
citizenship  ;  its  clause  regulating  representation  in  Congress 
and  coercing  the  States  into  granting  suffrage  to  the  negro  ; 
its  guarantee  of  the  validity  of  the  war  debt  of  the  Union 
and  of  pensions  to  its  soldiers  and  their  widows  and  orphans  ; 
its  inhibition  of  any  tax  by  General  or  State  Government 
for  debts  incurred  in  aid  of  the  rebellion  or  for  the  emanci- 
pation of  any  slave  !  These  great  achievements  for  liberty, 
in  addition  to  the  Fifteenth  Amendment,  would  have  been 
put  to  hazard  and  probably  lost,  could  Mr.  Phillips  have 
had  his  way,  in  a  vain  struggle  to  reduce  eleven  States — 
four  of  them  belonging  to  the  original  thirteen — to  the  con- 
dition of  territories  ;  thus  committing  the  General  Govern- 
ment to  a  policy  'as  arbitrary  and  as  sure  to  lead  to  cor- 
ruption and  tyranny  as  the  proconsular  system  of  Rome. 

And  as  if  the  territorial  policy  were  not  enough  to  have 
destroyed  the  Republican  party  at  that  time,  Mr.  Phillips 
would  have  plunged  us  into  the  wild,  visionary,  and  uncon- 
stitutional scheme  of  confiscating  the  land  of  the  rebels  and 
giving  it  to  the  freedmen.  Confiscation  laws  were  passed 
by  Congress  during  the  hottest  period  of  the  war  ;  but  even 
then,  when  passions  were  at  the  highest,  no  enactment  was 
proposed  which  did  not  recognize  the  express  limitation  of 
the  Constitution  that  in  punishing  treason  there  should  be  no 
"forfeiture  except  during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted." 
The  Republican  party  has  been  flippantly  accused  by  its 
opponents  of  disregarding  the  Constitution,  but  I  venture  to 
say  that  there  is  no  parallel  in  the  world  to  so  strict  an 
observance  of  written  law  during  a  critical  and  mighty  war 
as  was  shown  by  the  Republicans  throughout  the  protracted 
and  bloody  struggle  that  involved  the  fate  of  free  govern- 
ment on  this  continent.  It  is  impossible,  therefore,  that  the 
Republican  party  could  have  adopted  the  policy  which  Mr. 
Phillips  commends  ;  and  impossible  that  it  could  have  suc- 
ceeded if  the  attempt  had  been  made. 

Of  the  replies  made  by  the  other  gentlemen,  identified  as 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAFNE.  223 

they  have  been  and  are  with  the  Democratic  party,  it  is 
noteworthy  that,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Blair,  they 
agree  that  the  negro  ought  not  to  be  disfranchised.  As  all 
of  these  gentlemen  were  hostile  to  the  enfranchisement  of 
the  race,  their  present  position  must  be  taken  as  a  great 
step  forward,  and  as  an  attestation  of  the  wisdom  and  cour- 
age of  the  Republican  party  at  the  time  they  were  violently 
opposing  its  measures.  This  general  expression  leaves  Mr. 
Blair  to  be  treated  as  an  exception,  and  for  many  of  his 
averments  the  best  answer  is  to  be  found  in  the  suggestions 
and  concessions  of  his  Democratic  associates.  I  need  not 
make  an  elaborate  reply  to  Mr.  Blair,  when  he  is  answered 
with  such  significance  and  such  point  by  those  of  his  own 
political  household.  It  is  one  of  the  curious  developments 
of  political  history,  that  a  man  who  sat  in  the  cabinet  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  and  was  present  when  Emancipation  was 
decreed  should  live  to  write  a  paper  against  the  enfranchise- 
ment of  the  negro,  when  the  Vice-President  of  the  Rebel 
Confederacy  and  two  of  its  most  distinguished  officers,  are 
taking  the  other  side  ! 

Of  Governor  Hampton's  paper  it  is  fair  to  say  that  it 
seems  to  have  been  written  to  cover  a  case  ;  its  theory  and 
application  being  adapted  to  the  latitude  of  South  Carolina, 
and  to  his  own  political  course.  Mr.  Hampton  is  a  man  of 
strong  parts,  possessing  courage  and  executive  force,  but  he 
he  has  been  in  the  thick  of  the  fight,  and  has  had  personal 
ambitions  to  gratify  which  may  not  place  him  in  history 
as  an  impartial  witness.  His  personality  protrudes  at  every 
point,  and  his  conception  of  what  should  be  done  and  what 
should  be  undone  at  the  South,  is  precisely  what  is  included 
in  his  own  career.  When  Mirabeau  was  describing  all  the 
great  qualities  that  should  distinguish  a  popular  leader,  the 
keenest  of  French  wits  said  he  "had  forgotten  to  add  that 
he  should  be  pock-marked." 

Mr.  Lamar  offers  a  contrast  to  Governor  Hampton.  He 
generalizes  and  philosophizes  with  great  ability,  and  pre- 
sents the  strange  combination  of  a  "refined  speculatist," 
and  a  trustful  optimist — embodying  some  of  the  character- 
istics of  Mr.  Calhoun,  whom  he  devoutly  followed,  and  of 
Mr.  Seward,  whom  he  always  opposed.  Mr.  Lamar  is  the 
only  man  in  public  life  who  can  be  praised  in  New  England 


224  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

for  a  warm  eulogy  of  Charles  Sumner,  and  immediately 
afterward  elected  to  the  Senate  as  the  representative  of  the 
whiteline  Democrats  of  Mississippi.  And  yet  inconsistent 
as  these  positions  are,  it  is  the  dream  of  Mr.  Lamar's  life 
to  reconcile  them.  He  is  intensely  devoted  to  the  South  ; 
he  has  generous  aspirations  for  the  Union  of  the  States  ;  he 
is  shackled  with  the  narrowing  dogma  of  State  rights,  and 
yet  withal  has  boundless  hopes  for  an  imperial  republic 
Avhose  power  shall  lead  and  direct  the  civilization  of  the 
world.  Hedged  in  by  opposing  theories,  embarrassed  by 
forces  that  seem  irreconcilable,  Mr.  Lamar,  probably  more 
.than  any  other  man  of  the  Democratic  party,  gives  anxious 
and  inquiring  thought  to  the  future. 

Of  Mr.  Stephens  and  Mr.  Hendricks  it  may  be  said  that 
in  their  treatment  of  the  question,  one  aims  to  vindicate  the 
course  of  his  native  Georgia  ;  the  other  to  gain  some  advan- 
tage for  the  Democratic  party  of  the  nation.  Mr.  Stephens 
has  the  mind  of  a  metaphysician,  led  astray  sometimes 
in  his  logic  and  sometimes  in  his  facts,  but  aiming  always 
to  promote  the  interest  of  the  State  to  which  he  is  devoted. 
Mr.  Hendricks  is  an  accomplished  political  leader,  with 
large  experience,  possessed  of  tact  and  address,  and  instinct- 
ively viewing  every  public  question  from  its  relation  to  the 
fate  and  fortune  of  his  party.  Mr.  Stephens  argues  from  the 
standpoint  of  Georgia ;  Mr.  Hendricks  has  in  view  the 
Democracy  of  the  nation. 

These  Democratic  leaders  unite  in  upholding  the  suffrage 
of  the  negro  under  existing  circumstances,  but  each  with  an 
obvious  feeling  that  some  contradiction  is  to  be  reconciled, 
some  record  to  be  amended,  some  consistency  to  be  vindi- 
cated. They  all  unite,  however,  on  the  common  ground  of 
denouncing  the  men  who  controlled  the  negro  vote  at  the 
outset  in  the  interest  of  the  Republican  party  ;  and  the  un- 
derlying conclusion,  not  expressed  but  implied,  is  that  if  the 
military  force  had  been  absent  and  the  persuasion  of  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau  had  not  been  applied,  the  negroes  would 
have  flocked,  as  doves  to  their  windows,  to  the  outstretched 
and  protecting  arms  of  the  Democratic  party.  This  seems 
to  me  to  be  sheer  recklessness  of  assumption  ;  the  very  bra- 
vado of  argument.  Why  should  the  negro  have  been  dis- 
posed to  vote  with  the  Democratic  party  ?  Mr.  Hendricks 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  225 

says  he  was  made  to  feel  that  "he  owed  servitude  to  a  party 
through  the  agency  of  United  States  officials  and  the  Freed- 
men's  Bureau."  But  can  Mr.  Hendricks  give  any  possible 
reason  why  the  negro  should  have  voted  with  the  Democrat- 
ic party  at  that  time?  Does  not  the  record  of  Mr.  Hen- 
dricks himself  as  the  leader  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the 
Senate  show  the  most  conclusive  reasons  why  the  negro 
should  have  voted  with  the  Republicans? 

Mr.  Hendricks  argued  and  voted  in  the  Senate  against 
emancipating  the  negro  from  helpless  slavery  ;  when  made 
free,  Mr.  Hendricks  argued  and  voted  against  making  him 
a  citizen  ;  citizenship  conferred,  Mr.  Hendricks  argued  and 
voted  against  bestowing  suffrage  ;  and  he  argued  and  voted 
against  conferring  upon  the  negro  the  most  ordinary  civil 
rights,  even  inveighing  in  the  Senate  against  giving  to  col- 
ored men  who  were  eligible  to  seats  in  Congress  the  simple 
privilege  of  a  seat  in  the  horse-cars  of  Washington  in  com- 
mon with  white  men.  Conceding  to  the  negro  the  ordinary 
instincts  and  prejudices  of  human  nature,  it  must  have  re- 
quired the  combined  and  energetic  action  of  the  United 
States  army,  the  Federal  officers,  and  the  Freedmen's  Bu- 
reau, to  hold  him  back  from  his  impulsive  and  irrepressible 
desire  to  vote  with  Mr.  Hendricks  and  the  Democratic  party  ! 

I  do  not  use  this  aryumottum  ad  homincm  in  any  personal 
or  offensive  sense  towards  Mr.  Hendricks.  His  position 
was  not  different  from  his  associates  and  his  followers  in 
the  Democratic  party  on  all  the  questions  where  I  have  re- 
ferred to  his  votes  and  his  speeches.  Mr.  Lnmar  occupied 
the  same  ground  practically,  and  so  did  Mr.  Stephens  and 
Governor  Hampton.  Indeed,  the  entire  Democratic  party 
opposed  legislation  for  the  amelioration  of  the  negro's  con- 
dition at  every  step,  and  opposed  it  not  with  the  mere  regis- 
try of  negative  votes,  but  with  an  energetic  hostility  that 
too  often  assumed  the  phase  of  anger  and  acrimony.  Eman- 
cipation from  slavery,  grant  of  citizenship  and  civil  rights, 
conferring  of  suffrage,  were  all  carried  for  the  negro  by  the 
Republicans  against  a  protesting  and  resisting  Democracy. 
Democratic  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress  fought 
all  these  measures  with  unflagging  zeal.  In  State  Legisla- 
tures, on  the  stump,  in  the  partisan  press,  through  all  the 
agencies  that  influence  and  direct  public  opinion,  the  Demo- 


226  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

crats  showed  implacable  hostility  to  each  and  every  step  that 
was  taken  towards  elevating  the  negro  to  a  better  condition. 
So  that  it  was  inevitable  that  the  negro  who  had  sense 
enough  to  feel  that  he  was  free,  who  had  perception  enough 
to  know  "that  he  was  a  citizen,  who  had  pride  enough  to 
realize  that  he  was  a  voter,  felt  and  knew  and  realized  that 
these  great  enfranchisements  had  been  conferred  upon  him 
by  the  persistent  energy  of  the  Republican  party,  and  in 
spite  of  the  efforts  of  an  embittered  and  united  Democracy. 
Is  further  statement  necessary  to  explain  why  the  negro 
should  have  cast  his  vote  for  the  Republican  party  when  a 
free  ballot  was  in  his  hands?  It  can  be  readily  understood 
why  he  may  now  cast  a  vote  for  the  Democratic  party  when 
he  is  no  longer  allowed  freedom  of  choice,  when  he  is  no 
longer  master  of  his  own  ballot. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Republicans  were  urged 
and  hastened  to  measures  of  amelioration  for  the  negro  by 
very  dangerous  developments  in  the  Southern  States  look- 
ing to  his  re-enslavement,  in  fact  if  not  in  form.  The  year 
that  followed  the  accession  of  Andrew  Johnson  to  the 
Presidency  was  full  of  anxiety  and  of  warning  to  all  the 
lovers  of  justice,  to  all  who  hoped  for  "a  more  perfect 
Union"  of  the  Stages.  In  nearly  every  one  of  the  Con- 
federate States  the  white  inhabitants  assumed  that  they  were 
to  be  restored  to  the  Union  with  their  State  governments 
precisely  as  they  were  when  they  seceded  in  1861,  and  that 
the  organic  change  created  by  the  Thirteenth  Amendment 
might  be  practically  set  aside  by  State  legislation.  In  this 
belief  they  exhibited  their  policy  toward  the  negro.  Con- 
sidering all  the  circumstances,  it  would  be  hard  to  find  in 
history  a  more  causeless  and  cruel  oppression  of  a  whole 
race  than  was  embodied  in  the  legislation  of  those  revived 
and  unreconstructed  State  governments.  Their  membership 
was  composed  wholly  of  the  "ruling  class,"  as  they  termed 
it,  and  in  no  small  degree  of  Confederate  officers  below  the 
rank  of  brigadier-general,  who  sat  in  the  Legislature  in  the 
very  uniforms  which  had  distinguished  them  as  enemies  of 
the  Union  upon  the  battle-field.  Limited  space  forbids  my 
transcribing  the  black  code  wherewith  they  loaded  their 
statute-books.  In  Mr.  Lamar's  State  the  negroes  were  for- 
bidden, under  very  severe  penalties,  "to  keep  firearms  of 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  227 

any  kind" ;  they  were  apprenticed,  if  minors,  to  labor ; 
preference  being  given  by  the  statute  to  their  "former  own- 
ers." Grown  men  and  women  were  compelled  to  let  their 
labor  by  contract,  the  decision  of  whose  terms  was  wholly 
in  the  hands  of  the  whites  ;  and  those  who  failed  to  contract 
were  to  be  seized  as  "vagrants,"  heavily  fined,  and  their 
labor  sold  by  the  sheriff  at  public  outcry  to  the  highest  bid- 
der. The  terms  "master"  and  "mistress"  continually  recur 
in  the  statutes,  and  the  slavery  that  was  thus  instituted  was 
a  far  more  degrading,  merciless,  and  mercenary  type  than 
that  which  was  blotted  out  by  the  Thirteenth  Amendment. 

South  Carolina,  whose  moderation  and  justice  are  so 
highly  praised  by  Governor  Hampton,  enacted  a  code  still 
more  cruel  than  that  I  have  quoted  from  Mississippi.  Fire- 
arms were  forbidden  to  the  negro,  and  any  violation  of  the 
statute  was  punished  by  "a  fine  equal  to  twice  the  value  of 
the  weapon  so  unlawfully  kept,"  and,  "if  that  be  not  im- 
mediately paid,  by  corporeal  punishment."  It  was  further 
provided  that  "no  person  of  color  shall  pursue  or  practice 
the  art,  trade,  or  business  of  an  artisan,  mechanic,  or  shop- 
keeper, or  any  other  trade  or  employment  (besides  that  of 
husbandry  or  that  of  a  servant  under  contract  for  labor), 
until  he  shall  have  obtained  a  license  from  the  Judge  of  the 
District  Court,  which  Hcense  shall  be  good  for  one  year 
only."  If  the  license  was  granted  to  the  negro  to  be  a  shop- 
keeper or  peddler,  he  was  compelled  to  pay  one  hundred 
dollars  per  annum  for  it,  and  if  he  pursued  the  rudest 
mechanical  calling  he  could  do  so  only  by  the  payment  of  a 
license  fee  of  ten  dollars  per  annum.  No  such  fees  were 
exacted  of  the  whites,  and  no  such  fee  of  free  blacks  during 
the  era  of  slavery.  The  negro  was  thus  hedged  in  on  all 
sides  ;  he  was  down  and  he  was  to  be  kept  down,  and  the 
chivalric  race  that  denied  him  a  fair  and  honest  competition 
in  the  humblest  mechanical  pursuits  were  loud  in  their  as- 
sertions of  his  inferiority  and  his  incompetency. 

But  it  was  reserved  for  Louisiana  to  outdo  both  South 
Carolina  and  Mississippi  in  this  horrible  legislation.  In 
that  State  all  agricultural  laborers  were  compelled  to  make 
labor  contracts  during  the  first  ten  days  of  January,  for  the 
next  year.  The  contract  once  made,  the  laborer  was  not  to 
be  allowed  to  leave  his  place  of  employment  during  the  year 


228  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

except  upon  conditions  not  likely  to  happen  and  easily  pre- 
vented. The  master  was  allowed  to  make  deductions  of  the 
servants'  wages  "for  injuries  done  to  animals  and  agricul- 
tural implements  committed  to  his  care,"  thus  making 
the  negroes  responsible  for  wear  and  tear.  Deductions 
were  to  be  made  for  "bad  or  negligent  work,"  the  master 
being  the  judge.  For  every  act  of  "disobedience"  a  fine  of 
one  dollar  was  imposed  on  the  offender ;  disobedience  be- 
ing a  technical  term  made  to  include,  besides  "neglect  of 
duty,"  and  "leaving  home  without  permission,"  such  fear- 
ful offenses  as  "impudence,"  or  "swearing,"  or  "indecent 
language  in  the  presence  o'f  the  employer,  his  family,  or 
agent,"  or  "quarreling  or  fighting  with  one  another."  The 
master  or  his  agent  might  assail  every  ear  with  profaneness 
aimed  at  the  negro  men,  and  outrage  every  sentiment  of 
decency  in  the  foul  language  addressed  to  the  negro  women  ; 
but  if  one  of  the  helpless  creatures,  goaded  to  resistance  and 
crazed  under  tyranny,  should  answer  back  with  impudence, 
or  should  relieve  his  mind  with  an  oath,  or  retort  indecency 
upon  indecency,  he  did  so  at  the  cost  to  himself  of  one  dol- 
lar for  every  outburst.  The  "agent"  referred  to  in  the 
statute  is  the  well-known  overseer  of  the  cotton  region,  and 
the  care  with  which  the  law-makers  of  Louisiana  provided 
that  his  delicate  ears  and  sensitive  nerves  should  not  be 
offended  with  an  oath  or  an  indecent  word  from  a  negro  will 
be  appreciated  by  all  who  have  heard  the  crack  of  the  whip 
on  the  Southern  plantation. 

It  is  impossible  to  quote  all  the  hideous  provisions  of  these 
statutes,  under  Avhose  operation  the  negro  would  have  re- 
lapsed gradually  and  surely  into  actual  and  admitted  slavery. 
Kindred  legislation  was  attempted  in  a  large  majority  of  the 
Confederate  States,  and  it  is  not  uncharitable  or  illogical  to 
assume  that  the  ultimate  re-enslavement  of  the  race  was  the 
fixed  design  of  those  who  framed  the  laws,  and  of  those  who 
attempted  to  enforce  them. 

I  am  not  speculating  as  to  what  would  have  been  done,  or 
might  have  been  done,  in  the  Southern  States  if  the  National 
Government  had  not  intervened.  I  have  quoted  what  act- 
ually was  done  by  Legislatures  under  the  control  of  Southern 
Democrats,  and  I  am  only  recalling  history  when  I  say  that 
those  outrages  against  human  nature  were  upheld  by  the 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  229 

Democratic  party  of  the  country.  All  the  Democrats  whose 
articles  I  am  reviewing  were,  in  various  degrees,  active  or 
passive,  principal  or  endorser,  parties  to  this  legislation  ; 
and  t'he  fixed  determination  of  the  Republican  party  to 
thwart  it  and  destroy  it  called  down  upon  its  head  all  the 
anathemas  of  Democratic  wrath.  But  it  was  just  at  that 
point  in  our  history  when  the  Republican  party  was  com- 
pelled to  decide  whether  the  emancipated  slave  should  be 
protected  by  national  power  or  handed  over  to  his  late  mas- 
ter, to  be  dealt  within  the  spirit  of  the  enactments  I  have 
quoted. 

To  restore  the  union  on  a  safe  foundation,  to  re-establish 
law  and  promote  order,  to  insure  justice  and  equal  rights  to 
all,  the  Republican  party  was  forced  to  its  Reconstruction 
policy.  To  hesitate  in  its  adoption  was  to  invite  and  con- 
firm the  statutes  of  wrong  and  cruelty  to  which  I  have  re- 
ferred. The  first  step  taken  was  to  submit  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment,  giving  citizenship  and  civil  rights  to  the  negro, 
and  forbidding  that  he  be  counted  in  the  basis  of  represen- 
tation unless  he  should  be  reckoned  among  the  voters.  The 
Southern  States  could  have  been  readily  readmitted  to  all 
their  powers  and  privileges  in  the  Union  by  accepting  the 
Fourteenth  Amendment,  and  negro  suffrage  would  not  have 
been  forced  upon  them.  The  gradual  and  conservative 
method  of  training  the  negroes  for  franchise,  as  suggested 
and  approved  by  Governor  Hampton,  had  many  advocates 
among  Republicans  in  the  North  ;  and,  though  in  my  judg- 
ment it  would  have  proved  delusive  and  impracticable,  it 
was  quite  within  the  power  of  the  South  to  secure  its  adop- 
tion or  at  least  its  trial. 

But  the  States  lately  in  insurrection  rejected  the  Four- 
teenth Amendment  with  apparent  scorn  and  defiance.  In 
the  Legislatures  of  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  and  Florida,  it 
did  not  receive  a  single  vote  ;  in  South  Carolina  only  one 
vote  ;  in  Virginia  only  one  ;  in  Texas  five  votes  ;  in  Arkan- 
sas two  votes  ;  in  Alabama  ten  ;  in  North  Carolina  eleven  ; 
and  in  Georgia,  where  Mr.  Stephens  boasts  that  they  gave 
the  negro  suffrage  in  advance  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment, 
only  two  votes  could  be  found  in  favor  of  making  the  negro 
even  a  citizen.  It  would  have  been  more  candid  in  Mr. 
Stephens  if  he  had  stated  that  it  was  the  Legislature  assem- 


230 

bled  under  the  Reconstruction  Act  that  gave  suffrage  to  the 
negro  in  Georgia,  and  that  the  unreconstructed  Legislature, 
which  had  his  endorsement  and  sympathies,  and  which 
elected  him  to  the  United  States  Senate,  not  only  refused 
suffrage  to  the  negro,  but  loaded  him  with  grievous  disabili- 
ties, and  passed  a  criminal  code  of  barbarous  severity  for 
his  punishment. 

It  is  necessary  to  a  clear  apprehension  of  the  needful 
facts  in  this  discussion  to  remember  events  in  the  proper 
order  of  time.  The  Fourteenth  Amendment  was  submitted 
to  the  States,  June  13,  1866.  In  the  autumn  of  that  year, 
or  very  early  in  1867,  the  Legislatures  of  all  the  insurrec- 
tionary States  except  Tennessee,  had  rejected  it.  Thus  and 
then  the  question  was  forced  upon  us,  whether  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  composed  wholly  of  men  who  had  been 
loyal  to  the  Government,  or  the  Legislatures  of  the  Rebel 
States,  composed  wholly  of  men  who  had  been  disloyal  to  the 
Government,  should  determine  the  basis  on  which  their  rela- 
tions to  the  Union  should  be  resumed.  In  such  a  crisis  the 
Republican  party  could  not  hesitate ;  to  halt,  indeed,  would 
have  been  an  abandonment  of  the  principles  on  which  the 
war  had  been  fought ;  to  surrender  to  the  rebel  Legislatures 
would  have  been  cowardly  desertion  of  its  loyal  friends,  and 
a  base  betrayal  of  the  Union  cause. 

And  thus,  in  March,  1867,  after  and  because  of  the  re- 
jection of  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  by  Southern  Legis- 
latures, Congress  passed  the  Reconstruction  Act.  This  was 
the  origin  of  negro  suffrage.  The  Southern  whites  know- 
ingly and  willfully  brought  it  upon  themselves.  The  Recon- 
struction Act  would  never  have  been  demanded  had  the 
Southern  States  accepted  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  in  good 
faith.  But  that  amendment  contained  so  many  provisions 
demanded  by  considerations  of  great  national  policy,  that 
its  adoption  became  an  absolute  necessity.  Those  who  con- 
trolled the  Federal  Government  would  have  been  recreant 
to  their  plainest  duty,  had  they  permitted  the  power  of  these 
States  to  be  wielded  by  disloyal  hands  against  the  measures 
deemed  essential  to  the  security  of  the  Union.  To  have  de- 
stroyed the  rebellion  on  the  battle-field,  and  then  permit  it 
to  seize  the  power  of  eleven  States  and  cry  check  on  all 
changes  in  the  organic  law  necessary  to  prevent  future  re- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  231 

bellions,  would  have  been  a  weak  and  wicked  conclusion  to 
the  grandest  contest  ever  waged  for  human  rights  and  for 
constitutional  liberty. 

Negro  suffrage  being  thus  made  a  necessity  by  the  ob- 
duracy of  those  who  were  in  control  of  the  South,  it  be- 
came a  subsequent  necessity  to  adopt  the  Fifteenth  Amend- 
ment. Nothing  could  have  been  more  despicable  than  to 
use  the  negroes  to  secure  the  adoption  of  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment,  and  then  leave  them  exposed  to  the  hazard  of 
losing  suffrage  whenever  those  who  had  attempted  to  re- 
enslave  them  should  regain  political  power  in  their  States. 
Hence  the  Fifteenth  Amendment — which  never* pretended  to 
guarantee  universal  suffrage,  but  simply  forbade  that  any 
man  should  lose  his  vote  because  he  had  once  been  a  slave, 
or  because  his  face  might  be  black,  or  because  his  remote 
ancestors  came  from  Africa. 

It  is  a  matter  of  sincere  congratulation  that,  after  all  the 
contests  of  the  past  thirteen  years,  four  eminent  leaders  of 
the  Democratic  party  should  unite  in  approving  negro  suf- 
frage. It  will  not,  I  trust,  be  considered  cynical,  certainly 
not  offensive,  if  I  venture  to  suggest  that  this  Democratic 
harmony  on  the  Republican  side  of  a  long  contest  has  been 
developed  just  at  the  time  when  many  causes  have  con- 
spired to  render  negro  suffrage  in  the  South  powerless 
against  the  Democratic  party.  Even  in  districts  where  the 
negro  vote  is  four  to  one,  compared  with  the  whites,  the 
Democrats  readily  elect  the  Representatives  to  Congress.  I 
do  not  recall  any  warm  approval  of  negro  suffrage  by  a 
Democratic  leader  so  long  as  the  negro  was  able  to  elect  one 
of  his  own  race  or  a  white  Republican.  But  when  his 
numbers  have  been  overborne  by  violence,  when  his  white 
friends  have  bee'n  driven  into  exile,  when  murder  has  been 
just  frequent  enough  to  intimidate  the  voting  majority,  and 
when  negro  suffrage  as  apolitical  power  has  been  destroyed, 
we  find  leading  minds  in  the  Democratic  party  applauding 
and  upholding  it.  So  lately  as  February  19,  1872,  years 
after  negro  suffrage  was.  adopted  and  while  it  was  still  a 
power  in  the  Southern  States,  such  influential  and  promi- 
nent Democrats  as  Mr.  Bayard  of  Delaware,  and  Mr. 
Beck,  of  Kentucky,  united  in  an  official  report  to  Con- 
gress, wherein  they  declared,  regarding  negro  suffrage, 


232  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

that  "there  can  be  no  permanent  partition  of  power 
nor  any  peaceable  joint  exercise  of  power  among  such 
discordant  bodies  of  men.  One  or  the  other  must  have 
all  or  none.  .  .  .  Pseudo-philanthropists,"  continued  Mr. 
Bayard  and  Mr.  Beck,  "may  talk  never  so  loudly  about 
equality  before  the  law,"  where  equality  is  not  found  in  the 
•great  natural  law  of  race  ordained  by  the  Creator."  Mr. 
Beck  and  Mr.  Bayard  made  this  report  when  fresh  from 
protracted  intercourse  with  Southern  Democratic  leaders, 
and  it  will  not  be  denied  that  in  their  expressions  they  fully 
represented  the  opinions  of  their  party  at  that  time.  Will 
it  be  offensive,  if  I  again  ask,  what  has  changed  the  views 
of  Democrats  except  the  overthrow  of  free  suffrage?  So 
long  as  the  negro  can  furnish  thirty-five  Representatives  and 
thirty-five  Electors  to  the  South,  his  suffrage  will  be  upheld 
in  name,  and  so  long  as  the  Democratic  party  is  dominant 
it  will  be  destroyed  in  fact. 

Mr.  Hendricks  is  a  conspicuous  convert.  The  negro  is 
washed  and  made  white  in  his  eyes  as  soon  as  he  votes  the 
Democratic  ticket.  He  is  greatly  affected  by  the  fact  that 
negroes  "helped  to  bury  a  Democratic  Congressman  whom 
they  had  helped  to  elect."  In  this  simple  incident  Mr. 
Hendricks  finds  great  evidence  of  restored  kindness  between 
the  races.  Was  there  ever  a  time  when  the  colored  people 
refused  to  show  respect  to  the  whites,  living  or  dead?  The 
evidence  would  have  been  stronger  if  an  instance  had  been 
quoted  of  white  men  paying  respect  to  a  deceased  negro. 
But,  unhappily,  if  funeral  incidents  are  to  be  cited,  Mr. 
Heudricks  will  find  more  than  he  cares  to  quote.  Almost 
at  the  moment  of  his  writing  testimony  was  given  before  a 
Senate  Committee  in  Louisiana  not  only  of  the  murder  of 
two  negroes  for  the  sin  of  being  Republicans,  but  of  their 
being  left  without  sepulture,  and  actually  devoured  by  hogs 
on  the  highway  !  Their  remains — the  phrase  is  doubly  sig- 
nificant in  this  case — were  finally  covered  with  earth  by  some 
negro  women,  the  negro  men  having  all  fled  from  their 
white  persecutors. 

Mr.  Hendrick's  high  praise  of  the  governments  of  South 
Carolina  and  Louisiana,  since  they  fell  under  Democratic 
control,  is  not  justified  by  the  facts.  Where  he  speaks  of 
Republicans  connected  with  the  government  of  South  Caro- 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE. 

lina  "meeting  their  punishment  in  prison  and  seeking  their 
safety  in  flight,"  he  provokes  an  easy  retort.  One  of  these 
men,  an  ex-Congressman,  was  sent  to  prison  on  disgrace- 
fully iusuflicient  evidence,  the  Judge  delivering  a  bitter 
partisan  harangue  when  he  charged  the  jury  to  convict. 
Governor  Hampton,  to  his  credit  be  it  said,  pardoned  him, 
and  it  would  have  been  still  more  to  his  credit  had  he 
pardoned  him  more  promptly.  In  another  case  the  Execu- 
tive of  a  great  Commonwealth  refused  Governor  Hampton's 
requisition,  on  the  ground  that  the  man  was  not  wanted  for 
the  cause  and  crime  alleged.  These  criminal  charges  have 
in  many  cases  borne  the  appearance  of  mere  political  perse- 
cutions, in  which  the  victims  are  not  the  persons  most 
dishonored. 

On  the  other  hand,  when  South  Carolinians  by  the  hun- 
dred were  indicted  for  interfering  with  the  freedom  of 
elections,  in  killing  negroes  by  the  score,  it  was  found  impos- 
sible to  convict  one  of  them.  Against  the  clearest  and  most 
overwhelming  evidence,  these  murderers  were  allowed  to  go 
free,  and  the  prosecutions  were  abandoned.  South  Caro- 
lina courts  appear  to  be  "organized  to  convict"  when  a 
Republican  is  on  trial,  and  South  Carolina  juries  impaneled 
to  acquit  when  Democrats  are  charged  with  crime. 

In  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Hendricks,  Louisiana  under 
Republican  control,  was  the  very  worst  of  all  Southern  gov- 
ernments. A  change  was  made  in  April,  1877,  and  since 
then  the  Democratic  party  has  held  undisputed  power  in  that 
State.  When  the  Republicans  surrendered  the  State,  there 
was  a  surplus  of  $300,000  in  its  treasury ;  taxes  were  col- 
lected, credit  maintained,  and  interest  on  its  public  securi- 
ties promptly  and  faithfully  paid.  To-day,  after  twenty-one 
months  of  Democratic  government,  according  to  public  and 
undenied  report,  the  State  is  bankrupt ;  its  taxes  uncollected  ; 
its  treasury  empty  ;  nearly  half  a  million  overdrawn  on  its 
fiscal  agent ;  the  interest  on  its  public  debt  unpaid,  and  its 
most  sacred  obligations  protested  and  dishonored.  II ml 
such  decadence  happened  in  a  State  under  Republican  rule 
— succeeding  a  prosperous  Democratic  administration — the 
denunciations  of  Mr.  Hendricks  might  have  been  fittingly 
applied. 

My  conclusions  on  the  topic  under  discussion  are : 


234  THE    LIFE    AXD    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

First.  Slavery  having  been  constitutionally  abolished  by 
the  adoption  of  the  Thirteenth  Amendment,  the  question  of 
suffrage  was  unsettled.  But  it  may  be  safely  affirmed  that 
the  Republicans  had  no  original  design  of  interfering  with 
the  control  which  the  States  had  always  exercised  on  that 
question. 

Second.  The  loyal  men  who  had  conducted  the  war  to  a 
victorious  end  were  not  willing  that  those  who  had  rebelled 
against  the  Union  should  come  back  with  political  power  vast- 
ly increased  beyond  that  which  they  had  wielded  in  the  days 
of  pro-slavery  domination  ;  and  hence  they  proposed  the 
Fourteenth  Amendment,  practically  basing  representation 
in  Congress  upon  the  voting  population — the  same  for 
North  and  South. 

Third.  Instead  of  accepting  the  Fourteenth  Amend- 
ment, the  insurrectionary  States  scornfully  rejected  it,  and 
claimed  the  right  to  settle  for  themselves  the  terms  on  which 
they  would  resume  relations  with  the  Union.  And  they 
forthwith  proceeded  to  nullify  the  Thirteenth  Amendment 
by  adopting  a  series  of  black  laws  which  remanded  the 
negro  to  a  worse  servitude  than  that  from  which  he  had 
been  emancipated. 

Fourth.  When  .the  Government,  administered  by  loyal 
hands,  found  it  impossible  to  secure  the  necessary  guaran- 
tees for  future  safety  from  the  "ruling"  or  rebel  class  of 
the  South,  they  demanded  and  enforced  a  Reconstruction  in 
which  loyalty  should  assert  its  rights.  Hence  the  negro 
was  admitted  to  suffrage. 

Fifth.  The  negro  having  aided  by  loyal  votes  in  secur- 
ing the  great  guarantees  of  the  Fourteenth  Amendment,  the 
Republicans  declared  that  he  should  not  afterward  be 
deprived  of  suffrage  on  account  of  race  or  color.  Hence 
the  Fifteenth  Amendment. 

Sixth.  So  long  as  the  negro  vote  was  effective  in  the  South 
in  defeating  the  Democracy,  the  leaders  of  that  party  de- 
nounced and  opposed  it.  They  withdraw  their  opposition 
just  at  the  moment  when,  by  fraud,  intimidation,  violence 
and  murder,  free  suffrage  on  the  part  of  the  negro  in  the 
South  is  fatally  impaired ;  by  which  I  mean  that  the  negro 
is  not  allowed  to  vote  freely  where  his  vote  can  defeat  and 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  235 

elect.     As  a  minority  voter  in  Democratic  districts,  he  is 
not  disturbed. 

Seventh.  The  answer  so  often  made,  that,  compared 
with  the  whole  number  of  Congressional  districts  in  the 
South,  only  a  small  number  are  disturubed,  is  not  apposite, 
and  does  not  convey  the  truth.  For  it  is  only  in  the  dis- 
tricts where  the  negroes  make  a  strong  and  united  effort 
that  violence  is  needed,  and  there  it  is  generally  found. 
Thus  it  is  said  that  only  in  a  comparatively  few  parishes  of 
Louisiana  was  there  any  disturbance  at  the  late  election. 
But  the  Democrats  contrived  to  have  a  disturbance  at  the 
points  where  it  was  necessary  to  overcome  a  large  Repub- 
lican vote,  and  of  course  had  none  where  there  was  no 
resistance.  It  will  generally  be  found  that  the  violence 
occurs  in  the  districts  where  the  Republicans  have  a  rightful 
majority. 

Eighth.  As  the  matter  stands,  all  violence  in  the  South 
inures  to  the  benefit  of  one  political  party.  And  that  party 
is  counting  upon  its  accession  to  power  and  its  rule  over  the 
country  for  a  series  of  years  by  reason  of  the  great  number 
of  electoral  votes  which  it  wrongfully  gains.  Financial 
credit,  commercial  enterprises,  manufacturing  industries, 
may  all  possibly  pass  under  the  control  of  the  Democratic 
party  by  reason  of  its  unlawful  seizure  of  political  power  in  the 
South.  Our  institutions  have  been  tried  by  the  fiery  test  of 
war,  and  have  survived.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether 
the  attempt  to  govern  the  country  by  the  power  of  a  "Solid 
South,"  unlawfully  consolidated,  can  be  successful. 

No  thoughtful  man  can  consider  these  questions  without 
deep  concern.  The  mighty  power  of  a  republic  of  fifty  mil- 
lions of  people — with  a  continent  for  their  possession — can 
only  be  wielded  permanently  by  being  wielded  honestly. 
In  a  fair  and  generous  struggle  for  partisan  power  let  us  not 
forget  those  issues  and  those  ends  which  are  above  party. 
Organized  wrong  will  ultimately  be  met  by  organized  re- 
sistance. The  sensitive  and  dangerous  point  is  in  the  cast- 
ing and  the  counting  of  free  ballots.  Impartial  suffrage  is 
our  theory.  It  must  become  our  practice.  Any  party  of 
American  citizens  can  bear  to  be  defeated.  No  party  of 
American  citizens  will  bear  to  be  defrauded.  The  men  who 


236  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

are  interested  in  a  dishonest  count  are  units.  The  men 
who  are  interested  in  an  honest  count  are  millions.  I  wish  to 
speak  for  the  millions  of  all  political  parties,  and  in  their 
name  to  declare  that  the  Republic  must  be  strong  enough, 
and  shall  be  strong  enough,  to  protect  the  weakest  of  its 
citizens  in  all  their  rights.  To  this  simple  and  sublime 
principle  let  us,  in  the  lofty  language  of  Burke,  "attest  the 
retiring  generations,  let  us  attest  the  advancing  generations, 
between  which,  as  a  link  in  the  great  chain  of  eternal  order, 
we  stand !" 

JAMES  G.  ELAINE. 


OF  JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  237 


CHAPTER 

Elaine  Again  in  his  Seat. — His  Acknowledged  Leadership. — 
Elaine's  Speech  on  Irredeemable  Currency. — His  Celebrated 
Debate  with  Hill  of  Georgia. — Elaine  and  Garfield. — Elaine's 
Speech  on  Jeff  Davis. — Democratic  Hatred. — Bitter  Personal 
Attacks. — Schemes  to  Prevent  his  Nomination  at  Cincinnati. — 
Accused  of  Speculating  in  Railroad  Bonds. — The  Pacific  and 
the  Arkansas  and  Little  Rock  Railroad. — Elaine's  defeat  of 
his  Accusers. 

In  the  political  campaign  of  1874  the  elections  through- 
out the  country  resulted  in  placing  a  majority  of  Democrats 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  Blaine  again  took  his 
seat  among  the  members.  This  change  was  not  so  great  a 
loss  as  it  at  first  appeared.  Such  a  leader  and  such  a  work- 
er was  greatly  needed  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  for  the 
general  interests  of  national  legislation.  It  was  great  good 
fortune  to  his  party  that  when  the  Democrats  had  so  large  a 
working  majority  and  so  many  unusually  talented  men,  they 
had  such  a  skilled  debater  and  such  a  bright  parliamenta- 
rian to  warn,  encourage  and  protect  them,  as  well  as  one 
who  could  hinder  and  defeat  their  opponents. 

It  was  also  of  great  advantage  to  the  Republicans  that 
they  had  a  man  who  was  universally  acknowledged  to  be 
the  leader  and  one  in  whom  all  had  been  taught  to  have 
implicit  trust. 

Every  word  he  spoke,  every  motion  he  made,  and  every 
speech  he  delivered,  were  made  the  common  subject  of  edi- 
torial comment  and  social  discussion  in  every  town  and  city 
in  the  nation. 


238  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

His  labor  was  incessant.  He  had  not  a  moment  for  rec- 
reation. If  he  tried  to  escape  for  an  hour  from  the  load  he 
carried,  men  or  dispatches  forced  themselves  in  some  way 
upon  his  privacy.  Louder  and  clearer  came  the  demand 
from  all  classes  and  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  that  he 
should  be  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

But  there  were  competitors  and  there  were  enemies.  The 
greater  the  man  the  more  certain  he  is  to  have  both. 
Blaine  had  them,  but  he  worked  on  leaving  all  questions  of 
ambition  to  the  decision  of  others.  He  would  not  "trim" 
or  compromise  with  any  one  or  any  measure,  for  personal 
gain.  He  was  great  enough  and  wise  enough  to  see  that 
the  Nation's  ultimate  good  should  be  a  statesman's  only 
aim. 

In  1876  the  agitation  of  questions  concerning  the  cur- 
rency became  very  serious  and  alarming.  Financial  dis- 
tress throughout  the  Nation  was  laid  at  the  door  of  legisla- 
tion, rather  than  at  the  threshold  of  universal  individual 
speculation  and  extravagance.  Wild  schemes  of  finance, 
equal  in  absurdity  to  the  air  castles  of  French  financier- 
ing during  the  inflation  of  Law,  captured  the  frightened 
masses.  Even  statesmen  having  many  years  of  experience, 
were  found  to  advocate  the  most  foolish  schemes  concern- 
ing paper  money  and  banking  business.  Some  in  Congress 
urged  the  nation  to  sell  all  its  gold,  issue  "paper  promises 
never  to  pay"  and  compel  the  people  to  receive  it  for  mer- 
chandise and  labor. 

How  true  to  unchanging  principle  and  how  wise  Blaine 
si  lowed  himself  to  be,  can  be  seen  by  reading  the  following 
speech  in  the  light  of  subsequent  experience  and  deliberate 
judgment.  It  was  delivered  in  the  House,  Feb.  10th,  1876  : 

Mr.  Chairman  :  The  honor  of  the  National  Government 
and  the  prosperity  of  the  American  people  are  alike  menaced 
by  those  who  demand  the  perpetuation  of  an  irredeemable 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  239 

paper  currency.  For  more  than  two  years  the  country  has 
been  suffering  from  prostration  in  business  ;  confidence  re- 
turns but  slowly  ;  trade  revives  only  partially  ;  and  to-day, 
with  capital  unproductive  and  labor  unemployed,  we  find 
ourselves  in  the  midst  of  an  agitation  respecting  the  medium 
with  which  business  transactions  shall  be  carried  on.  Until 
iliis  question  is  definitely  adjusted  it  is  idle  to  expect  that 
fall  measure  of  prosperity  to  which  the  energies  of  our  peo- 
ple and  the  resources  of  the  land  entitle  us.  In  the  way  of 
that  adjustment  one  great  section  of  the  Democratic  party — 
po.-v>ibly  its  controlling  power — stubbornly  stands  to-day. 
The  Republicans,  always  true  to  the  primal  duty  of  sup- 
porting the  Nation's  credit,  have  now  cast  behind  them  all 
minor  differences  and  dissensions  on  the  financial  question, 
and  have  gradually  consolidated  their  strength  against  infla- 
tion. The  currency,  therefore,  becomes  of  necessity,  a 
prominent  political  issue,  and  those  Democrats  who  are  in 
favor  of  honest  dealing  by  the  Government,  and  honest 
money  for  the  people,  may  be  compelled  to  act  as  they  did 
in  that  still  graver  exigency  when  the  existence  of  the  Gov- 
ernment itself  was  at  stake. 

While  this  question  should  be  approached  in  no  spirit  of 
partisan  bitterness,  it  has  yet  become  so  entangled  with 
party  relations  that  no  intelligent  discussion  of  it  can  be  had 
without  giving  its  political  history,  and  if  that  history  bears 
severely  on  the  Democratic  party,  its  defenders  must  answer 
the  facts,  and  not  quarrel  with  their  presentation.  Firmly 
attached  to  one  political  party  myself,  firmly  believing  that 
parties  in  a  free  government  are  as  healthful  as  they  are  in- 
evitable, I  still  think  there  are  questions  about  which  parties 
should  agree  never  to  disagree  ;  and  of  these  is  the  essential 
nature  and  value  of  the  circulating  medium.  And  it  is  a 
fact  of  especial  weight  and  significance  that  up  to  the  paper- 
money  era,  which  was  precipitated  upon  us  during  the 
rebellion  as  one  of  war's  inexorable  necessities,  there  never 
was  a  political  party  in  this  country  that  believed  in  any 
other  than  the  specie  standard  for  our  currency.  If  there 
was  any  one  principle  that  was  rooted  and  grounded  in  the 
minds  of  our  earlier  statesmen,  it  was  the  evil  of  paper- 
money  ;  and  no  candid  man  of  any  party  can  read  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  and  not  be  convinced  that  its 


240  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

framers  intended  to  protect  and  defend  our  people  from  the 
manifold  perils  of  an  irredeemable  currency.  Nathaniel 
Macon,  one  of  the  purest  and  best  of  American  statesmen, 
himself  a  soldier  of  the  Revolution  and  a  member  of 
Congress  continuously  during  the  administration  of  our 
first  six  Presidents,  embracing  in  all  a  period  of  nearly  forty 
years,  expressed  the  whole  truth  when  he  declared  in  the 
Senate  that  "this  was  a  hard-money  Government,  founded 
by  hard-money  men,  who  had  themselves  seen  and  felt  the 
evil  of  paper  money  and  meant  to  save  their  posterity 
from  it." 

To  this  uniform  adherence  to  the  specie  standard  the 
crisis  of  the  rebellion  forced  an  exception.  In  January, 
1862,  with  more  than  a  half  million  of  men  in  arms, 
with  a  daily  expenditure  of  nearly  two  millions  of  dollars, 
the  Government  suddenly  found  itself  without  money.  Cus- 
toms yielded  but  little,  internal  taxes  had  not  yet  been 
levied,  public  credit  was  feeble,  if  not  paralyzed,  our  arm- 
ies had  met  with  one  signal  reverse  and  nowhere  with 
marked  success,  and  men's  minds  were  filled  with  gloom 
and  apprehension.  The  one  supreme  need  of  the  hour  was 
money,  and  money  the  Government  did  not  have.  What, 
then,  should  be  done — rather,  what  could  be  done?  The 
ordinary  Treasury  note  had  been  tried  and  failed,  and  those 
already  issued  were  discredited  and  below  the  value  of  the 
bills  of  country  banks.  The  Government,  in  this  great  and 
perilous  need,  promptly  called  to  its  aid  a  power  never  be- 
fore exercised.  It  authorized  the  issue  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  millions  of  notes,  and  declared  them  to  be  a  legal 
tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  with  two  ex- 
ceptions. 

The  ablest  lawyers  who  sustained  this  measure  did  not 
find  warrant  for  it  in  the  text  of  the  Constitution,  but,  like 
the  late  Senator  Fessenden,  of  my  own  State,  placed  it  on 
the  ground  of  "absolute,  overwhelming  necessity;"  and 
that  illustrious  Sejiator  declared  that,  "the  necessity  exist- 
ing, he  had  no  hesitation."  Indeed,  Sir,  to  hesitate  was  to 
be  lost,  for  the  danger  was  that,  if  Congress  prolonged  the 
debate  on  points  of  constitutional  construction,  its  delibera- 
tion might  be  interrupted  by  the  sound  of  rebel  artillery  on 
the  opposite  shore  of  the  Potomac.  The  Republican  Sena- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  241 

tors  and  Representatives,  therefore,  dismissing  all  doubts  and 
casuistry,  stood  together  for  the  country,  and  if  taunted,  as 
they  were,  by  the  Democracy  and  disloyalty  of  that  day, 
with  violating  the  Constitution,  they  pointed  to  that  law 
which  is  older  than  constitutions.  Adopting  the  sentiment, 
as  they  might  have  quoted  the  imputed  language  of  John 
Milton,  they  believed  that  "there  is  the  law  of  self-preser- 
vation, written  by  God  himself,  on  our  hearts  ;  there  is  the 
primal  compact  and  bond  of  society,  not  graven  on  stone, 
nor  sealed  with  wax,  nor  put  down  on  parchment,  nor  set 
forth  in  any  express  form  of  word  by  men  when  of  old  they 
came  together,  but  implied  in  the  very  act  that  they  so  came 
together,  presupposed  in  all  subsequent  law,  not  to  be  re- 
pealed by  any  authority,  not  invalidated  by  being  omitted  in 
any  code,  inasmuch  as  from  thence  are  all  codes  and  all 
authority." 

But  the  promptings  of  patriotism,  the  pressure  of  neces- 
sity, the  "despotism  of  duty,"  which  thus  decided  the  course 
of  the  Republicans,  failed  to  influence  the  Democrats  in  Con- 
gress. Marshaled  and  led  by  Mr.  Pendleton,  since  become 
the  great  advocate  of  inflation,  the  Democratic  Representa- 
tives voted  in  well-nigh  solid  column  against  the  legal  ten- 
der bill.  Bankruptcy  in  the  Treasury  was  impending ; 
eighty  millions  of  unpaid  requisitions  lay  on  the  Secretary's 
desk  ;  a  large  part  of  the  army  had  not  received  a  dollar  for 
six  months  ;  supplies  were  failing ;  recruiting  halted ;  the 
spirits  of  the  people  drooped  ;  while  the  Executive  Depart- 
ment, charged  with  the  conduct  of  the  war,  urged  that  crit- 
ical campaigns,  then  in  progress,  would  necessarily  end  in 
disaster  unless  relief  could  be  afforded  in  this  way.  But 
Democratic  consciences  were  too  tender,  and  Democratic 
scruples  too  intense,  at  that  time,  to  permit  such  a  fearful 
infraction  of  the  Constitution  as  the  passage  of  a  legal-ten- 
der bill,  even  to  save  the  Union  of  our  fathers,  and  thus 
preserve  the  Constitution  itself. 

The  necessities  of  the  Government  were  so  great,  and  ex- 
penditures so  enormous,  that  another  hundred  and  fifty  mil- 
lions of  legal-tender  notes  were  speedily  called  for,  and 
granted  by  Congress,  the  Democrats  again  voting,  under 
Mr.  Pendleton's  lead,  against  the  measure.  With  varying 
fortunes,  the  last  year  of  the  war  was  reached,  with  three 


242  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

hundred  millions  of  legal-tender  in  circulation.  With  the 
strain  of  our  public  credit,  and  the  doubts  and  vicissitudes 
of  the  struggle,  these  notes  had  fallen  far  beloAV  par  in  gold, 
and  it  became  apparent,  to  every  clear-headed  observer,  that 
the  continued  issue  of  legal  tenders,  with  no  provision  for 
their  redemption,  and  no  limit  to  their  amount,  would  utter- 
ly destroy  the  credit  of  the  Government,  and  involve  the 
Union  cause  in  irretrievable  disaster.  But,  at  that  moment, 
the  military  situation,  with  its  perils  and  its  prospects,  was 
such  that  the  Government  must  have  money  more  rapidly 
than  the  sale  of  bonds  could  furnish  it,  and  the  danger  was 
that  the  sale  of  bonds  would  be  stopped  altogether,  unless 
some  definite  limit  could  be  assigned  to  the  issue  of  legal- 
tender  notes.  Accordingly,  Congress  sought,  and  successfully 
sought,  to  accomplish  both  ends  at  the  same  time,  and  they 
passed  a  bill  granting  one  hundred  millions  additional  legal- 
tender  circulation — making  four  hundred  millions  in  all — ' 
and  then  incorporated  in  the  same  law  the  solemn  assurance 
and  pledge  that  "the  total  amount  of  United  States  notes, 
issued  and  to  be  issued,  shall  never  exceed  four  hundred 
millions  of  dollars."  And  to  this  pledge  every  Democratic 
Senator  and  Representative  assented,  either  actively  or  si- 
lently, as  the  Journals  of  both  Houses  will  show.  The 
subsequent  readiness  of  many  of  these  gentlemen  to  tram- 
ple on  it  must  be  upon  the  broad  principle  of  ethics  that  the 
Government  should  keep  those  pledges  which  are  profitable, 
and  disregard  those  which  it  will  pay  to  violate. 

When  the  war  was  over,  and  the  Union  saved,  one  of  the 
first  duties  of  the  Government  was  to  improve  its  credit  and 
restore  a  sound  currency  to  the  people  ;  and  here  we  might 
have  reasonably  expected  the  aid  of  the  Democratic  party. 
But  we  did  not  receive  it.  Irreconcilably  hostile  to  the  issue 
of  legal  tenders  when  that  form  of  credit  was  needed  for 
the  salvation  of  the  country,  the  Democracy,  as  soon  as  the 
country  was  saved-,  conceived  a  violent  love  for  these  notes, 
and  demanded  an  almost  illimitable  issue  of  them.  31  r. 
Seymour,  as  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President  in  1868, 
scouting  the  four  hundred  million  pledge,  stood  on  a  plat- 
form demanding  that  sixteen  hundred  millions  of  Five-twen- 
ties be  paid  off  in  legal-tenders  ;  and  he  so  heartily  approved 
this  policy,  that  in  his  letter  of  acceptance  he  declared  that 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  243 

*'he  should  strive  to  carry  it  out  in  the  future,  wherever  he 
might  be  placed  in  political  or  private  life."  His  position  at 
that  time  was  approved  by  every  Democrat,  of  high  or  low 
degree  in  New  York,  was  unanimously  reaffirmed  in  their 
State  Convention,  was  sustained  by  all  their  newspaper  or- 
gans, and  was  the  recognized  creed  of  the  party,  East  as 
well  as  West.  Mr.  Seymour  and  his  political  associates  in 
New  York  have  changed  their  ground,  and  now  proclaim 
an  honest  financial  creed  ;  and  after  the  manner  of  the  Phar- 
isee, they  broaden  their  phylacteries,  make  loud  professions 
of  superior  zeal,  and  thank  God  reverently  that  they  are  not 
as  their  sinful  brethren  of  the  Ohio  Democracy — those 
financial  Sadducees,  who  continue  to  reject  all  idea  of  resur- 
rection or  redemption  for  tfye  legal  tender. 

I  have  thus  briefly  referred  to  the  past,  Mr.  Chairman, 
only  because  I  think  it  has  an  important  bearing  on  the  pres- 
ent and  the  future.  I  do  not  assume  that  the  Republican 
party  can  possibly  discharge  its  pending  responsibilities  by 
merely  pointing  to  its  former  grand  achievements.  "Let 
not  virtue  seek  remuneration  for  the  thing  it  was."  But  I 
do  claim  that  on  this  financial  question  the  course  of  the 
Republican  party  in  the  past  is  a  guarantee  for  the  future, 
and  that  equally  the  course  of  the  Democratic  party,  of  both 
wings  and  all  shades,  is  a  menace  and  a  warning  to  the 
people. 

If,  however,  the  New  York  school  of  Dem6crats,  repent- 
ing of  their  former  course  and  seeking  better  ways  for  the 
future,  are  ready  to  give  honest  help  in  the  restoration  of  a 
sound  currency,  they  will  be  gladly  welcomed  and  their  faith 
will  be  tested  by  works  before  this  session  of  Congress  closes. 
They  will  not,  however,  deem  it  strange  or  harsh  if,  remem- 
bering their  past  record,  we  feel  an  uncomfortable  sense  of 
distrust  as  to  their  entire  sincerity  in  the  future.  This  dis- 
trust is  increased  when  we  witness  the  brazen  boldness  with 
which,  in  full  view  of  their  repudiation  record  of  but  yester- 
day, they  assume  a  stilted  tone  of  superior  honesty  on  the 
financial  question,  and  affect  patronizing  language  toward  the 
Republicans  who  saved  the  nation  from  the  lasting  blight  of 
Mr.  Seymour's  triumph  in  1868.  Still  further  deepened 
and  strengthened  is  the  distrust  when  we  remember  the 
formal  alliance  which  the  New  York  Democrats  have  re- 


244  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

newed  with  the  Democrats  of  the  South,  to  whom  our  whole 
financial  system  is  but  a  reminder  of  what  they  themselves 
term  their  subjugation,  and  who  from  past  action  and  pres- 
ent tendency  are  unfitted  to  be  the  safe  repository  of  the 
nation's  pledges  for  the  payment  of  its  war  debt.  We  have 
passed  into  a  new  era,  and  to  recall  the  Southern  Democra- 
cy, with  their  appalling  record,  to  their  ancient  control  in 
this  country  would  be  as  decisive  a  step  backward  and  night- 
ward  as  it  would  have  been  for  the  English  people  to  sur- 
round William  of  Orange  with  a  Parliament  made  up  of 
adherents  to  the  lost  house  of  Stuart,  or  as  it  would  be  to- 
day for  the  French  Assembly  to  thrust  on  McMahon  a  cabi- 
net devoted  to  the  fortunes  of  Henry  the  Fifth. 

As  I  said  at  the  outset  of  my  remarks,  Mr.  Chairman, 
the  country  is  suffering  under  one  of  those  periodical  revul- 
sions in  trade  common  to  all  commercial  nations,  and  which 
thus  far  no  wisdom  of  legislation  has  been  able  to  avert. 
The  natural  restlessness  of  a  people  so  alive  and  alert  as 
ours,  looks  for  an  instant  remedy,  and  the  danger  in  such  a 
condition  of  the  public  mind  is  that  something  may  be  adopt- 
ed that  will  ultimately  deepen  the  disease  rather  than  lay  the 
groundwork  for  an  effectual  cure.  Naturally  enough,  in 
such  a  time  the  theories  for  relief  are  numerous,  and  we 
have  marvelous  recipes  offered  whereby  the  people  shall  be 
enabled  to  pay  the  dollar  they  owe  with  less  than  a  hundred 
cents ;  while  those  who  are  caught  with  such  a  delusion 
seemingly  forget  that,  even  if  this  be  so,  they  must  like- 
wise receive  less  than  a  hundred  cents  for  the  dollar  that  is 
due  them.  Whether  the  dollar  that  they  owe  to-day  or  the 
dollar  that  is  due  them  to-morrow  will  have  the  greater  or 
less  number  of  cents,  depends  on  the  shifting  of  causes 
which  they  can  neither  control  nor  foresee  ;  and,  therefore, 
all  certain  calculation  in  trade  is  set  at  defiance,  and  those 
branches  of  business  which  take  on  the  form  of  gambling 
are  by  a  financial  paradox  the  most  secure  and  most  promis- 
ing. 

Uncertainty  as  to  the  value  of  the  currency  from  day  to 
day  is  injurious  to  all  honest  industry.  And  while  that 
which  is  known  as  the  debtor  interest  should  be  fairly  and 
generously  considered  in  the  shaping  of  measures  for  specie 
resumption,  there  is  no  justice  in  asking  for  inflation  on  its 


OF   JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  245 

behalf,  llather,  there  is  the  gravest  injustice  ;  for  you  must 
remember  that  there  is  a  large  class  of  most  deserving  per- 
sons who  would  be  continually  and  remorselessly  robbed  by 
such  a  policy.  I  mean  the  labor  of  the  country,  that  is  com- 
pelled to  live  from  and  by  its  daily  earnings.  The  savings- 
banks,  which  represent  the  surplus  owned  by  the  laborers  of 
the  nation,  have  deposits  to-day  exceeding  eleven  hundred 
millions  of  dollars — more  than  the  entire  capital  stock  and 
deposits  of  the  national  banks.  The  pensioners,  who  rep- 
resent the  patriotic  suffering  of  the  country,  have  a  capital- 
ized investment  of  six  hundred  millions  of  dollars. 

Here  are  seventeen  hundred  millions  of  money  incapable 
of  receiving  anything  but  instant  and  lasting  injury  from  in- 
flation. Whatever  impairs  the  purchasing  power  of  the  dol- 
lar, correspondingly  decreases  the  resources  of  the  savings- 
bank  depositor  and  pensioner.  The  pensioner's  loss  would 
be  absolute,  but  it  would  probably  be  argued  that  the  laborer 
would  receive  compensation  by  his  nominally  larger  earn- 
ings. But  this  would  prove  totally  delusive,  for  no  possible 
augmentation  of  wages  in  a  time  of  inflation  will  ever  keep 
pace  with  the  still  greater  increase  of  price  in  the  commodi- 
ties necessary  to  sustain  life,  except — and  mark  the  excep- 
tion— under  the  condition  witnessed  during  the  war,  when 
the  number  of  laborers  was  continually  reduced  by  the  de- 
mand for  men  to  serve  in  the  army  and  navy.  And  those 
honest-minded  people  who  recall  the  startling  activity  of 
trade  and  the  large  profits  during  the  war,  and  attribute  both 
to  an  inflated  currency,  commit  the  error  of  leaving  out  the 
most  important  element  of  the  calculation.  They  forget 
that  the  Government  was  a  customer  for  nearly  four  years 
at  the  rate  of  two  or  three  millions  of  dollars  per  day — buy- 
ing countless  quantities  of  all  staple  articles ;  they  forget 
that  the  number  of  consumers  was  continually  enlarging  as 
our  armed  force  grew  to  its  gigantic  proportions,  and  that 
the  number  of  producers  was  by  the  same  cause  continually 
growing  less,  and  that  thus  was  presented,  on  a  scale  of  un- 
precedented magnitude,  that  simple  problem,  familiar  alike 
to  the  political  economist  and  the  village  trader,  of  the  de- 
mand being  greater  than  the  supply,  and  a  consequent  rise 
in  the  price. 

Had  the  Government  b°en  able  to  conduct  the  war  on  a 


246  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

gold  basis,  and  provided  the  coin  for  its  necessarily  large 
and  lavish  expenditure,  a  rise  in  the  price  of  labor  and  a 
rise  in  the  value  of  commodities  would  have  been  inevitable. 
And  the  rise  of  both  labor  and  commodities  in  gold  would 
have  been  for  the  time  as  marked  as  in  paper,  adding,  of 
course,  the  depreciation  of  the  latter  to  its  scale  of  prices. 

"While  the  delusion  of  creating  wealth  by  the  issue  of  ir- 
redeemable paper  currency  may  lead  to  any  number  of  ab- 
surd propositions,  the  advocates  of  the  heresy  seem  to  have 
settled  down  on  two  measures — or,  rather,  one  measure  com- 
posed of  two  parts — namely  :  To  abolish  the  national  banks, 
and  then  have  the  Government  issue  legal-tenders  at  once 
to  the  amount  of  the  bank  circulation,  and  add  to  the  vol- 
ume from  time  to  time  thereafter  "according  to  the  wants 
of  trade."  The  two  propositions  are  so  inseparably  con- 
nected that  I  shall  discuss  them  together. 

The  national-bank  system,  Mr.  Chairman,  was  one  of  the 
results  of  the  war,  and  the  credit  of  its  origin  belongs  to  the 
late  Salmon  P.  Chase,  then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  And 
it  may  not  be  unprofitable  just  here  to  recall  to  the  House 
the  circumstances  which  at  the  time  made  the  national  banks 
a  necessity  to  the  Government.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war 
there  were  considerably  over  a  thousand  State  banks  of 
various  degrees  of  responsibility,  or  irresponsibility,  scat- 
tered throughout  the  country.  Their  charters  demanded 
the  redemption  of  their  bills  in  specie,  and  under  the  pres- 
sure of  this  requirement  their  aggregate  circulation  was  kept 
within  decent  limits,  but  the  amount  of  it  was  in  most  in- 
stances left  to  the  discretion  of  the  directors,  and  not  a  few 
of  these  banks  issued  ten  dollars  of  bills  for  one  of  specie 
in  their  vaults.  With  the  passage  of  the  legal-tender  act, 
however,  followed  by  an  enormous  issue  of  Government 
notes,  the  State  banks  would  no  longer  be  required  to  re- 
deem in  specie,  and  would  therefore  at  once  flood  the  coun- 
try with  their  own  bills  and  take  from  the  Government  its 
resource  in  that  direction.  To  restrict  and  limit  their  cir- 
culation, and  to  make  the  banks  as  helpful  as  possible  in  the 
great  work  of  sustaining  the  Government  finances,  the  na- 
tional-bank act  was  passed. 

This  act  required,  in  effect,  that  every  bank  should  loan 
its  entire  stock  to  the  Government ;  or,  in  other  words,  to 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  247 

invest  it  in  Government  bonds ;  and  then,  on  depositing 
these  bonds  with  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  the 
bank  might  receive  not  exceeding  ninety  per  cent,  of  their 
amount  in  circulating  notes,  the  Government  holding  the 
bonds  for  the  protection  of  the  bill-holder  in  case  the  bank 
should  fail.  And  that,  in  brief,  is  precisely  what  a  nation- 
al bank  is  to-day.  I  do  not  say  the  system  is  perfect.  I 
do  not  feel  called  upon  to  rush  to  its  advocacy  or  its  defense. 
I  do  not  doubt  that  as  we  go  forward  we  may  find  many 
points  in  which  the  system  can  be  improved.  But  this  I 
am  bold  to  maintain,  that,  contrasted  with  any  other  system 
of  banking  this  country  has  ever  had,  it  is  immeasurably 
superior ;  and  whoever  asks,  as  some  Democrats  now  do, 
for  its  abolition,  with  a  view  of  getting  back  any  system  of 
State  banks,  is  a  blind  leader ;  and  a  very  deep  ditch  of  dis- 
order and  disaster  awaits  the  followers,  if  the  people  should 
ever  be  so  blinded  as  to  take  that  fatal  step. 

It  is  greatly  to  be  deplored,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  many 
candid  men  have  conceived  the  notion  that  it  would  be  a 
saving  to  the  people  if  all  banks  could  be  dispensed  with 
and  the  circulating  medium  be  furnished  by  the  Govern- 
ment issuing  legal-tenders.  I  do  not  stop  here  to  argue 
that  this  would  be  in  violation  of  the  Government's  pledge 
not  to  issue  more  than  four  hundred  millions  of  its  own 
notes.  I  merely  remark  that  that  pledge  is  binding  in  hon- 
or until  legal-tenders  are  redeemable  in  coin  on  presenta- 
tion, and  when  that  point  is  reached  there  will  be  no  desire, 
as  there  will  certainly  be  no  necessity,  for  the  Government 
issuing  additional  notes. 

The  great  and,  to  my  mind,  unanswerable  objection  to 
this  scheme  is  that  it  places  the  currency  wholly  in  the  pow- 
er and  under  the  direction  of  Congress.  Now,  Congress 
always  has  been  and  always  will  be  governed  by  the  parti- 
zan  majority,  representing  one  of  the  political  parties  of  the 
country  ;  and  the  proposition  therefore  reduces  itself  to  this 
• — that  the  circulating  medium,  instead  of  having  a  fixed, 
determinate  character,  shall  be  shifted,  and  changed,  and 
manipulated  according  to  the  supposed  needs  of  "the  party." 
I  profess,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  have  some  knowledge  of  the 
American  Congress  ;  its  general  character,  its  personnel,  its 
scope,  its  limit,  its  power.  I  think,  on  the  whole,  that  it  is 


248  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

a  far  more  patriotic,  intelligent,  and  upright  body  of  men 
than  it  generally  gets  credit  for  in  the  country  ;  but  at  the 
same  time,  I  can  possibly  conceive  of  no  assemblage  of  re- 
spectable gentlemen  in  the  United  States  more  utterly  un- 
fitted to  determine  from  time  to  time  the  amount  of  circula- 
tion required  by  "the  wants  of  trade."  But,  indeed,  no  body 
of  men  could  be  intrusted  with  that  power.  Even  if  it  were 
possible  to  trust  their  discretion,  their  integrity  would  be 
constantly  under  suspicion.  If  they  performed  their  duties 
with  the  purity  of  an  angel  of  light,  they  could  not  success- 
fully repel  those  charges  which  always  follow  where  the 
temptation  to  do  wrong  is  powerful  and  the  way  easy.  Ex- 
perience would  very  soon  demonstrate  that  no  more  corrupt 
or  corrupting  device,  no  \vilder  or  more  visionary  project, 
ever  entered  the  brain  of  the  schemer  or  the  empiric. 

If  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  fully  awake  and 
aroused  to  their  interests,  and  could  see  things  as  they  are, 
instead  of  increasing  the  power  of  Congress  over  the  cur- 
rency, they  would  by  the  shortest  practicable  process  divorce 
the  two,  completely  and  forever.  And  this  can  only  be  done 
finally,  effectually,  irreversibly,  by  the  resumption  of  specie 
payment.  Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  hardly  an  exaggera- 
tion to  say  that,  ever  since  the  Government  was  compelled 
to  resort  to  irredeemable  currency  during  the  war,  the  as- 
sembling of  Congress  and  its  continuance  in  session  have 
been  the  most  disturbing  elements  in  the  business  of  the 
country.  It  is  literally  true  that  no  man  can  tell  what  a 
day  may  bring  forth.  One  large  interest  looks  hopefully  to 
contraction  and  the  lowering  of  the  gold  premium  ;  another 
is  ruined  unless  there  is  such  a  movement  toward  expansion 
as  will  send  gold  up.  Each  side,  of  course,  endeavors  to 
..influence  and  convince  Congress.  Both  sides  naturally  have 
their  sympathizing  advocates  on  this  floor,  and  hence  the 
substantial  business  interests  of  the  country  are  kept  in 
a  feverish,  doubtful,  speculative  state.  Men's  minds  are 
turned  from  honest  industry  to  schemes  of  financial  gam- 
bling, the  public  morals  suffer,  old-fashioned  integrity  is  for- 
gotten, and  solid,  enduring  prosperity,  with  honest  gains 
and  quiet  contentment,  is  rendered  impossible.  We  have 
suffered  thus  far  in  perhaps  as  light  a  degree  as  could  be  ex- 
pected under  the  circumstances  ;  but  once  adopt  the  insane 


OF   JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  249 

idea  that  all  currency  shall  be  issued  directly  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  that  Congress  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  amount' 
demanded  by  the  "wants  of  trade."  and  you  have  this  coun- 
try adrift,  rudderless,  on  a  sea  of  troubles,  shoreless  and 
soundless. 

It  is  a  singular  coincidence,  Mr.  Chairman — one  of  those 
odd  happenings  some  times  brought  about  by  political  muta- 
tions— that  those  who  urge  this  scheme  upon  the  Govern- 
ment are  Democrats,  every  one  of  whom  would  doubtless 
claim  to  be  a  true  disciple  of  Andrew  Jackson.  And  yet 
all  the  evils  of  which  Jackson  warned  the  country  in  his 
famous  controversy  with  the  United  States  Bank,  are  a 
thousand-fold  magnified  and  a  thousand-fold  aggravated  in 
this  plan  of  making  the  Treasury  Department  itself  the  bank, 
with  Congress  for  the  governing  board  of  directors.  I  com- 
mend to  gentlemen  of  Democratic  antecedents  a  careful  pe- 
rusal of  Jackson's  great  message  of  July  10,  1832,  and  I 
wish  them  to  frankly  tell  this  House  how  they  think  Jack- 
son would  have  regarded  the  establishment  of  a  great  na- 
tional paper  money  machine,  to  be  located  for  all  time  in 
the  Treasury  Department,  the  bills  of  which  shall  have  no 
provision  for  their  redemption,  and  the  amount  of  those  bills 
to  be  determined  by  a  majority  vote  in  a  party  caucus. 

And  then,  after  Jackson's  veto  message  shall  have  been 
diligently  perused  and  inwardly  digested  by  the  Democratic 
advocates  of  irredeemable  paper  money,  I  will  ask  them  if 
the  present  national-bank  system  does  not  fully  meet  all  of 
Jackson's  objections,  and  if  it  is  not,  indeed,  as  nearly  as 
the  difference  of  time  and  circumstances  will  permit,  such  a 
system  of 'banking  as  Jackson  indirectly  commended  and  as 
he  professed  himself  ready  to  submit  a  plan  for  if  Congress 
should  desire  it?  Disclaiming,  as  I  have  done,  any  special 
championship  of  the  national  banks,  but  merely  referring  to 
facts  of  record,  I  would  be  glad  further  to  ask  if  the  present 
system,  in  its  entire  freedom  from  monopoly,  being  equally 
open  to  all ;  if  in  the  absolute  protection  it  affords  to  that 
innocent  third  party,  the  billholder  (no  man  ever  having 
lost  a  dollar  by  the  bills  of  national  banks  during  the  thir- 
teen years  the  system  has  been  in  operation,  whereas  in  the 
preceding  thirteen  years  the  losses  to  the  people  by  bills  of 
State  banks  exceeded  fifty  millions  of  dollars)  ;  if  in  that  uui- 


250  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

versal  credit  attached  to  its  bills,  saving  the  people  all  losses 
from  exchange  or  discount  wherever  payment  is  to  be  made 
within  the  United  States  ;  if  in  its  protection  of  the  rights  of 
depositors  ;  if  in  its  strength  and  solvency  in  time  of  finan- 
cial disaster;  if  in  its  subjection  to  taxation,  both  by  the 
General  and  State  Governments,  until  it  confessedly  pays  a 
heavier  tax  than  any  other  species  of  property ;  if  in  its 
capacity  to  measure  by  the  unvarying  law  of  supply  and 
demand,  the  precise  amount  of  circulation  required  by  the 
"wants  of  trade," — I  would  be  glad,  I  repeat,  to  ask  any 
Democratic  opponent  of  the  system  if  it  does  not  in  each  and 
all  these  features  fill  the  ideal  requirements  of  a  bank  as 
foreshadowed  by  Jackson,  and  if  it  does  not  indeed  far 
transcend  any  ideal  Jackson  had,  in  its  freedom  for  all  to 
engage  in  it,  in  its  resolute  security  to  the  public,  and  in  its 
singular  adaption  to  act  as  a  regulator  of  the  currency,  pre- 
venting undue  expansion  and  undue  contraction  with  equal 
and  unfailing  certainty,  and  adjusting  itself  at  once  to  the 
specie  standard  wherever  the  Government  shall  place  its  own 
notes  at  par  with  coin? 

It  is  urged  by  the  opponents  of  the  banking  system  that 
the  three  hundred  and  twenty  millions  of  bank  circulation 
can  be  supplied  by  legal-tenders  and  the  interest  on  that 
amount  of  bonds  stopped !  How  ?  Does  any  gentleman 
suppose  that  the  bonds  owned  by  the  banks,  and  on  deposit 
in  the  Treasury,  will  be  exchanged  for  legal-tenders  of  a 
new  and  inflated  issue  ?  Those  bonds,  are  payable,  princi- 
pal and  interest,  in  gold  ;  and,  with  the  present  amount  of 
legal-tender  notes,  they  are  worth  in  the  market  from  $1.16 
to  $1.25.  What  will  they  be  worth  in  paper  money  when 
you  double  the  amount  of  legal-tenders  and  postpone  the  day 
of  specie  resumption  far  beyond  the  vision  of  prophet  or 
seer?  And  this  enormous  issue  of  legal-tenders  to  take  the 
place  of  bank-notes  is  only  the  beginning  of  the  policy  to  be 
inaugurated.  The  "wants  of  trade"  would  speedily 
demand  another  issue,  for  the  essential  nature  of  an  irre- 
deemable currency  is  that  it  has  no  limit  till  a  reaction  is 
born  of  crushing  disaster.  A  lesson  might  be  learned  (by 
those  willing  to  be  taught  by  fact  and  experience)  from  the 
course  of  events  and  during  the  war.  When  we  had  one 
hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  legal-tender  in  circulation,  it 


OF   JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  251 

stood  for  a  long  time  nearly  at  par  with  gold.  As  the  issue 
increased  in  amount  the  depreciation  was  very  rapid,  and 
at  the  time  we  fixed  the  four-hundred-million  limit,  that 
whole  vast  sum  had  less  purchasing  power  in  exchange  for 
lands,  or  houses,  or  merchandise  than  the  hundred  and  fifty 
millions  had  two  years  before.  In  the  spring  of  1862, 
$150,000,000  of  legal-tender  would  buy  in  the  market 
$147,000,000  in  gold  coin.  In  June,  1864,  $400,000,000 
of  legal-tender  would  buy  only  $140,000,000  in  gold 
coin. 

And  if  we  had  not  fixed  the  four-million  limit,  but  had 
gone  on  issuing  additional  amounts  according  to  the  "wants 
of  trade,"  as  now  argued  and  urged  by  the  modern  Demo- 
cratic financiers,  the  result  would  have  been  that  at  each  suc- 
cessive inflation  the  purchasing  power  of  the  aggregate  mass 
would  have  been  made  less,  and  the  value  of  the  whole  would 
have  gone  down,  down,  till  it  reached  that  point  of  utter 
worthlessness  which  so  many  like  experiments  have  reached 
before ;  and  the  legal-tender,  with  all  its  vast  capacity 
for  good  in  a  great  national  crisis,  would  have  taken  its 
place  in  history  alongside  of  the  French  assignat  and  the 
Continental  currency.  The  four-hundred-million  limit  hap- 
pily saved  us  that  direful  experience,  and  at  once  caused 
the  legal-tender  to  appreciate  ;  but,  unwilling  to  learn  by 
this  striking  fact,  the  inflationists  insist  upon  a  scheme  of 
expansion  which  would  speedily  raise  the  price  of  bonds  to 
unprecedented  figures,  and  by  the  time  they  should  succeed  in 
purchasing  those  that  now  stand  as  security  for  national 
bank  circulation  they  would  have  increased  the  national 
debt  by  countless  millions,  and  instead  of  making  a  saving 
for  the  Treasury  they  would  end  by  depriving  it  of  the 
eight  millions  of  tax  annually  paid  by  the  banks,  and  the 
people  would  have  lost  the  additional  eight  millions  of  local 
tax  derived  from  the  same  source. 

I  have  not  spoken  of  the  confusion,  the  distress,  the  ruin 
that  would  result  from  forcing  twenty-one  hundred  banks 
suddenly  to  wind  up  their  affairs  with  nearly  a  thousand 
millions  of  dollars  due  them,  which  in  some  form  must  needs 
be  liquidated  and  paid.  The  commercial  fabric  of  the 
country  rests  upon  the  bank  credits,  and  nothing  short  of 
financial  lunacy  could  demand  their  rude  disturbance.  Who- 


252  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

ever  would  strike  down  the  banks,  under  the  delusion  that 
they  can  be  driven  to  surrender  their  bonds  for  inflated 
legal-tenders,  knows  little  of  the  laws  of  finance  and  still 
less  of  the  laws  of  human  action. 

Among  the  anomalies  presented  in  the  currency  discus- 
sion, Mr.  Chairman,  is  that  the  West  and  South  should  have 
so  large  an  element  clamorous  for  inflation.  Of  all  sec- 
tions interested  in  the  specie  standard  the  West  and  the 
South  stand  first.  The  great  staples  produced  in  those  vast 
and  fertile  regions,  wheat,  corn,  flour,  beef,  pork,  hides, 
tobacco,  hemp,  cotton,  rice  and  sugar,  are  inevitably  and 
peremptorily  subjected  to  the  gold  standard  when  sold. 
The  price  of  cotton  sent  to  Lowell  is  just  as  much  deter- 
mined by  the  gold  standard  as  that  which  is  exported  to  Man- 
chester, and  the  breadstuffs  sold  in  New  York  are  daily 
equated  with  the  prices  of  the  Liverpool  Corn  Exchange. 
And  so  of  all  the  other  commodities.  And  yet  we  hear  repre- 
sentatives of  the  great  interests  that  are  thus  compelled  to 
sell  at  gold  prices,  resolute  and  determined  in  their  demands 
that  they  shall  be  allowed  to  purchase  their  supplies  on  the 
paper  basis.  When  it  is  remembered  that  the  whole 
of  the  annual  crop  in  this  country,  reckoning  all  pro- 
ducts, reaches  the  enormous  amount  of  three  thousand  mil- 
lions on  the  gold  basis,  and  that  the  surplus  not  consumed 
by  the  producers  is  many  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars, 
and  that  the  value  of  the  whole  is  estimated  by  the  gold 
standard,  the  farmers  of  the  country  may  find  profitable  food 
for  reflection  in  calculating  what  the  agricultural  interest 
loses  every  year  by  an  irredeemable  paper  currency. 

One  great  and  leading  interest  of  my  own  and  other 
8tates  has  suffered,  still  suffers,  and  will  continue  to  suffer, 
so  long  as  the  currency  is  of  irredeemable  paper.  I  mean 
the  ship-building  and  navigation  interest — one  that  does 
more  for  the  country  and  asks  less  from  it  than  any  other, 
except  the  agricultural ;  an  interest  that  represents  our  dis- 
tinctive nationality  in.  all  climes  and  upon  all  seas ;  an  in- 
terest more  essentially  and  intensely  American  than  any 
other  that  falls  under  the  legislative  power  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  which  asks  only  to-day  to  be  left  where  the  foun- 
ders of  the  Republic  placed  it  a  hundred  yeais  ago. 

Give  us  the  same  basis  of  currency  that  our  great   com- 


OF   JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  253 

petitors  of  the  British  Empire  enjoy,  and  we  will,  within 
the  lifetime  of  those  now  living,  float  a  larger  tonnage 
under  the  American  flag  than  was  ever  enrolled  by  one  na- 
tionality since  the  science  of  navigation  has  been  known 
among  men.  Aye,  more,  sir ;  give  us  the  specie  basis,  and 
the  merchant  marine  of  America,  sailing  into  all  zones  and 
gathering  grain  from  all  continents,  will  bring  back  to  our 
shores  its  golden  profits  and  supply  to  us  that  coin  which 
will  steady  our  sytem  and  offset  the  drains  that  weaken  us 
in  other  directions.  But  ships  built  on  the  paper  basis 
cannot  compete  with  the  lower-priced  ones  of  the  gold  basis, 
and  whoever  advocates  a  perpetuity  of  paper  money  in 
this  country  confesses  his  readiness  and  willingness  to  sacri- 
fice the  navigation  and  commercial  interest  for  all  time. 

It  is  often  made  the  subject  of  reproach  by  the  opponents 
of  the  Republican  party  that  ten  years  have  elapsed  since 
the  war  closed  and  nothing  effective  has  been  done  toward 
the  resumption  of  specie  payment.  Even  if  this  were  true 
the  Democrats  are  not  justified  in  making  the  charge,  for 
their  party  organization  has  been  the  principal  obstacle  and 
stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  resumption.  But,  in  fact,  a 
great  deal  has  been  done  towards  specie  payment  by  pre- 
venting inflation  and  keeping  the  government  thus  far  with- 
in the  four-hundred-million  limit.  To  do  this  it  has  been 
necessary  to  wage  a  very  sharp  war  with  the  Democrats, 
and  against  their  demands  that  the  national  debt  be  paid  in 
legal  tender  notes,  the  Republicans  have  had  their  hands 
full  thus  far  to  maintain  the  demands  and  dues  of  common 
honesty. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  I  am  quite  willing  to  ad- 
mit that  during  these  ten  years  no  positive  and  vigorous 
steps  have  been  taken  toward  specie  payment.  So  long  as 
the  business  of  the  country  was  progressing  reasonably  well, 
it  was  not  practicable  or  possible  to  set  to  work  deliberately 
without  the  pressure  of  necessity,  to  force  specie  resump- 
tion. Every  man  of  affairs  knows  instinctively,  without 
argument,  that  this  was  so,  and  he  knows  why  it  was  so. 
Though  not  having  the  same  moral  issue  involved,  we  were 
situated  very  much  as  Mr.  Pitt  found  himself  when  asked 
why  he  did  not  bring  in  a  bill  for  the  suppression  of  the 
slave-trade.  He  said:  "The  Bristol  merchants  are  too 


254  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES 

strong  for  the  ministry,  because  so  many  interests  in  the 
kingdom  are  connected  with  them." 

But  now  the  case  is  changed.  Over-trading,  the  wild 
spirit  of  speculation,  the  undue  expansion  of  credits,  the 
enormous  investments  in  premature  enterprises,  have  worked 
out  their  legitimate  and  inevitable  results,  and  with  a  full 
volume  of  paper  money  the  crash  came  ;  prices  have  fallen, 
settling  day  has  arrived,  painful  liquidation  proceeds,  and 
the  whole  commercial  and  financial  fabric  is  settling  down 
on  a  solid  foundation.  Experience  convinces  where  precept 
falls  only  on  deaf  ears,  and  to-day  we  have  men  by  the 
thousand  longing  and  asking  for  a  return  to  specie,  who 
three  years  ago  would  have  violently  opposed  it.  To  at- 
tempt now  to  build  up  business  by  further  inflation  of  the 
currency  involves  a  theory  so  wild  and  destructive  that  it 
requires  a  man  of  great  nerve  or  of  great  ignorance  to  pro- 
pose it.  Indeed,  the  shock  to  confidence  by  the  panic  of 
1873  was  so  great  that  many  commodities,  and  especially 
many  fabrics,  are  below  their  normal  price,  and  a  firm, 
clear,  decisive  step  in  the  direction  of  a  sound,  redeemable 
currency,  imparting  stability  to  our  financial  system  and 
confidence  to  the  people,  would,  in  the  judgment  of  our  best 
merchants  and  manufacturers,  be  followed  by  a  rise  in 
prices,  by  a  quick  and  wide-spread  demand  for  labor,  and 
by  a  generous  and  general  revival  of  trade  and  business 
throughout  the  country.  And  beyond  that  we  should  enter 
upon  an  export  trade  in  our  fabrics  such  as  we  have  not 
dreamed  of  in  the  past. 

The  time  is  ripe  for  it,  outward  circumstances  are  all  pro- 
pitious, and  it  only  remains  for  Congress  to  give  to  the 
country  a  steady  currency,  and  the  bounding  energy  and 
enterprise  of  our  people  will  do  the  rest. 

There  is  not  a  cotton  plantation  in  the  South,  not  a  grain 
or  grazing  farm  in  the  West,  not  a  coal-pit  or  iron-furnace 
in  Pennsylvania  or  Ohio,  not  a  manufactory  in  New  Eng- 
land, not  a  shipyard  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  not  a  lumber 
camp  from  the  Penobscot  to  the  Columbia,  not  a  mile  of 
railway  between  the  two  oceans,  that  would  not  feel  the 
quickening,  gainful  influence  of  a  final  and  general  acquies-* 
cence  in  measures  looking  to  specie  payment.  The  Repub- 
licans meditate  no  harsh,  or  hasty,  or  destructive  policy  on 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  255 

this  question — but  one  that  shall  be  firm,  considerate  and 
conclusive.  The  Democracy,  by  refusing  to  co-operate  in 
the  good  work,  can  keep  the  matter  in  agitation  and  pro- 
long the  era  of  dullness  and  inactivity  in  the  country.  Hav- 
ing stubbornly  refused  to  vote  for  legal-tenders  when  the 
salvation  of  the  Union  demanded  them,  that  party  can  now 
fittingly  complete  its  financial  record  by  resisting  all  honest 
efforts  to  restore  the  specie  standard  to  the  people. 

We  are  told,  however,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  tones  of  most 
solemn  warning,  that  this  country  is  not  able  to  maintain  its 
paper  money  at  par  with  coin.  Sir,  I  reject  the  suggestion 
with  scorn,  and  it  seems  to  me  if  I  could  be  persuaded  of 
its  truth  I  should  be  ashamed  to  rise  in  the  American  Con- 
gress and  proclaim  it.  Here  is  California,  one  of  our 
youngest  States  (thirty  members  of  the  Union  being  senior 
to  her)  with  a  vast  territory  and  a  sparse  population,  able 
to  maintain  coin  payment,  and  maintaining  it  through  a 
financial  storm  of  terrific  force,  and  by  reason  of  it,  gain- 
ing a  position  of  solvency  and  safety  with  a  rapidity  and  a 
certainty  to  which  the  paper  basis  affords  no  parallel  but 
only  a  contrast.  Here  to  the  North  of  us  lies  the  Domin- 
ion of  Canada,  stretching  from  Newfoundland  to  the  bor- 
ders of  Alaska,  with  an  inhospitable  climate,  and  a  soil  in 
great  part  inferior  to  ours,  commerce  checked  and  suspended 
half  the  year  by  frozen  rivers,  manufactures  scant,  crude  and 
undeveloped,  with  a  population  throughout  the  whole  terri- 
tory not  so  large  as  that  of  New  York,  and  with  wealth 
greatly  inferior  to  that  of  the  Empire  State  ;  with  a  debt  as 
large  in  proportion  to  people  and  product  and  property,  as 
our  own  ;  and  yet  Canada  finds  no  difficulty  in  maintaining 
specie  payment.  And  at-  Toronto,  Montreal  and  Halifax 
the  American  tourist  is  mocked  and  made  ashamed  by  the 
sight  of  coin  dollars  and  gold  eagles  from  our  own  mint, 
circulating  freely  as  currency  among  a  people  whose  wealth 
and  resources  are  but  an  inconsiderable  fraction  of  our  own 
magnificent  inheritance  and  possessions. 

When  the  National  Government  was  organized  in  1789, 
the  most  liberal  estimate  of  the  property  of  the  entire  thir- 
teen States  placed  it  at  six  hundred  millions  of  dollars — less 
than  the  wealth  of  Boston  or  of  Chicago  to-day.     The  pop-  ' 
ulation  was  four  millions,  showing  a  property  of  one  hun- 


256  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

dred  and  fifty  dollars  to  each  inhabitant.  By  the  census  of 
1870  our  population  had  increased  to  thirty-eight  millions, 
and  our  wealth  to  thirty  thousand  millions,  showing  eight 
hundred  dollars  per  capita  for  the  whole  people.  Our  pop- 
ulation had  increased  in  the  eighty  intervening  years  not 
quite  tenfold,  but  our  wealth  had  increased  fifty-fold. 

The  patriots  of  1790,  with  their  slender  resources,  did 
not  hesitate  to  assume  a  national  debt  of  ninety  millions  of 
dollars,  being  more  than  one-seventh  of  their  entire  posses- 
sions;  and  it  never  occurred  to  them  that  an  abandonment 
of  the  specie  basis  would  make  their  burden  lighter.  They 
knew  from  their  terrible  experience  with  continental  cur- 
rency that  all  their  evils  would  be  painfully  increased  by  a 
resort  to  paper  money.  And  in  their  poverty,  with  no  ac- 
cumulated capital,  with  manufactures  in  feeblest  infancy, 
with  commerce  undeveloped,  with  low  prices,  for  their  agri- 
cultural products,  they  maintained  the  gold  and  silver  stand- 
ard, they  paid  their  great  debt,  they  grew  rich  in  the  prop- 
erty which  we  inherited,  but  far  richer  in  that  bright,  unsul- 
lied honor  which  they  bequeathed  to  us. 

To-day  the  total  debts  of  the  American  people,  national 
State  and  municipal,  are  not  so  large  in  proportion  to  al- 
ready acquired  property  as  was  the  national  debt  alone  in 
1790.  And  when  we  take  into  the  account  the  relative  pro- 
ductive power  of  the  two  periods,  our  present  burdens  are 
absolutely  inconsiderable.  When  we  reflect  what  the  rail- 
way, the  telegraph,  the  cotton-gin,  and  our  endless  mechani- 
cal inventions  and  agencies  have  done  for  us  in  the  way  of 
increasing  our  capacity  for  producing  wealth,  we  should  be 
ashamed  to  pretend  that  we  cannot  bear  larger  burdens  than 
our  ancestors.  And  remember,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  our 
wealth  from  1790  to  1870  increased  more  than  five  times  as 
rapidly  as  our  population,  and  that  the  same  development  is 
even  now  progressing  with  a  continually  accelerating  ratio. 
Remember,  also,  that  the  annual  income  and  earnings  of 
our  people  are  larger  than  those  of  any  European  country, 
larger  than  those  of  England,  or  France,  or  Russia,  or  the 
German  Empire.  The  English  people  stand  next  to  us, 
but  we  are  largely  in  advance  of  them.  The  annual  income 
of  our  entire  people  exceeds  six  thousand  millions  in  gold,  and 
despite  financial  reverses  and  revulsions  is  steadily  increasing. 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  257 

In  view  of  these  facts,  it  would  be  an  unpardonable  moral 
Weakness  in  our  people — always  heroic  when  heroism  is 
demanded — to  doubt  their  own  capacity  to  maintain  specie 
payment.  I  am  not  willing,  myself,  to  acknowledge  that  as 
a  people  we  are  less  honorable,  less  courageous,  or  less 
competent  than  were  our  ancestors  in  1 790  ;  still  less  am  I 
ready  to  own  that  the  people  of  the  entire  Union  have  not 
the  pluck  and  the  capacity  of  our  friends  and  kinsmen  in 
California  ;  and  last  of  all  would  I  confess  that  the  United 
States  of  America,  with  forty-four  millions  of  inhabitants, 
with  a  territory  surpassing  all  Europe  in  area,  and  I  might 
almost  say  all  the  Avorld  in  fertility  of  resources,  are  not 
able  to  do  what  a  handful  of  British  subjects ,  scattered  from 
Cape  Race  to  Vancouver's  Island,  can  do  so  easily,  so 
steadily,  and  so  successfully. 

Mr.  Chairman,  one  great  trouble  in  this  whole  financial 
question  has  been  the  general  and  for  many  years  the  grow- 
ing disposition  of  our  people  not  to  regard  the  legal-tender 
note  as  a  debt  of  the  Government,  but  rather  as  something 
which  is  never  to  be  paid.  Such  was  not  the  feeling  among 
the  people  when  the  legal-tenders  first  appeared,  and  I  think 
this  erroneous  and  injurious  conception  resulted  from  an  act 
of  Congress,  which  is  a  most  vital  point  changed  the  char- 
acter of  the  notes.  When  the  first  three  hundred  millions  of 
legal-tenders  were  issued,  they  could  be  funded  at  the  option 
of  the  holder  in  Five-twenty  bonds  in  sums  of  $50  and  any 
multiple  thereof.  This  provision  gave  a  fixed,  determinate 
character  to  the  legal-tender,  connected  it  with  other  Gov- 
ernment issues  by  an  equated  value,  made  it  an  integral 
part  of  our  whole  system  of  public  credit,  and  established  it, 
in  short,  as  a  sort  of  a  balance-wheel  to  our  somewhat  com- 
plicated financial  machinery.  So  long  as  that  provision 
was  in  force  the  money  of  the  people  was  precisely  as  good 
and  just  the  same  as  the  money  of  the  bondholder.  By  a 
mistaken  policy,  as  I  venture  to  affirm,  this  section  of  the 
law,  on  the  request  of  Secretary  Chase,  was  repealed  after 
due  notice  given,  and  the  moment  that  was  done  the 
legal-tender  became  a  sort  of  financial  orphan  among  us  ;  it 
had  thenceforward  no  connection  or  relationship  with  any 
other  issue  by  the  Government ;  it  measured  nothing  itself 
and  was  measured  by  nothing,  and  ever  since  that  day  it 


258  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

has  had  to  fight  its  own  battle,  not  merely  unaided  by  other 
forms  of  public  credit,  but  in  a  sense  constantly  hindered  by 
them.  To  establish  a  fixed,  steady  value  for  it  under  these 
circumstances  was  as  impossible  as  to  determine  a  pound 
avoirdupois  without  reference  to  the  law  of  gravitation. 

Congress  having  taken  away  the  provision  for  redemption, 
the  public  have  naturally  come  to  regard  the  legal-tender  as 
perpetually  irredeemable  ;  and  one  of  the  first  steps  toward 
resumption  is  to  change  that  impression,  by  reviving  the 
funding  privilege,  in  a  bond  of  lower  rate,  with  extended 
time,  and  a  limitation  on  the  amount  that  could  be  funded 
in  any  given  period.  As  an  amelioration  to  the  debtor  class, 
the  suggestion  has  been  made  that  the  bonds  into  which  the 
legal-tenders  should  be  thus  converted,  might  themselves  be 
made  a  legal-tender  for  all  debts  contracted  prior  to  the  pas- 
sage of  the  act.  This  feature  may  have  merit,  but  I  should 
desire  to  consider  it  very  fully  in  all  its  bearings  before  as- 
senting to  it,  and  especially  to  its  effect  on  the  value  of 
legal-tender  notes,  and  also  as  to  its  constitutionality. 

We  have  done  much  to  maintain  our  public  credit,  but  I 
think  we  began  at  the  wrong  end  when  we  made  special  ex- 
ertion to  raise  the  price  of  our  bonds  and  left  the  legal-ten- 
der to  take  care  of  itself.  Had  we  devoted  our  energies  to 
bringing  the  legal-tender  to  par  with  coin,  the  bond  would 
have  followed ;  but,  unfortunately,  we  have  found  that  the 
reverse  is  not  the  case.  For  myself,  I  confess  I  always  feel 
ashamed  to  see  our  bonds  quoted  at  a  large  premium,  while 
our  legel-tenders  are  at  a  heavy  discount ;  and  while  there 
has  been  no  little  demagoguery  about  the  bond-holding  class 
getting  their  pay  in  coin  as  the  law  directs,  I  have  wonder- 
ed that  the  mass  of  our  people  so  quietly  endure  being  de- 
prived of  gold  for  their  legal-tenders,  as  the  law  in  its  spirit 
equally  guarantees. 

But  whether  we  shall  succeed  or  shall  fail  in  restoring  to 
the  United  States  notes  the  funding  privilege  with  which 
they  were  originally  endowed,  I  must  here  record  my  earn- 
est protest  against  the  policy  of  repealing  the  legal-tender 
clause  which  has  given  to  these  notes  their  great  strength  as  a 
circulating  medium.  I  cannot  see  how  the  Government  can 
consistently  deprive  these  notes  of  their  legal-tender  quality 
until  it  is  ready  to  redeem  thein  in  coin  on  presentation ; 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  259 

and  when  it  is  so  ready  to  redeem  them,  what  need  or  advan- 
tage will  there  be  in  raising  the  question?  And  I  have 
never  heard  any  argument  at  all  satisfactory  to  my  mind 
that  the  repeal  of  the  legal-tender  clause  would  tend  to  make 
resumption  easier.  On  the  contrary,  it  seems  to  me  that  it 
would  render  resumption  far  more  difficult  than  it  will  other- 
wise prove  ;  that  it  would  throw  an  undue  share  of  the  bur- 
den on  the  banks  ;  that  it  would  force  them  into  the  most 
rigid  contraction  and  needlessly  cripple  their  power  of  dis- 
count ;  thus  plunging  the  whole  country  into  confusion,  dis- 
turbing credits,  embarrassing  payments,  fatally  deranging 
business,  and  creating  widespread  distress  among  the  people. 
It  would  be  a  peculiarly  severe  blow  to  the  debtor  class,  and 
would  make  resumption  to  them  the  signal  of  bankruptcy 
and  ruin.  All  wise  legislation  toward  resumption  will  take 
care  that  no  needless  burden  be  thrown  on  those  who  have 
debts  to  pay,  and  that  in  the  transition  the  banks  shall  be 
kept  in  such  a  condition  as  will  make  them  as  helpful  as  pos- 
sible to  the  business  community.  But  this  policy  would 
drive  the  banks  into  a  struggle  for  self-preservation  in  which 
debtors  would  necessarily  be  sacrificed. 

If  I  correctly  apprehend  the  sound  public  judgment  on 
this  question,  there  is  no  desire  to  destroy  the  legal-tender 
character  of  the  note,  but  a  settled  determination  to  bring 
it  to  par  with  coin,  and  by  this  means  bring  every  bank-note 
to  the  same  standard.  This  policy  will  restore  the  coin  of 
the  country,  of  which  we  are  producing  over  eighty  millions 
per  annum,  to  active  circulation  in  the  channels  of  trade, 
and  will  result  not  only  in  making  our  money  better,  but  as- 
suredly more  plentiful  among  the  people.  It  is  a  humili- 
ating fact  that,  producing  as  we  do  a  far  larger  amount  of 
precious  metal  than  all  the  rest  of  the  world  beside,  we  drive 
it  into  export  because  we  will  not  create  a  demand  for  it  at 
home.  And  the  miners  of  the  Pacific  slope  are  furnishing 
the  circulating  medium  for  every  country  of  the  civilized 
world  except  their  own,  whose  financial  policy  to-day  out- 
laws and  expatriates  the  product  of  their  labor. 

The  act  providing  for  resumption  in  1879  requires,  in  the 
judgment  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  some  additional 
legislation  to  make  it  practicable  and  effective.  As  it  stands, 
it  fixes  a  date,  but  gives  no  adequate  process  ;  and  the  para- 


260  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

mount  duty  of  Congress  is  to  provide  a  process.  And  in 
all  legislation  looking  to  that  end  it  must  be  borne  in  mind 
that  unless  we  move  in  harmony  with  the  great  business  in- 
terests of  the  country,  we  shall  assuredly  fail.  Specie  pay- 
ment can  only  be  brought  about  by  wise  and  well-considered 
legislation,  based  on  the  experience  of  other  nations,  em- 
bodying the  matured  wisdom  of  the  country,  healthfully 
promoting  all  legitimate  business,  aud  carefully  avoiding 
everything  that  may  tend  to  create  fear  and  distrust  among 
the  people.  In  other  words,  what  we  most  need,  as  the  out- 
growth of  legislation,  is  confidence,  public  and  private,  gen- 
eral and  individual.  To-day  we  are  suffering  from  the 
timidity  of  capital,  and  so  long  as  the  era  of  doubt  and  un- 
certainty prevails,  that  timidity  will  continue  and  increase. 
Steps  toward  inflation  will  make  it  chronic ;  unwise  steps 
toward  resumption  will  not  remove  it.  We  shall  have  dis- 
charged our  full  duty  in  Congress  if  we  can  mature  a  meas- 
ure which  will  steadily  advance  our  currency  to  the  specie 
standard,  and  at  the  same  time  work  in  harmony  with  the 
reviving  industries  and  great  commercial  wants  of  the 
country. 

In  any  event,  Mr.  Chairman,  whatever  we  may  do,  or 
whatever  we  may  leave  undone  on  this  whole  financial  ques- 
tion, let  us  not  delude  ourselves  with  the  belief  that  we  can 
escape  the  specie  standard.  It  rules  us  to-day,  and  has 
ruled  us  throughout  the  whole  legal-tender  period,  just  as 
absolutely  as  though  we  were  paying  and  receiving  coin 
daily.  Our  work,  our  fabrics,  our  commodities  are  all 
measured  by  it,  and  so  long  as  we  cling  to  irredeemable  pa- 
per we  have  all  the  burdens  and  disadvantages  of  the  gold 
standard,  with  none  of  its  aids  and  gains  and  profits.  "The 
thing  which  hath  been  is  that  which  shall  be."  The  great 
law-giver  of  antiquity  records  in  the  very  opening  of  Gen- 
esis that  "the  gold  of  the  land  of  Havilah  is  good."  And, 
with  another  precious  metal,  it  has  maintained  its  rank  to 
this  day.  No  nation  has  ever  succeeded  in  establishing  any 
other  standard  of  value  ;  no  nation  has  ever  made  the  expe- 
riment except  at  great  cost  and  sorrow  ;  and  the  advocates 
of  irredeemable  money  to-day  are  but  asking  us  to  travel  the 
worn  and  weary  road,  traveled  so  many  times  before — a  road 
that  has  always  ended  in  disaster  and  often  in  disgrace. 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  261 

In  January,  1876,  occurred  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
contests  ever  known  in  the  history  of  Congress.  The  de- 
bate began  upon  the  proposition  to  grant  a  general  amnesty 
to  all  the  rebels  against  the  Government  who  took  part  in 
the  war  of  1861-5.  This  included,  of  course,  a  pardon  for 
Jefferson  Davis,  the  former  President  of  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy. The  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  seemed 
on  the  point  of  passing  it,  when  Elaine  and  Garfield  set 
themselves  to  defeat  it.  Hon.  Benjamin  H.  Hill  of  Geor- 
gia, one  of  the  ablest  Southern  Congressmen,  undertook  to 
advocate  the  measure,  and  meet  Elaine  in  debate.  The 
discussion  lasted  through  several  sittings  of  the  House,  and 
created  an  intense  excitement  throughout  the  country. 
Elaine  was  at  home  with  that  question,  as  he  had  been  one 
of  the  foremost  originators  and  advocates  of  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution.  The  following  is  the  offi- 
cial report  of  Elaine's  part  in  that  hot  debate  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  I  rise  to  a  privileged  question.  I  move 
to  reconsider  the  vote  which  has  just  been  declared.  I  pro- 
pose to  debate  that  motion,  and  now  give  notice  that  if  the 
motion  to  reconsider  is  agreed  to  it  is  my  intention  to  offer 
the  amendment  which  has  been  read  several  times.  I  will 
not  delay  the  House  to  have  it  read  again. 

Every  time  the  question  of  amnesty  has  been  brought  be- 
fore the  House  by  a  gentleman  on  that  side  for  the  last  two 
Congresses,  it  has  been  done  with  a  certain  flourish  of  mag- 
nanimity which  is  an  imputation  on  this  side  of  the  House, 
as  though  the  Republican  party  which  has  been  in  charge  of 
the  Government  for  the  last  twelve  or  fourteen  years,  had 
been  bigoted,  narrow,  and  illiberal,  and  as  though  certain 
very  worthy  and  deserving  gentlemen  in  the  Southern  States 
were  ground  down  to-day  under  a  great  tyranny  and  oppres- 
sion, from  which  the  hard-heartedness  of  this  side  of  the 
House  cannot  possibly  be  prevailed  upon  to  relieve  them. 

If  I  may  anticipate  as  much  wisdom  as  ought  to  charac- 
terize that  side  of  the  House,  this  may  be  the  last  time  that 
amnesty  will  be  discussed  in  the  American  Congress.  I 


262  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

therefore  desire,  and  under  the  rules  of  the  House,  with  no 
thanks  to  that  side  for  the  privilege,  to  place  on  record  just 
what  the  Republican  party  has  done  in  this  matter.  I  wish 
to  place  it  there  as  an  imperishable  record  of  liberality  and 
large-mindedness,  and  magnanimity,  and  mercy  far  beyond 
any  that  has  ever  been  shown  before  in  the  world's  history 
by  conqueror  to  conquered. 

With  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Randall,)  I 
entered  this  Congress  in  the  midst  of  the  hot  flame  of  Avar, 
when  the  Union  was  rocking  to  its  foundation,  and  no  man 
knew  whether  we  were  to  have  a  country  or  not.  I  think 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  would  have  been  surprised 
when  he  and  I  were  novices  in  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress, 
if  he  could  have  foreseen  before  our  joint  service  ended  we 
should  have  seen  sixty-one  gentlemen  then  in  arms  against 
us,  admitted  to  equal  privileges  with  ourselves,  and  all  by 
the  grace  and  magnanimity  of  the  Republican  party.  When 
the  war  ended,  according  to  the  universal  usage  of  nations, 
the  Government,  then  under  the  exclusive  control  of  the 
Republican  party,  had  the  right  to  determine  what  should 
be  the  political  status  of  the  people  who  had  been  defeated 
in  war.  Did  we  inaugurate  any  measures  of  persecution  ? 
Did  we  set  forth  on  a  career  of  bloodshed  and  vengeance? 
Did  we  take  property?  Did  we  prohibit  any  man  all  his 
civil  rights?  Did  we  take  from  him  the  right  he  enjoys  to- 
day to  vote? 

Not  at  all.  But  instead  of  a  general  and  sweeping  con- 
demnation the  Republican  party  placed  in  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution  only  this  exclusion  ;  after 
considering  the  whole  subject  it  ended  it  simply  coming 
down  to  this : 

"That  no  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in 
Congress,  or  elector  of  President  and  Vice  President,  or  hold 
any  office,  civil  or  military,  under  the  United  States  or  un- 
der any  State,  who,  having  previously  taken  an  oath  as  a 
member  of  Congress,  or  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States, 
or  as  a  member  of  any  State  Legislature,  or  as  an  executive 
or  judicial  officer  of  any  State,  to  support  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  shall  have  engaged  in  insurrection  or 
rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  the 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  263 

enemies  thereof.  But  Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two- 
thirds  of  each  House,  remove  such  disability." 

It  has  been  variously  estimated  that  this  section,  at  the 
time  of  its  original  insertion  in  the  Constitution,  included 
somewhere  from  fourteen  to  thirty  thousand  persons ;  as 
nearly  as  I  can  gather  together  the  facts  of  the  case,  it  in- 
cluded about  eighteen  thousand  men  in  the  South.  It  let 
go  every  man  of  the  hundreds  of  thousands — or  millions  if 
you  please — who  had  been  engaged  in  the  attempt  to  destroy 
this  Government,  and  only  held  those  under  disability  who 
in  addition  to  revolting  had  violated  a  special  and  peculiar 
and  personal  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  It  was  limited  to  that. 

Well,  that  disability  was  hardly  placed  upon  the  South 
until  we  began  in  this  hall  and  in  the  other  wing  of  the 
capitol,  when  there  were  more  than  two-thirds  Republicans 
in  both  branches,  to  remit  it,  and  the  very  first  bill  took 
that  disability  off  from  1,578  citizens  of  the  South  ;  and  the 
next  bill  took  it  off  from  3,526  gentlemen — by  wholesale. 
Many  of  the  gentlemen  on  this  floor  came  in  for  grace  and 
amnesty  in  those  two  bills.  After  these  bills,  specifying 
individuals,  had  passed,  and  others,  of  smaller  numbers, 
which  I  will  not  recount,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
in  1872,  by  two-thirds  of  both  branches,  still  being  two- 
thirds  Republican,  passed  this  general  law  : 

"That  all  political  disabilities  imposed  by  the  third  sec- 
tion of  the  fourteenth  article  of  amendments  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  are  hereby  removed  from  all 
persons  whomsoever,  except  Senators  and  Representatives 
of  the  Thirty-sixth  and  Thirty-seventh  Congresses,  officers 
in  the  judicial,  military  and  naval  service  in  the  United 
States,  heads  of  departments,  and  foreign  ministers  of  the 
United  States." 

Since  that  act  passed  a  very  considerable  number  of  the 
gentlemen  which  it  still  left  under  disability  have  been  re- 
lieved specially,  by  name,  in  separate  acts.  But  I  believe, 
Mr.  Speaker,  in  no  single  instance  since  the  Act  of  May  22, 
1872,  have  the  disabilities  been  taken  from  any  man  except 
upon  his  respectful  petition  to  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  that  they  should  be  removed.  And  I  believe  in  no 
instance  except  one,  have  they  been  1'efused  upon  the  peti- 


264  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES        . 

tion  being  presented.  I  believe  in  no  instance,  except  one, 
has  there  has  been  any  other  than  a  unanimous  vote. 

Now,  I  find  there  are  widely  varying  opinions  in  regard 
to  the  number  that  are  still  under  disabilities  in  the 
South. 

I  have  had  occasion,  by  conference  with  the  Department 
of  War  and  of  the  Navy,  and  with  the  assistance  of  some 
records  which  I  have  caused  to  be  searched,  to  be  able  to 
state  to  the  House,  I  believe  with  more  accuracy  than  it  has 
been  stated  hitherto,  just  the  number  of  gentlemen  in  the 
South  still  under  disabilities.  Those  who  were  officers  of 
the  United  States  army,  educated  at  its  own  expense 
at  West  Point  and  who  joined  the  rebellion,  and  are 
still  included  under  this  act,  number,  as  nearly  as 
the  War  Department  can  figure  up,  325  ;  those  in  the  Navy 
about  295.  Those  under  the  other  heads,  Senators  and 
Representatives  of  the  Thirty-sixth  and  Thirty-seventh 
Congresses,  officers  in  the  judiciary  service  of  the  United 
States,  heads  of  departments  and  foreign  ministers  of  the 
United  States,  make  up  a  number  somewhat  more  difficult  to 
state  accurately,  but  smaller  in  the  aggregate.  The  whole 
sum  of  the  entire  list  is  about — it  is  probably  impossible  to 
state  it  with  entire  accuracy,  and  I  do  not  attempt  to  do 
that — is  about  750  persons  now  under  disabilities. 

I  am  very  frank  to  say  that  in  regard  to  all  these  gentle- 
men, save  one,  I  do  not  know  of  any  reason  why  amnesty 
should  not  be  granted  to  them  as  it  has  been  to  many  oth- 
ers of  the  same  class.  I  am  not  here  to  argue  against  it. 
The  gentleman  from  Iowa  (Mr.  Kasson)  suggests  "on 
their  application."  I  am  coming  to  that.  But  as  I  have 
said,  seeing  in  this  list,  as  I  have  examined  it  with  some 
care,  no  gentleman  to  whom  I  think  there  would  be  any 
objection,  since  amnesty  has  already  become  so  general — 
and  I  am  not  going  back  of  that  question  to  argue  it — I  am 
in  favor  of  granting  it  to  them.  But  in  the  absence  of  this 
respectful  form  of  application,  which  since  May  22d,  1872, 
has  become  a  sort  of  common  law  as  preliminary  to  am- 
nesty, I  simply  wish  to  put  in  that  they  shall  go  before  a 
United  States  Court,  and  in  open  court,  with  uplifted  hand, 
swear  that  they  mean  to  conduct  themselves  as  good  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States.  That  is  all. 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  265 

Now,  gentlemen  may  say  that  this  is  a  foolish  exaction. 
Possibly  it  is.  But  somehow  or  other  I  have  a  prejudice 
in  favor  of  it.  And  there  are  some  petty  points  in  it  that 
appeal  as  \vell  to  prejudice  as  to  conviction.  For  one,  I  do 
not  want  to  impose  citizenship  on  any  gentleman.  If  I  am 
correctly  informed,  and  I  state  it  only  on  rumor,  there  are 
some  gentlemen  in  this  list  who  have  spoken  contemptously 
of  the  idea  of  their  taking  citizenship,  and  have  spoken  still 
more  contemptously  of  the  idea  of  their  applying  for  citizen- 
ship. I  may  state  it  wrongly,  and  if  I  do,  I  am  willing  to 
be  corrected,  but  I  understand  that  Mr.  Robert  Toombs  has, 
on  several  occasions,  at  watering  places  both  in  this  country 
and  in  Europe,  stated  that  he  would  not  ask  the  United 
States  for  citizenship. 

Very  well,  we  can  stand  it  about  as  well  as  Mr.  Robert 
Toombs  can.  And  if  Mr.  Robert  Toombs  is  not  prepared 
to  go  into  a  court  of  the  United  States  and  swear  that  he 
means  to  be  a  good  citizen,  let  him  stay  out*  I  do  not  think 
that  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  should  convert  themselves 
into  a  joint  convention  for  the  purpose  of  embracing  Mr. 
Robert  Toombs  and  gushingly  request  him  to  favor  us  by 
coming  back  to  accept  of  all  the  honors  of  citizenship. 
That  is  the  whole.  All  I  ask  is  that  each  of  these  gentlemen 
shall  show  his  good  faith  by  coming  forward  and  taking  the 
oath  which  you  on  that  side  of  the  House  and  we  on  this 
of  the  House  and  all  of  us  take,  and  gladly  take.  It  is  a 
very  small  exaction  to  make  as  a  preliminary  to  full  restor- 
ation to  all  the  rights  of  citizenship. 

In  my  amendment,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  excepted  Jeffer- 
son Davis  from  its  operation.  Now  I  do  not  place  it  on  the 
ground  that  Mr.  Davis  was,  as  he  has  been  commonly 
called,  the  head  and  front  of  the  rebellion,  because,  on  that 
ground,  I  do  not  think  the  exception  would  be  tenable.  Mr. 
Davis  was  just  as  guilty,  no  more  so,  no  less  so,  than  thou- 
sands of  others  who  have  already  received  the  benefit  and 
grace  of  amnesty.  Probably  he  was  far  less  efficient  as  an 
enemy  of  the  United  States  ;  probably  he  was  far  more  use- 
ful as  a  disturber  of  the  councils  of  the  Confederacy  than 
many  who  have  already  received  amnesty.  It  is  not  because 
of  any  particular  and  special  damage  that  he,  above  others, 
did  to  the  Union,  or  because  he  was  personally  or  especially 


266  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

of  consequence,  that  I  except  him.     But  I  except  him  on 
this  ground :  that  he  was  the  author,  knowingly,  deliberate- . 
ly,    guiltily,    and   willfully,    of  the    gigantic   murders  and 
crimes  at  Andersonville. 

A  MEMBER.     And  Libby. 

MR.  ELAINE.  Libby  pales  into  insignificance  before  An- 
dersonville. I  place  it  on  that  ground,  and  I  believe  to-day, 
that  so  rapidly  does  one  event  follow  on  the  heels  of  another 
in  the  rapid  age  in  which  we  live,  that  even  those  of  us  who 
were  contemporaneous  with  what  was  transpiring  there,  and 
still  less  those  who  have  grown  up  since,  fail  to  remember 
the  gigantic  crime  then  committed. 

Sir,  since  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Ran- 
dal!) introduced  this  bill  last  month,  I  have  taken  occasion 
to  reread  some  of  the  historic  cruelties  of  the  world.  I 
have  read  over  the  details  of  those  atrocious  murders  of  the 
Duke  of  Alva  in  the  Low  Countries,  which  are  always 
mentioned  with  st  thrill  of  horror  throughout  Christendom. 
I  have  read  the  details  of  the  massacre  of  Saint  Bartholo- 
mew, that  stand  out  in  history  as  one  of  those  atrocities  be- 
yond imagination.  I  have  read  anew  the  horrors,  untold 
and  unimaginable,  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition.  And  I  here 
before  God,  measuring  my  words,  knowing  their  full  extent 
and  import,  declare  that  neither  the  deeds  of  the  Duke  of 
Alva,  in  the  Low  Countries,  nor  the  massacre  ot  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, nor  the  thumb-screws  and  engines  of  torture  of 
the  Spanish  Inquisition  begin  to  compare  in  atrocity  with 
the  hideous  crime  of  Andersonville.  [Applause  on  the  floor 
and  in  the  galleries.] 

MR.  ROBBINS,  of  North  Carolina.  That  is  an  infamous 
slander. 

THE  SPEAKER.  If  such  demonstrations  are  repeated  in 
the  galleries,  the  Chair  will  order  them  to  be  cleared. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Thank  God,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  while  this 
Congress  was  under  different  control  from  that  which  exists 
here  to-day, with  a  committee  composed  of  both  sides,  and 
of  both  branches,  that  tale  of  horror  was  placed  where  it 
cannot  be  denied  or  gainsaid. 

I  hold  in  my  hand  the  story  written  out  by  a  Committee 
of  Congress.  I  state  that  Winder,  who  is  dead,  was  sent 
to  Andersonville  with  a  full  knowledge  of  his  previous 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  267 

atrocities  ;  that  these  atrocities  in  Richmond  were  so  fearful, 
so  terrible,  that  Confederate  papers,  the  Richmond  Exam- 
iner for  one,  stated  when  he  was  gone  that,  "Thank  God, 
Richmond  is  rid  of  his  presence."  We  in  the  North  knew 
from  returning  skeletons  what  he  had  accomplished  at  Belle 
Isle  and  Libby,  and  fresh  from  those  accomplishments  he 
WHS  sent  by  Mr.  Davis,  against  the  protests  of  others  in  the 
Confederacy,  to  construct  this  den  of  horrors  at  Anderson- 
ville. 

Now,  of  course  it  would  be  utterly  beyond  the  scope  of 
the  occasion,  and  beyond  the  limits  of  my  hour,  for  me  to 
go  into  details.  But,  in  arraigning  Mr.  Davis,  I  undertake 
here  to  say  that  I  will  not  ask  any  gentleman  to  take  the 
testimony  of  a  single  Union  soldier.  I  ask  them  to  take 
only  the  testimony  of  men  who  themselves  were  engaged 
and  enlisted  in  the  Confederate  cause.  And  if  that  testi- 
mony does  not  entirely  carry  out  and  justify  the  declaration 
I  have  made,  then  1  will  state  that  I  have  been  entirely  in 
error  in  my  reading. 

After  detailing  the  preparation  of  that  prison,  the  ar- 
rangements made  with  hideous  cruelty  for  the  victims,  the 
report  which  I  hold  in  my  hand,  and  which  was  concurred 
in  by  Democratic  members  as  well  as  Republican  members 
of  Congress,  states  this,  and  I  beg  members  to  hear  it,  for 
it  is  far  more  impressive  than  anything  I  can  say.  After, 
I  say,  giving  full  details,  the  report  states  : 

"The  subsequent  history  of  Andersonville  has  startled  and 
shocked  the  world  with  a  tale  of  horror,  of  woe,  and  death 
before  unheard  and  unknown  to  civilization.  No  pen  can 
describe,  no  painter  sketch,  no  imagination  comprehend  its 
fearful  and  unutterable  iniquity.  It  would  seem  as  if  the 
concentrated  madness  of  earth  and  hell  had  found  its  final 
lodgment  in  the  breasts  of  those  who  inaugurated  the  rebel- 
lion and  controlled  the  policy  of  the  Confederate  govern- 
ment, and  that  the  prison  at  Andersouville  had  been  selected 
for  the  most  terrible  human  sacrifice  which  the  world  has 
ever  seen.  Into  its  narrow  walls  were  crowded  thirty-five 
thousand  enlisted  men,  many  of  them  the  bravest  and  best, 
the  most  devoted  and  heroic  of  those  grand  armies  which 
carried  the  flag  of  their  country  to  final  victory.  For  long 
and  weary  months  here  they  sutfered,  maddened,  were  mur- 


268  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

dered,  and  died.  Here  they  lingered,  unsheltered  from  the 
burning  rays  of  a  tropical  sun  by  day,  and  drenching  and 
deadly  dews  by  night,  in  every  stage  of  mental  and  physical 
disease,  hungered,  emaciated,  starving,  maddened ;  fester- 
ing with  unhealed  wounds ;  gnawed  by  the  ravages  of 
scurvy  and  gangrene  ;  with  swollen  limb  and  distorted  vis- 
age ;  covered  with  vermin  which  they  had  no  power  to  ex- 
tirpate ;  exposed  to  the  flooding  rains  which  drove  them 
drowning  from  the  miserable  holes  in  which,  like  swine, 
they  burrowed  ;  parched  with  thirst  and  mad  with  hunger  ; 
racked  with  pain  or  prostrated  with  the  weakness  of  disso- 
lution ;  with  naked  limbs  and  matted  hair ;  filthy  with 
smoke  and  mud ;  soiled  with  the  very  excrement  from 
which  their  weakness  would  not  permit  them  to  escape ; 
eaten  by  the  gnawing  worms  which  their  own  wounds  had 
engendered  ;  with  no  bed  but  the  earth  ;  no  covering  save 
the  cloud  or  the  sky  ;  these  men,  these  heroes,  born  in  the 
image  of  God,  thus  crouching  and  writhing  in  their  terrible 
torture  and  calculating  barbarity,  stand  forth  in  history  as 
a  monument  of  the  surpassing  horrors  of  Andersonville  as 
it  shall  be  seen  and  read  in  all  future  time,  realizing  in  the 
studied  torments  of  their  prison-house  the  ideal  of  Dante's 
Inferno  and  Milton's  heil." 

I  undertake  to  say,  from  reading  the  testimony,  that  that 
is  a  moderate  description.  I  will  read  but  a  single  para- 
graph from  the  testimony  of  Rev.  William  John  Hamilton, 
a  man  I  believe  who  never  was  in  the  North,  a  Catholic 
priest  at  Macon.  He  is  a  Southern  man  and  a  Democrat 
and  a  Catholic  priest.  And  when  you  unite  those  three 
qualities  in  one  man  you  will  not  find  much  testimony  that 
would  be  strained  in  favor  of  the  Republican  party. 

This  man  had  gone  to  Andersonville  on  a  mission  of 
mercy  to  the  men  of  his  own  faith,  to  administer  to  them 
the  rites  of  his  church  in  their  last  moments.  That  is  why 
he  happened  to  be  a  witness.  I  will  read  his  answer  under 
oath  to  a  question  addressed  to  him  in  regard  to  the  bodily 
condition  of  the  prisoners.  He  said  :  ' 

"Well,  as  I  said  before,  when  I  went  there  I  was  kept  so 
busily  engaged  in  giving  the  sacrament'  to  the  dying  men 
that  I  could  not  observe  much ;  but  of  course  I  could  not 
keep  my  eyes  closed  as  to  what  I  saw  there.  I  saw  a  great 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  269 

many  men  perfectly  naked  ;  their  clothes  had  been  taken 
from  them,  as  other  testimony  shows,  walking  about  the 
stockade  perfectly  nude  ;  they  seemed  to  have  lost  all  regard 
for  delicacy,  shame,  morality,  or  anything  else.  I  would 
frequently  have  to  creep  on  my  hands  and  knees  into  the 
holes  that  the  men  had  burrowed  in  the  ground,  and  stretch 
myself  out  alongside  of  them  to  hear  their  confessions.  I 
found  them  almost  living  in  vermin  in  those  holes  ;  they 
could  not  be  in  any  other  condition  than  a  filthy  one,  be- 
cause they  got  no  soap  and  no  change  of  clothing,  and  Avere 
there  all  huddled  up  togeflier." 

Let  me  read  further  from  the  same  witness  another  speci- 
men : 

"•The  first  person  I  conversed  with  on  entering  the  stock- 
ade was  a  countryman  of  mine,  a  member  of  the  Catholic 
church,  who  recognized  me  as  a  clergyman.  I  think  his 
name  was  Farrell.  He  was  from  the  north  of  Ireland.  He 
came  toward  me  and  introduced  himself.  He  was  quite  a 
boy  ;  I  do  not  think,  judging  from  his  appearance,  that  he 
could  have  been  more  than  sixteen  years  old.  I  found  him 
without  a  hat  and  without  any  covering  on  his  feet,  and 
without  jacket  or  coat.  He  told  me  that  his  shoes  had  been 
taken  from  him  on  the  battle-field.  I  found  the  boy  suffer- 
ing very  much  from  a  wound  on  his  right  foot ;  in  fact  the 
foot  was  split  open  like  an  oyster ;  and  on  inquiring  the 
cause,  they  told  me  it  was  from  exposure  to  the  sun  in  the 
stockade,  and  not  from  any  Wound  received  in  battle.  I 
took  off'  my  boots  and  gave  him  a  pair  of  socks  to  cover 
his  feet,  and  told  him  I  would  bring  him  some  clothing,  as  I 
expected  to  return  to  Andersonville  the  following  week.  I 
had  to  return  to  Macon  to  get  another  priest  to  take  my  place 
on  Sunday.  When  I  returned  on  the  following  week,  on 
inquiring  for  this  man  Farrell,  his  companions  told  me  he 
had  stepped  across  the  dead  line  and  requested  the  guards 
to  shoot  him.  He  was  not  insane  at  the  time  I  was  con- 
versing with  him." 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  do  not  desire  to  go  into  such  hor- 
rible details  as  these  for  any  purpose  of  arousing  bad  feel- 
ing. I  wish  only  to  say  that  the  man  who  administered  the 
affairs  of  that  prison  went  there  by  order  of  Mr.  Davis, 
was  sustained  by  him  ;  and  this  William  John  Hamilton, 


270  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

from  whose  testimony  I  have  read,  states  here  that  he  went 
to  General  Howell  Cobb,  commanding  that  department,  and 
asked  that  intelligence  as  to  the  condition  of  affairs  there 
be  transmitted  to  the  Confederate  government  at  Richmond. 
For  the  matter  of  that,  there  are  a  great  many  proofs  to 
show  that  Mr.  Davis  was  thoroughly  informed  as  to  the 
condition  of  affairs  at  Andersonville. 

One  word  more,  and  I  shall  lay  aside  this  book.  "When 
the  march  of  General  Sherman,  or  some  other  invasion  of 
that  portion  of  the  country,  was  under  way,  there  was 
danger,  or  supposed  danger,  that  it  might  come  into  the 
neighborhood  of  Andersonville  ;  and  the  following  order — 
to  which  I  invite  the  attention  of  the  House — a  regular 
military  order — Order  No.  13,  dated,  "headquarters  Confed- 
erate States  military  prison,  Andersonville,  July  27,  1864, 
was  issued  by  Brigadier-General  John  H.  Winder : 

"The  officers  on  duty  and  in  charge  of  the  battery  of 
Florida  artillery  at  the  time,  will,  upon  receiving  notice 
that  the  enemy  have  approached  within  seven  miles  of  this 

post,     OPEN     FIRE    UPON    THE    STOCKADE    WITH    GRAPE-SHOT 

without  reference  to  the  situation  beyond  these  lines  of  de- 
fense." 

Now,  here  were  these  35, 000  poor,  helpless,  naked,  starv- 
ing, sickened,  dying  men.  This  Catholic  priest  states  that 
he  begged  Mr.  Cobb  to  represent  that  if  they  could  not 
exchange  those  men,  or  could  not  relieve  them  in  any  other 
way,  they  should  be  taken  to  the  Union  lines  in  Florida 
and  paroled  ;  for  they  were  shadows,  they  were  skeletons. 
Yet  it  was  declared  by  a  regular  order  of  Mr.  Davis'  officer 
that  if  the  Union  forces  should  come  within  seven  miles  the 
battery  of  Florida  artillery  should  open  fire  with  grape-shot 
on  these  poor,  helpless  men,  Avithout  the  slightest  possible 
regard  to  what  was  going  on  outside. 

Now  I  do  not  arraign  the  Southern  people  for  this.  God 
forbid  that  I  should  charge  any  people  with  sympathizing 
with  such  things.  There  were  many  evidences  of  great  un- 
easiness among  the  Southern  people  about  it ;  and  one  of 
the  great  crimes  of  Jefferson  Davis  was  that  besides  conniv- 
ing at  and  producing  that  condition  of  things,  he  concealed 
it  from  the  Southern  people.  He  labored  not  only  to  conceal 


OF   JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  271 

it,  but  to  make  false  statements  about  it.  We  have  obtained, 
and  have  now  in  the  Congressional  library,  a  complete  series 
of  Mr.  Davis'  messages — the  official  imprint  from  Richmond. 
I  have  looked  over  them,  and  I  have  here  an  extract  from 
his  message  of  November  7,  1864,  at  the  very  time  that 
these  horrors  were  at  their  acme.  Mark  you,  when  these 
horrors  of  which  I  have  read  specimens  were  at  their  ex- 
tremest  verge  of  desperation,  Mr.  Davis  sends  a  message 
to  the  Confederate  Congress  at  Richmond,  in  which  he 
says : 

"The  solicitude  of  the  Government  for  the  relief  of  our 
captive  fellow-citizens  has  known  no  abatement,  but  has  on 
the  contrary  been  still  more  deeply  evoked  by  the  additional 
sufferings  to  which  they  have  been  wantonly  subjected  by 
deprivation  of  adequate  food,  clothing,  and  fuel,  which  they 
were  not  even  permitted  to  purchase  from  the  prison  sutler." 

And  he  adds  that  the 

"Enemy  attempted  to  excuse  their  barbarous  treatment 
by  the  unfounded  allegation  that  it  was  retaliatory  for  like 
conduct  on  our  part." 

Now  I  undertake  here  to  say  that  there  is  not  a  Confed- 
erate soldier  now  living,  who  has  any  credit  as  a  man  in  his 
community,  and  who  ever  was  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of 
the  Union  forces,  who  will  say  that  he  ever  was  cruelly 
treated  ;  that  he  ever  was  deprived  of  the  same  rations  that 
the  Union  soldiers  had — the  same  food  and  the  same 
clothing. 

MR.  COOK.  Thousands  of  them  say  it — thousands  of 
them  ;  men  of  as  high  character  as  any  in  this  House. 

MR.  ELAINE.  I  take  issue  upon  that.  There  is  not  one 
who  can  substantiate  it — not  one.  As  for  measures  of 
retaliation,  although  goaded  by  this  terrific  treatment  of  our 
friends  imprisoned  by  Mr.  Davis,  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  specifically  refused  to  pass  a  resolution  of  retaliation, 
as  contrary  to  modern  civilization  and  the  first  precepts  of 
Christianity.  And  there  was  no  retaliation  attempted  or 
justified.  It  was  refused ;  and  Mr.  Davis  knew  it  was 
refused  just  as  well  as  I  knew  it  or  any  other  man,  because 
what  took  place  in  Washington  or  what  took  place  in  Rich- 


272  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

mond  was  known  on  either  side  of  the  line  within  a  day  or 
two  thereafter. 

Mr.  Speaker,  this  is  not  a  proposition  to  punish  Jefferson 
Davis.  There  is  nobody  attempting  that.  I  will  very 
frankly  say  that  I  myself  thought  the  indictment  of  Mr. 
Davis  at  Richmond,  under  the  administration  of  Mr.  John- 
son, was  a  weak  attempt,  for  he  was  indicted  only  for  that 
of  which  he  was  guilty  in  common  with  all  others  who  went 
into  the  Confederate  movement.  Therefore,  there  was  no 
particular  reason  for  it.  But  I  will  undertake  to  say  this, 
and  as  it  may  be  considered  an  extreme  speech,  I  want  to 
say  it  with  great  deliberation,  that  there  is  not  a  govern- 
ment, a  civilized  government,  on  the  face  of  the  globe — I 
am  very  sure  there  is  not  a  European  government — that 
would  not  have  arrested  Mr.  Davis,  and  when  they  had  him 
in  their  power  would  not  have  tried  him  for  maltreatment 
of  the  prisoners  of  war  and  shot  him  within  thirty  days. 
France,  Russia,  England,  Germany,  Austria,  any  one  of 
them  would  have  done  it.  The  poor  victim  Wirz  deserved 
his  death  for  brutal  treatment,  and  murder  of  many  victims, 
but  I  always  thought  it  was  a  weak  movement  on  the  part 
of  our  government  to  allow  Jefferson  Davis  to  go  at  large, 
and  hang  Wirz.  I  confess  I  do.  Wirz  was  nothing  in  the 
world  but  a  mere  subordinate,  a  tool,  and  there  was  no 
special  reason  for  singling  him  out  for  death.  I  do  not  say 
he  did  not  deserve  it — he  did,  richly,  amply,  fully.  He  de- 
served no  mercy,  but  at  the  same  time,  as  I  have  often  said, 
it  seemed  like  skipping  over  the  president,  superintendent, 
and  board  of  directors  in  the  case  of  a  great  railroad  acci- 
dent, and  hanging  the  brakeman  of  the  rear  car.  [Laughter.] 

There  is  no  proposition  here  to  punish  Jefferson  Davis. 
Nobody  is  seeking  to  do  it.  That  time  has  gone  by.  The 
statute  of  limitation,  common  feelings  of  humanity,  will 
supervene  for  his  benefit.  But  what  you  ask  us  to  do  is  to 
declare  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  both  branches  of  Con- 
gress, that  we  consider  Mr.  Davis  worthy  to  till  the  highest 
offices  in  the  United  States  if  he  can  get  a  constituency  to 
indorse  him.  He  is  a  voter  ;  he  can  buy  and  he  can  sell ; 
he  can  go  and  he  can  come.  He  is  as  free  as  any  man  in 
the  United  States.  There  is  a  large  list  of  subordinate  offi- 
ces to  which  he  is  eligible.  This  bill  proposes,  in  view  of 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  273 

thai  record,  that  Mr.  Davis,  1>y  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the 
Senate  and  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  House,  be  declared  eli- 
gible and  worthy  to  fill  any  office  up  to  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States.  For  one,  upon  full  deliberation,  I  will 
not  do  it. 

One  word  more,  Mr.  Speaker,  in  the  way  of  detail,  which 
I  omitted.  It  has  often  been  said  in  mitigation  of  Jefferson 
Davis  in  the  Andersonville  matter  that  the  men  who  died 
there  in  such  large  numbers  (I  think  the  victims  were  about 
fifteen  thousand)  fell  prey  to  an  epidemic,  and  died  of  a 
disease  which  could  not  be  averted.  The  record  shows  that 
out  of  35,000  men  about  33  per  cent,  died,  that  is,  one  in 
three,  while  of  the  soldiers  encamped  near  by  to  take  care 
and  guard  them,  only  one  men  in  four  hundred  died ;  that 
is,  within  half  a  mile  only  one  in  four  hundred  died. 

As  to  the  general  question  of  amnesty,  Mr.  Speaker,  as  I 
have  already  said,  it  is  too  late  to  debate  it.  It  has  gone 
by.  Whether  it  has  in  all  respects  been  wise,  or  whether 
it  has  been  unwise,  I  would  not  detain  the  House  here  to 
discuss.  Even  if  I  had  a  strong  conviction  upon  that  ques- 
tion, I  do  not  know  that  it  would  be  productive  of  any  great 
good  to  enunciate  it ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  it  is  a  very 
singular  spectacle  that  the  Republican  party,  in  possession 
of  the  entire  Government,  have  deliberately  called  back  in- 
to political  power  the  leading  men  of  the  South,  every  one 
of  whom  turns  up  its  bitter  and  relentless  and  malignant 
foe  ;  and  to-day  from  the  Potomac  to  the  Rio  Grande,  the 
very  men  who  have  received  this  amnesty  are  as  busy  as 
they  can  be  in  consolidating  into  one  compact  political  or- 
ganization the  old  slave  States  just  as  they  were  before  the 
war.  We  see  the  banner  held  out  blazoned  again  with  the 
inscription  that  with  the  united  South  and  a  very  few  votes 
from  the  North  this  country  can  be  governed.  I  want  the 
people  to  understand  that  is  precisely  the  movement ; 
that  that  is  the  animus  and  the  intent.  I  do  not  think 
offering  amnesty  to  the  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men 
who  are  now  without  it  will  hasten  or  retard  that  move- 
ment. I  do  not  think  the  granting  of  amnesty  to  Mr. 
Davis  will  hasten  or  retard  it,  or  that  refusing  it  will  do 
either. 

I  hear  it  said,  "We  will  lift  Mr.  Davis  again  into  great 


274  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

consequence  by  refusing  amnesty."  That  is  not  for  me  to 
consider  ;  I  only  see  before  me,  when  his  name  is  presented, 
a  man  who  by  the  wink  of  his  eye,  by  a  wave  of  his  hand, 
by  a  nod  of  his  head,  could  have  stopped  the  atrocity  at 
Andersonville. 

Some  of  us  had  kinsmen  there,  most  of  us  had  friends 
there,  all  of  ushad  countrymen  there,  and  in  the  name  of 
those  kinsmen,  friends,  and  countrymen,!  here  protest,  and 
shall  with  my  vote  protest,  against  their  calling  back  and 
crowning  with  the  honors  of  full  American  citizenship  the 
man  who  organized  that  murder. 

Three  days  later,  after  Garfield  had  taken  his  celebrated 
part  in  the  dispute,  Elaine  spoke  again  on  the  same  topic  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  :  Before  proceeding  with  the  remarks  which 
I  shall  address  to  the  questions  before  the  House,  I  desire 
to  say  that  in  the  discussion  on  the  point  of  order  that  was 
raised  just  prior  to  the  adjournment  last  evening,  I  did  not 
intend  to  be  understood  and  hope  no  gentleman  understood 
me  as  implying  that  the  honorable  Speaker  intended  in  any 
way  to  deprive  me  of  the  right  to  speak.  I  did  not  so  un- 
derstand the  Speaker,  nor  did  I  understand  it  to  be  the  mo- 
tive or  object  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr. 
Randall).  I  say  this  much  in  justice  to  myself  and  in 
justice  to  the  honorable  incumbent  of  the  chair. 

From  the  tone  of  the  debate  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
Chamber,  Mr.  Speaker,  one  would  certainly  imagine  that 
the  Republican  party,  as  represented  in  Congress,  was  try- 
ing to  inflict  some  new  punishment  or  add  some  fresh  stig- 
ma to  the  name  of  Jefferson  Davis,  as  well  indeed  as  to  lay 
some  additional  burden  on  those  other  citizens  of  the  South 
who  are  not  yet  fully  amnested.  It  may  therefore  not  be 
unprofitable  just  to  recall  to  the  attention  of  the  House  the 
precise  question  at  issue,  and  how  it  came  here,  and  who  it 
was  that  brought  it  here. 

The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  introduced  a  bill  to 
confer  special  honor  on  Jefferson  Davis ;  for  what  honor 
can  be  higher  than  the  full  panoplied  citizenship  of  the 
United  States  of  America?  He  has  lost  it  by  his  crimes, 
and  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  proposes,  in  hot  haste, 
without  debate,  without  amendment,  to  drag  every  gentle- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  275 

man  up  to  say  "Aye"  or  "No"  upon  a  bill  declaring  him 
to  be  entitled  now  and  henceforth  to  all  the  rights  and  all 
the  honors  of  American  citizenship.  From  that  we  dis- 
sent. We  did  not  bring  the  question  here.  We  are  not 
seeking  to  throw  any  fresh  element  of  an  inflammatory  kind 
into  any  discussion  or  difference  that  may  be  between  two 
parties  or  two  sections,  and  whatever  of  that  kind  has  grown 
from  this  discussion  lies  at  the  door  of  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  and  those  .who  stand  with  him. 

Remember,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  no  proposition  to  punish, 
but  a  proposition  to  honor ;  and  while  we  disclaim  any  in- 
tention or  desire  to  punish  Jefferson  Davis,  we  resist  the 
proposition  to  honor  him.  And  right  here,  as  a  preliminary 
matter,  I  desire  to  address  myself  for  a  moment  to  the  con- 
stitutional point  suggested  by  the  honorable  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts  (Mr.  Seelye),  who  addressed  the  House  last 
evening.  He  sees  and  appreciates  the  magnitude  of  the 
crime  laid  at  the  door  of  Jefferson  Davis,  and  he  clearly 
pointed  out  that  neither  the  gentleman  from  New  York  nor 
the  gentleman  from  Georgia  had  palliated  or  dared  to  palli- 
ate the  crimes  with  which  I  charged  him.  But  he  is  both- 
ered by  the  scruple  that  because  we  are  permitted  to  punish 
for  participancy  in  insurrection  or  rebellion,  we  cannot  make 
any  discrimination  or  distinction.  Why,  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman must  have  forgotten  that  this  is  precisely  what  we 
have  been  doing  ever  since  the  disability  was  imposed.  We 
first  removed  the  disabilities  from  the  least  offensive  class  ; 
then  in  the  next  list  we  removed  those  next  in  order  of 
guilty  participancy,  and  so  on,  until  in  1872  we  removed 
the  disability  from  all,  except  the  army  and  navy  officers, 
members  of  Congress,  and  heads  of  departments.  Why, 
Sir,  are  we  not  as  much  justified  to-day  in  excepting  Jeffer- 
son Davis  as  we  were  in  1872  in  excepting  the  seven  hun- 
dred and  fifty  of  whom  he  constitutes  one?  Therefore,  I 
beg  to  say  to  my  honorable  friend,  whose  co-operation  I 
crave,  that  that  point  is  res  adjudicata  by  a  hundred  acts 
upon  the  statute-book.  We  are  entirely  competent  to  do  just 
what  is  proposed  in  my  amendment. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  on  the  question  of  the  treatment  of 
our  prisoners,  and  on  the  great  question  as  to  who  was  to 
blame  for  breaking  exchange,  the  speech  of  the  honorable 


276  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Garfield)  has  left  me  literally 
nothing  to  say.  He  exhausted  the  subject.  His  speech 
was  unanswerable,  and  I  undertake  to  say  that  as  yet 
no  gentleman  has  answered  one  fact  that  he  alleged — no 
gentleman  in  this  House  can  answer  one  fact  presented  by 
him.  I  shall  not,  therefore,  at  any  length  dwell  upon  that. 
But  in  connection  with  one  point  in  history  there  is  some- 
thing Avhich  I  should  feel  it  my  duty,  not  merely  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Republican  party  which  upheld  the  administra- 
tion that  conducted  the  war,  but  as  a  citizen  of  the  Ameri- 
can Union,  to  resist  and  resent,  and  that  is,  the  allegations 
that  were  made  in  regard  to  the  manner  in  which  Confed- 
erate prisoners  were  treated  in  the  prisons  of  the  Union. 
The  gentleman'  from  Georgia  says  : 

"I  have  also  proved  that  with  all  the  horrors  you  have 
made  such  a  noise  about  as  occurring  at  Andersonville, 
greater  horrors  occurred  in  the  prisons  where  our  troops 
were  held." 

And  I  could  not  but  admire  the  "our"  and  the  "your" 
with  which  the  gentleman  conducted  the  whole  discussion. 
It  ill  comported  with  his  later  profession  of  Unionism.  It 
was  certainly  flinging  the  shadow  of  a  dead  Confederacy  a 
long  way  over  the  dial  of  the  National  House  of  Represen- 
tatives ;  and  I  think  the  gentleman  from  New  York  fell  into 
a  little  of  the  same  line.  Of  that  I  shall  speak  again.  The 
gentleman  from  Georgia  goes  on  to  say  that : 

"The  atrocities  of  Andersonville  do  not  begin  to  compare 
with  the  atrocities  of  Elmira,  of  Camp  Douglas,  of  Fort 
Delaware  ;  and  of  all  the  atrocities  both  of  Andersonville 
and  at  Elmira  the  Confederate  authorities  stand  acquitted." 

MR.  HILL.  I  certainly  said  no  such  thing.  I  stated  dis- 
tinctly that  I  brought  no  charge  of  crime  against  anybody. 
But  I  also  stated  distinctly  that  according  to  the  gentleman's 
logic  that  result  followed. 

MR.  ELAINE.     But  that  is  not  the  reported  speech  at  all. 

Mu.  HILL.  I  stated  distinctly  that  I  was  following  the 
gentleman's  logic. 

MR.  ELAINE.  I  am  quoting  the  gentleman's  speech  as  he 
delivered  it.  I  quote  it  as  it  appeared  in  the  Daily  Chroni- 
cle and  the  Associated  Press  report.  I  do  not  pretend  to  be 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  277 

bound  by  the  version  which  may  appear  hereafter,  because 
I  observe  that  the  gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  Cox) 
spoke  one  speecli  and  published  another  [great  laughter], 
and  I  suppose  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  will  do  the  same. 
I  admit  that  the  gentleman  has  a  difficult  role  to  play,  lie 
has  to  harmonize  himself  Avith  the  great  Northern  Democ- 
racy and  keep  himself  in  high  line  as  a  Democratic  candi- 
date for  Senator  from  Georgia ;  and  it  is  a  very  difficult 
thing  to  reconcile  the  two.  [Laughter.]  The  "barn-burn- 
er Democrats"  in  1853  tried  very  hard  to  adhere  to  their 
anti-slavery  principles  in  New  York  and  still  support  the 
Fierce  administration  ;  and  Mr.  Greeley,  with  that  inimita- 
ble humor  which  he  possessed,  said  that  they  found  it  a  very 
hard  road  to  straddle,  like  a  militia  general  on  parade  on 
Broadway,  who  finds  it  an  almost  impossible  task  to  follow 
the  music  and  dodge  the  omnibuses.  [Laughter.]  And  that 
is  what  the  gentleman  does.  The  gentleman  tries  to  keep 
step  to  the  music  of  the  Union  and  dodge  his  fire-eating  con- 
stituency in  Georgia.  [Great  laughter.] 
Then  here  is  another  quotation  : 

"We  know  our  prisoners  suffered  in  Federal  hands,  and 
we  know  how  if  we  chose  to  tell.  Thousands  of  our  poor 
men  came  home  from  Fort  Delaware  and  other  places  with 
their  fingers  frozen  off',  with  their  toes  frozen  off,  with  their 
teeth  fallen  out." 

MR.  HILL.  The  gentleman  will  allow  me  to  answer.  I 
said  that  those  things  were  necessary  incidents  of  the  hor- 
rors of  all  prisons. 

MR.  BLAINE.  But  the  gentleman  states  that  that  was  a  fact ! 
I  do  not  understand  him  to  back  down  from  that  assertion? 

MR.  HILL.     No,  sir.     I  saw  it  with  my  own  eyes. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Now,  the  gentleman  from  the  Elmira  dis- 
trict (Mr.  Walker),  and  I  honor  him  for  it,  was  not  held  in 
leash  as  his  colleague  from  New  York  (Mr.  Cox)  was  by 
party  fidelity  and  Southern  sympathy,  and  came  out  like  a 
man  and  vindicated  his  constituents.  The  gentleman  from 
Georgia  makes  this  charge  of  ill  treatment  of  Confederate 
prisoners  at  Camp  Douglas. 

*  *  *  #  * 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  desire  to  call  attention  to  the  remarks 


278  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

of  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  who,  as  I  said,  delivered 
one  speech  and  published  another. 

MR.  Cox.  I  did  not  change  anything  in  my  speech  or  in 
my  colloquy  with  you. 

MR.  BLAIXE.  The  gentleman  will  have  time  to  answer. 
I  say  the  gentleman  from  Xew  York  delivered  one  speech 
and  printed  another. 

MR.  Cox.  Go  on  with  your  talk  ;  you  are  getting  used 
up  on  this  side.  [Laughter.] 

Mu.  BLAINE.  The  gentleman  from  New  York  stated  that 
"he  had  it  on  the  authority  of  sixty  and  odd  gentlemen  here, 
many  of  them  having  been  in  the  service  of  the  Confederacy 
during  the  war,  that  no  order  was  issued  at  any  time  in  the 
South  relative  to  prisoners  who  were  taken  by  the  South  as 
to  rations  or  clothing  that  did  not  apply  equally  to  their  own 
soldiers,  and  that  any  exparte  statements  taken  by  that  hum- 
bug committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  could  not  contro- 
vert the  facts  of  history."  The  gentleman  therefore  stands 
up  here  as  denying  the  atrocities  of  Andersonville.  He 
seconds  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  and  gives  the  weight 
of  whatever  may  be  attached  to  his  word  to  denying  that 
fact.  Now,  the  gentleman  himself  did  not  always  talk  so. 
I  have  here  a  debate  that  occurred  on  the  21st  of  Decem- 
ber, 1864,  in  which,  while  the  proposition  was  pending  in 
the  House  for  retaliation,  the  gentleman,  then  from  Ohio, 
said : 

"This  resolution  provides  for  inflicting  upon  the  rebel 
prisoners  who  may  be  in  our  hands  the  same  inhuman,  bar- 
barous, horrible  treatment  which  has  been  inflicted  upon  our 
soldiers  held  as  prisoners  by  the  rebels.  Now,  Mr.  Speak- 
er," continued  the  enraged  gentleman  at  that  time,  "it  does 
not  follow  that  because  the  rebels  have  made  brutes  and 
fiends  of  themselves  that  we  should  do  likewise." 

MR.  Cox.     That  is  good  sense. 

MR.  BLAINE.  "There  is,"  he  says,  "a  certain  law  of 
retaliation  in  war,  I  know ;  but,"  continued  the  gentleman, 
"no  man  will  stand  up  here  and  say,  after  due  deliberation, 
that  he  would  reduce  these  prisoaers  thrust  into  our  hands 
into  the  same  condition  exhibited  by  these  skeletons,  these 
pictures,  these  anatomies  brought  to  our  attention  and  laid 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  279 

upon  the  desks  of  members  of  Congress."  Then  the  gentle- 
man says  :  "It  does  not  follow  because  our  prisoners  are 
treated  in  the  way  represented,  and  no  doubt  truthfully 
represented."  That  is  what  the  gentleman  said  in  1864  ; 
but  when  a  solemn  committee  of  Congress,  made  up  of  hon- 
orable gentlemen  of 'both  sides  of  the  House,  bring  in  exact- 
ly the  statements  which  verify  all  this,  then  the  gentleman 
states  "that  the  authority  was  a  humbug  committee." 

MR.  Cox  rose. 

MR.  ELAINE.     Wait,  you  will  have  plenty  of  time. 

MR.  Cox.     I  did  not  get  up  to  interrupt  the  gentleman. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Now  the  gentleman  takes  his  side  among 
the  great  defenders  of  Andersonville,  and  states  there  has 
been  nothing  made  out  against  Andersonville  except  upon 
ex  parte  statements. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  while  I  do  not  wish  to  be  interrupted, 
I  would  like  by  a  nod,  if  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  (Mr. 
Hill)  will  be  good  enough  to  tell  me — for  he  is  a  well- 
practiced  lawyer  and  I  am  not  one  at  all ;  and  when  wit- 
nesses are  in  doubt  they  are  allowed  time  to  reflect  and 
refresh  their  memory — I  ask  him  to  tell  me  after  reflection 
whether  he  recollects  having  introduced  this  resolution  into 
the  Confederate  Senate. 

MR.  HILL.     Which? 

MR.  BLAINE.     The  following  : 

Senator  Hill,  of  Georgia,  introduced  the  following  reso- 
lution in  the  Confederate  Congress  in  October,  1862 : 
"That  every  person  pretending  to  be  a  soldier  or  officer  of 
the  United  States,  who  shall  be  captured  on  the  soil  of  the 
Confederate  States  after  the  first  day  of  January,  1863, 
shall  be  presumed  to  have  entered  the  territory  of  the  Con- 
federate States  with  intent  to  incite  insurrection  and  to  abet 
murder ;  and  unless  satisfactory  proof  be  adduced  to  the 
contrary  before  the  military  court  before  which  the  trial 
shall  be  had,  he  shall  suffer  death.  And  this  section  shall 
continue  in  force  until  the  proclamation  issued  by  Abraham 
Lincoln,  dated  Washington,  September  22,  1862,  shall  be 
rescinded." 

Did  the  gentleman  introduce  that  resolution? 

MR.  HILL.     Do  you  want  an  answer? 

MR.  BLAINE.     Yes. 


280  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

MR.  HILL.  I  will  say  this  :  I  state  precisely  and  frankly, 
as  I  stated  to  the  gentleman  day  before  yesterday,  that  I  do 
not  recollect  being  the  author  of  that  resolution.  I  have  no 
doubt  the'resolution  was  introduced,  and  I  will  state  this  : 
that  at  the  time  there  was  a  belief  in  the  Confederacy — 

MR.  ELAINE.  I  did  not  yield  for  a  speech  I  only  wanted 
to  know  that.  *  *  *  * 

Mr.  Speaker,  what  does  this  mean  ?  What  did  the  gen- 
tleman from  Georgia  mean  when,  from  the  committee  on 
judiciary,  he  introduced  the  following  : 

2.  "Every  white  person  who  shall  act  as  a  commissioned 
or  non-commissioned  officer,  commanding  negroes  or  mulat- 
toes  against  the  Confederate  States,  or  who  shall  arm,  or- 
ganize, train,  or  prepare  negroes  or  mulattoes  for  military 
service,  or  aid  them  in  any  military  enterprise  against  the 
Confederate  States  shall,  if  captured,  suffer  death." 

3.  "Every  commissioned  or  non-commissioned  officer 
of  the  enemy  who  shall  incite  slaves  to  rebellion,  or  pretend 
to  give  them  freedom,  under  the  aforementioned  act  of  Con- 
gress, and  proclamation,  by  abducting  or  causing  them  to 
be  abducted,  or  inducing  them  to  abscond,  shall,  if  captured, 
suffer  death." 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  searched  somewhat,  but  in 
vain,  for  anything  in  the  world  that  rivals  this.  I  did  find, 
and  have  here  in  my  minutes,  the  proclamation  of  Vahne- 
seda,  the  Captain-General  of  Cuba,  who  was  recalled  by 
Spain  because  of  his  atrocious  cruelties  to  the  inhabitants  of 
that  island  ;  and  the  worst  tiling  in  all  the  atrocities  laid  to 
his  charge  was  that  he  proclaimed  "that  every  man  or  boy, 
over  fifteen  years,  found  away  from  his  house,  not  being 
able  to  give  a  satisfactory  reason  therefor,  should  suffer 
death."  He  copied  it  from  the  resolution  of  the  gentleman 
from  Georgia. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  copy  of  the  At- 
lanta Constitution,  printed  on  the  24th  of  January,  1875. 
We  are  told  that  all  these  allegations  against  Jefferson  Davis 
should  be  forgiven,  because  they  are  all  of  the  dead  past. 

We  are  told  that  we  should  not  revive  them,  that  there 
should  be  nothing  in  the  world  brought  up  in  any  way  to 
disturb  the  beautiful  serenity  of  the  centennial  year,  and 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  283 

that  to  make  any  allusion  to  them  whatever  is  to  do  an  un- 
welcome and  unpatriotic  act.  The  very  last  declaration  we 
have  from  Jefferson  Davis  authentically,  in  the  life  which 
the  gentleman  from  Georgia  held  the  other  day  as  a  text 
book,  reads  thus : 

"Time  will  show,  however,  the  amount  of  truth  in  the 
prophecy  of  Jefferson  Davis — " 

Says  the  biographer,  made  in  reply  to  the  remark  that 
the  cause  of  the  Confederacy  was  lost.  Mr.  Davis  said  : 

"It  appears  so,  but  the  principle  for  which  we  contended 
is  bound  to  reassert  itself,  though  it  may  be  at  another  time 
and  in  another  form." 

Now,  I  have  here,  of  the  date  of  January  24th,  1875,  a 
speech  by  Hon.  B.  H.  Hill,  in  the  Atlanta  Constitution, 
and  it  is  said  to  have  been  the  "grandest  speech"  he  ever 
delivered. 

MR.  HILL.     Oh,  that  is  a  mistake. 

MR.  BLAIXE.  The  gentleman  says  it  is  a  mistake.  I 
know  he  has  delivered  some  very  grand  speeches,  but  the 
editor  characterizes  this  as  the  grandest  of  them  all.  I  quote 
from  him : 

"Fellow-citizens,  I  look  to  the  contest  of  1876  not  only 
as  the  most  important  that  ever  occurred  in  American 
history,  but  as  the  most  important  in  the  history  of  the 
world  ;  for  if  the  people  of  the  country  cannot  be  aroused 
to  give  an  overwhelming  vote  against  this  Republican  party 
it  will  perpetuate  itself  in  power  in  the  United  States  by 
precisely  the  same  means  that  the  President  has  taken  in 
Louisiana,  and  the  people  will  be  powerless  to  prevent  it, 
except  they  go  to  war.  [Applause.]  If  we  fail  with  the 
ballot-box  in  187G,  by  reason  of  force,  a  startling  question 
will  present  itself  to  the  American  people.  I  trust  we  will 
not  fail.  I  hope  the  Northern  people  have  had  a  sufficient 
subsidence  of  passion  to  see  this  question  fairly." 

Then  the  gentleman  goes  on  to  say — 
"If  we  must  have  war — " 
why  his  voice  is  always  for  war. 


284  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

MR.  HILL.     Never,  never! 

MR.  BLAIXE.     The  gentleman  says  : 

"If  we  must  have  war  ;  if  we  cannot  preserve  this  Con- 
stitution and  constitutional  government  by  the  ballot ;  if 
force  is  to  defeat  the  ballot ;  if  the  Avar  must  come — God 
forbid  that  it  should  come — but  if  it  must  come  ;  if  folly,  if 
wickedness,  if  inordinate  love  of  power  shall  decree  that 
America  must  save  her  Constitution  by  blood,  let  it  come  ; 
I  am  ready."  [Laughter.] 

MR.  HILL.     "Will  the  gentleman  allow  me  one  word? 

MR.  BLAINE.  Not  now.  There  will  be  plenty  of  time. 
And  then  the  gentleman  said  in  another  speech,  May  12  : 

"He  impressed  upon  the  colored  men  of  the  country  the 
truth  that,  if  the  folly  and  wickedness  were  consummated 
in  war,  they  would  be  the  greatest  sufferers.  If  peace  was 
preserved  they  were  safe,  but  as  sure  as  one  war  had  freed 
them,  just  as  sure  another  Avar  Avould  re-enslave  them." 

NOAV  that  was  precisely  the  kind  of  talk  AVC  had  here  by 
folios  and  reams  before  the  rebellion.  Oh,  yes  ;  you  Avere 
for  Avar  then.  The  gentleman  in  his  speech  says  that  the 
Union  now  is  an  unmixed  blessing,  providing  the  Demo- 
cratic party  can  rule  it ;  but  that  if  the  Republican  party 
must  rule  it,  he  is  for  war.  Why,  that  is  just  Avhat  Jefferson 
Davis  said  in  1861. 

I  have  here  very  much  more  of  the  same  kind.  I  have 
been  supplied  with  very  abundant  literature  emanating 
from  the  gentleman,  more,  indeed,  than  I  have  had  time 
to  read.  He  seems  to  have  been  as  voluminous  as  the 
Spanish  Chroniclers.  In  one  speech  he  says  : 

"I  must  say  a  Avord  about  this  list  of  disabilities  removed. 
I  would  rather  see  my  name  recorded  in  the  Georgia  peni- 
tentiary than  to  find  it  on  the  list  of  removal  of  disabilities. 
"Why,  my  friends,  do  you  not  knoAv  that  when  you  go  to 
that  Congress  and  ask  for  a  removal  of  disabilities  you 
admit  that  you  are  a  traitor?" 

MR.  HILL.     "What  do  you  read  from? 

MR.  BLAINE.  From  a  report  in  the  Cincinnati  Gazette, 
giving  an  account  of  a  great  meeting  in  1868,  at  which 
HoAvell  Cobb,  Robert  Toombs,  and  the  Hon.  B.  H.  Hill 
made  speeches.  And  there  the  gentleman  declared  that  he 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  285 

would  rather  have  his  name  on  the  list  of  the  Georgia  peni- 
tentiary than  on  the  list  of  the  removals  of  disabilities. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  do  not  desire  to  stir  up  more  needless  ill 
blood,  but  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Garfield)  yester- 
day, apparently  without  much  thought,  spoke  of  a  class  of 
men  in  the  Southern  States  who  had  committed  perjury, 
and  I  would  like  to  address  the  gentleman  a  question  that 
he  can  answer  when  he  gets  the  floor. 

MR.  HILL.     Will  you  not  allow  me  to  answer  it  now? 

MR.  ELAINE.  "  No,  sir ;  not  now.  Suppose  you  inagu- 
rate  a  great  war  if  the  Republican  party  retains  power,  and 
you  and  all  these  gentlemen  who  sympathize  with  you  up- 
on this  floor,  and  who  had  taken  an  oath  to  bear  true  alle- 
giance to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  that 
you  took  that  oath  without  mental  reservation,  then  revolt 
against  the  country  ;  what  would  that  be  ?  Would  it  have 
any  relation  to  perjury? 

But,  Mr.  Speaker,  you  see  the  effect  of  the  speeches  of 
the  gentleman  from  Georgia.  They  are  very  tremendous 
down  there.  The  very  earth  quakes  under  him.  One  of 
his  organs  says : 

"We  assert  without  fear  of  contradiction  that  Mr.  Hill 
in  his  bitter  denunciation  of  scallavvags  and  carpet-baggers 
has  deterred  thousands  of  them  from  entering  the  ranks  of 
the  Radical  party.  They  dare  not  do  so  for  fear  of  social 
ostracism,  and  to-day  the  white  population  of  Georgia  are 
unanimous  in  favor  of  the  Democratic  party." 

And  when  he  can  get  the  rest  of  the  States  to  the  same 
standard  he  is  for  war. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  the  gentleman  cannot,  by  Avithhold- 
ing  his  speech  here  and  revising  it  and  adapting  it  to  the 
Northern  Democracy,  erase  his  speeches  in  Georgia.  I 
have  quoted  from  them.  I  have  quoted  from  Democratic 
papers.  There  is  no  accusation  that  there  is  any  perversion 
in  Republican  papers  or  that  he  was  misrepresented.  But 
the  gentleman  deliberately  states  that  in  a  certain  contin- 
gency of  the  Republican  party  having  power  he  is  for  war  ; 
and  I  undertake  here  to  say  that,  in  all  the  mad,  hot  wrath 
in  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress  that  precipitated  the  revolt  in 
this  country,  there  is  not  one  speech  to  be  found  that 


286  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

breathes  a  more  determined  rebellion  against  lawful  author- 
ity or  a  guiltier  readiness  to  resist  it  than  the  speech  of  the 
gentleman  from  Georgia. 

Mr.  Speaker  :  I  have  not  much  time  left.  I  said  briefly 
in.  my  first  speech  that  God  forbid  I  should  lay  at  the  door 
of  the  Southern  people,  as  a  people,  these  atrocities.  I 
repeat  it.  I  lay  no  such  charge  at  their  door.  Sir,  I  have 
read  in  this  "ex  parte  humbug  report"  that  there  were  deep 
movements  among  the  Southern  people  about  these  atroci- 
ties ;  that  there  was  a  profound  sensibility.  I  know  that 
the  leading  officers  of  the  Confederacy  protested  against 
them ;  I  know  that  many  of  the  subordinate  officers  pro- 
tested against  them.  I  know  that  an  honorable  gentleman 
from  North  Carolina,  now  representing  his  State  in  the 
other  end  of  the  Capitol,  protested  against  them.  But  I 
have  searched  the  records  in  vain  to  find  that  the  gentleman 
from  Georgia  (Mr.  Hill)  protested  against  them.  They 
were  known  to  the  Confederate  Congress  ;  they  were  known 
at  the  doorway  of  your  Senate  and  along  the  corridors  of 
your  Capitol.  The  honorable  and  venerable  gentleman  in 
my  eye  at  this  moment,  who  served  in  the  Confederate 
Congress,  and  who  had  before  served  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  himself  brought  them  to  the  attention  of  the 
Confederate  Congress,  and  I  class  him  with  great  gladness 
among  those  whose  humanity  was  never  quenched  by  the 
fires  of  the  rebellion.  I  allude  to  Hon.  Henry  S.  Foote. 

My  time  is  running  and  I  have  very  little  left.  I  con- 
fess— and  I  say  it  to  the  gentleman  from  Georgia,  with  no 
personal  unkindness — I  confess  that  my  very  blood  boiled, 
if  there  was  anything  of  tradition,  of  memory,  of  feeling,  it 
boiled  when  I  heard  the  gentleman,  with  his  record,  which  I 
have  read,  seconded  and  sustained  by  the  gentleman  from  New 
York,  arraigning  the  administration  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
throwing  obloquy  and  slander  upon  the  grave  of  Edwin  M. 
Stauton,  and  demanding  that  Jefferson  Davis  should  be  re- 
stored to  full  citizenship  in  this  country.  Ah  !  That  is  a 
novel  spectacle  ;  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  does  not  know 
how  novel ;  the  gentleman  from  New  York  ought  to  know. 
The  gentleman  from  Georgia  does  not  know  and  he  cannot 
know  how  many  hundred  thousands  of  Northern  bosoms 
were  lacerated  by  his  course. 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  287 

MR.  HILL.  I  never  said  it,  Mr.  Elaine  ;  you  are  mis- 
taken. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  Oh,  no  ;  you  accused  the  administration  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  with  breaking  the  cartel  and  violating  the 
honor  of  the  Government,  and  a  thousand  other  things  ;  the 
speech  as  published  in  the  papers  shows  it.  And  as  soon 
as  he  made  it  the  gentleman  from  New  York  run  to  him  in 
hot  haste  to  congratulate  him,  sympathizing,  I  suppose,  with 
the  assault. 

Mr.  HILL.  Upon  that  subject  I  read  nothing  but  puj- 
lished  letters  and  documents,  and  of  Northern  origin  at 
that. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  I  repeat,  that  proposition  strikes — I  might 
say  almost  terror  into  Northern  hearts  ;  that  here,  in  an 
American  Congress,  the  gentleman  who  offered  that  resolu- 
tion in  the  Confederate  Congress,  who  in  his  campaign  for 
a  seat  in  this  House  comes  here  breathing  threatenings  and 
slaughter,  who  comes  here  telling  you  that  in  a  certain  con- 
tingency he  means  war,  advising  his  people  to  be  ready  for 
it — that  gentleman,  profaning  the  very  altar  of  patriotic 
liberty  with  the  speech  that  sends  him  here,  arraigning  the 
Administration  that  conducted  the  war  and  saved  the  Union 
— that  gentleman  asks  us  to  join  with  him  in  paying  the 
last  full  measure  of  honor  that  an  American  Congress  can 
pay  to  the  arch  enemy  of  the  Union,  the  arch  fiend  of  the 
rebellion. 

Suppose  Jefferson  Davis  is  not  pardoned  ;  suppose  he  ia 
not  amnestied.  Oh !  you  cannot  have  a  centennial  year 
without  that !  No  man  on  this  side  has  ever  intimated  that 
Jefferson  Davis  should  be  refused  pardon  on  account  of  any 
political  crimes  ;  it  is  too  late  for  that ;  it  is  because  of  a 
personal  crime. 

If  you  ask  that  there  may  be  harmonious  and  universal 
rejoicing  over  every  forgiven  man,  release  all  your  crim- 
inals ;  set  free  every  man  who  has  been  sentenced  for  piracy 
or  for  murder  by  your  United  States  courts  ;  proclaim  the 
jubilee  indeed. 

MR.  HEREFORD.     And  the  whisky  convicts  ! 

MR.  BLAINE.  Mr.  Speaker,  that  reminds  me  of  one 
thing  which  in  the  haste  and  pressure  of  my  hour  I  might 
have  forgotten.  The  gentleman  from  Georgia  aimed  to  be 


288  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

very  humorous  about  General  Grant,  and  said  that  the  logic 
which  I  had  presented  the  other  day  in  regard  to  Jefferson 
Davis  made  General  Grant  responsible  for  McDonald  and 
Joyce.  The  gentleman  might  have  thought'  that  he  was 
witty,  but  I  could  not  see  it. 

MR.  HILL.     I  know  you  could  not. 

MR.  ELAINE.  It  was  not  so  witty  as  the  remarks  of  the 
gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  Cox).  It  was  more  grim. 
If  Jefferson  Davis,  the  moment  the  crimes  of  Andersonville 
had  been  brought  to  his  attention,  had  arraigned  the  offend- 
ers with  all  competent  authority,  and  had  issued  an  order 
that  "no  guilty  man  should  escape,"  there  would  be  some 
little  consistency  in  the  gentleman's  position.  It  was  there- 
fore ill-conceived  levity,  and  in  very  bad  taste,  for  the  gen- 
tleman to  introduce  General  Grant's  name  in  that  connec- 
tion. 

But  I  am  authorized,  if  the  gentleman  desires  it — not  au- 
thorized especially  to  mention  it  here,  but  I  mention  it  on 
the  authority  of  General  Grant,  whom  the  gentleman  from 
Georgia  impugned  in  connection  with  the  exchanged  pris- 
oners— 

MR.  HILL.     No,  sir. 

MR.  BLAINE.  To  say  that  one  thing  touching  the  ex- 
change of  prisoners  was  that  the  Davis  government  observed 
no  honor  in  regard  to  it ;  and  General  Grant  states  that  the 
brigade  of  Carter  L.  Stephenson,  that  was  dislodged  at 
Chattanooga,  was  made  up  of  paroled  prisoners  from  Vicks- 
burg,  and  that  Stephenson  himself  was  one  of  them.  He 
states  that  the  paroled  prisoners  of  one  day  in  front  of  his 
line  were  taken  the  next.  But  in  stating  this  he  was  care- 
ful to  say  that,  as  to  Lee  and  the  two  Johnstons  and  Pern- 
be  rton,  and  the  other  leading  Confederate  generals,  their 
word  was  honor  itself ;  but  that  for  the  Davis  executive  gov- 
ernment there  was  no  honor  in  it — none  whatever.  The 
gentleman  has  got  enough  of  General  Grant  by  this  time,  I 
hope. 

Now  in  regard  to  the  relative  number  of  prisoners  that 
died  in  the  North  and  the  South  respectively,  the  gentleman 
undertook  to  show  that  a  great  many  more  prisoners  died 
in  the  hands  of  the  Union  authorities  than  in  the  hands  of 
the  rebels.  I  have  had  conversations  with  surgeons  of  the 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  289 

army  about  that,  and  they  say  that  there  were  a  large  num- 
ber of  deaths  of  rebel  prisoners,  but  that  during  the  latter 
period  of  the  war  they  came  into  our  hands  very  much  ex- 
hausted, ill-clad,  ill-fed,  diseased  so  that  they  died  in  our 
prisons  of  diseases  that  they  brought  with  them.  And  one 
eminent  surgeon  said,  without  wishing  at  all  to  be  quoted 
in  this  debate,  that  the  question  was  not  only  what  was  the 
condition  of  the  prisoners  when  they  came  to  us,  but  what 
it  was  when  they  were  sent  back.  Our  men  were  taken  in 
full  health  and  strength  ;  they  came  back  wasted  and  worn 
— mere  skeletons.  The  rebel  prisoners,  in  large  numbers, 
were,  when  taken,  emaciated  and  reduced ;  and  General 
Grant  says  that  at  the  time  such  superhuman  efforts  were 
made  for  exchange  there  were  90,000  men  that  would  have 
re-enforced  your  armies  the  next  day,  prisoners  in  our  hands, 
who  were  in  good  health  and  ready  for  fight.  This  con- 
sideration sheds  a  great  deal  of  light  on  what  the  gentleman 
said. 

The  gentleman  from  Illinois  (Mr.  Hurlbut)  puts  a  let- 
ter into  my  hands.  I  read  it  without  really  knowing  what 
it  may  show  : 

CONFEDERATE  STATES  OF  AMERICA, 

WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
Richmond,   Virginia,  March  21,  1863. 
MY  DEAR  SIR  :    If  the  exigences  of  our  army  require  the 
use  of  trains  for  the  transportation  of  corn,  pay  no  regard  to 
the  Yankee  prisoners.     I   would  rather  that  they  should 
starve  than  our  own  people  suffer. 

I  suppose  I  can  safely  put  it  in  writing:  "Let  them 
suffer."  The  words  are  memorable,  and  it  is  fortunate  that 
in  this  case  they  can  be  applied  properly  and  without  the  in- 
tervention of  a  lying  quartermaster. 

Very  truly  your  faithful  friend, 

ROBERT  OULD. 
COLONEL  A.  C.  MYERS. 

That  is  a  good  piece  of  literature  in  this  connection.  Mr. 
Ould,  I  believe,  was  the  rebel  commissioner  to  exchange. 
When  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  next  takes  the  floor  I 
want  him  to  state  what  excuse  there  was  for  ordering  the 


290  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Florida  artillery,  in  case  General  Sherman's  army  got  with* 
in  seven  miles  of  Andersonville,  to  fire  on  that  stockade. 

MR.  HILL.  That  was  just  to  keep  your  army  from  com- 
ing. That  is  all. 

MR.  ELAINE.  Upon  this  point  letters  have  flowed  in  up- 
on me — letters  which  without  pretending  to  any  extra- 
ordinary tenderness,  I  say  in  this  presence  I  could  not  read 
without  unbecoming  emotion. 

MR.  HILL.     Will  the  gentleman  allow  me  to  say — 

MR.  BLAINE.  I  have  a  letter  which  states  that  at  Ander- 
sonville they  had  stakes  put  up  with  flags  in  order  that  the 
line  of  fire  might  be  properly  directed  from  the  battery  of 
Florida  artillery. 

MR.  HILL.     Oh,  that  is  not  so. 

MR.  BLAINE.     There  is  that  order. 

MR.  HILL.  That  is  said  to  be  a  forgery.  I  do  not  know 
whether  it  is  genuine  or  not.  You  have  the  records ;  we 
have  not ;  you  will  not  let  us  see  them.  You  merely  say 
what  they  are.  Let  us  see  the  whole  of  them. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Let  us  take  one  single  case.  I  suppose 
the  gentleman  would  deny  that  they  ever  used  bloodhounds 
at  Andersonville. 

MR.  HILL.  Oh,  no  ;  though  I  do  not  myself  know  the 
fact. 

MR.  BLAINE.  Did  the  gentleman  ever  hear  of  Colonel 
James  H.  Fannin,  of  the  first  Georgia  reserves,  who  was 
on  duty  at  Andersonville  ? 

MR.  HILL.     Oh,  yes. 

MR.  BLAINE.  He  says  "that  Surgeon  Turner,  the  owner 
of  the  dogs,  belonged  to  the  first  regiment  of  reserves  of  my 
company."  Then  he  goes  on  to  tell  how  the  dogs  were  ob- 
tained and  how  used  ;  and  here  is  one  of  the  returns  made 
by  Wirz  : 

"Twenty-five  more  men  escaped  during  the  month,  but 
they  were  taken  by  the  dogs  before  the  daily  returns  were 
made  out." 

The  gentleman  is  a  very  able  lawyer — 

MR.  JONES  of  Kentucky.  Has  not  the  time  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  Maine  expired? 

THE  SPEAKER,  pro  tempore  (Mr.  Hoskins  in  the  chair). 
The  time  of  the  gentleman  from  Maine  has  not  expired. 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  291 

MR.  HANCOCK.  He  commenced  ten  minutes  before  one 
o'clock. 

MR.  JONES  of  Kentucky.  I  ask  that  the  fifty-seventh 
rule  of  the  House  be  read.  I  should  like  to  have  it  read, 
because  the  gentleman  from  Maine  is  constantly  violating 
the  rules  of  this  House. 

MR.  BLAINE.     In  what  respect? 

THE  SPEAKER  pro  tempore.  The  gentleman  from  Ken- 
tucky is  out  of  order. 

MR.  JONES  of  Kentucky.     I  rise  to  a  point  of  order. 

MR.  BLAINE.  I  hope  it  will  not  be  taken  out  of  my 
time. 

THE  SPEAKER  pro  tempore.  The  Speaker  of  the  House 
set  the  dial  exactly  at  the  time  the  gentleman  from  Maine 
commenced  his  speech,  showing  exactly  when  his  hour  will 
expire,  and  the  present  occupant  of  the  chair  when  that 
time  is  reached,  will  notify  the  House. 

MR.  BLAINE.     How  much  time  have  I  left? 

THE  SPEAKER  pro  tempore.     About  two  minutes. 

MR.  BLAINE.  The  gentleman  is  inconsistent.  I  should 
like  to  get  him  to  admit  something.  He  does  not  deny 
that  bloodhounds  were  used  at  Andersonville. 

Mr.  HILL.  I  understood  they  were — I  do  not  know,  farm 
dogs,  not  bloodhounds. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  Here  are  four  or  five  Georgia  witnesses. 
I  conclude  in  the  two  minutes  left  me  by  saying  that  in  all 
the  evidence  I  have  adduced  I  have  never  asked  to  bring 
one  piece  of  Union  testimony  ;  the  whole  of  it  is  from  Con- 
federate prisoners. 

Why,  Mr.  Speaker,  the  Administration  of  Martin  Van 
Buren,  that  went  down  in  a  popular  convulsion  in  1840,  had 
no  little  of  obloquy  thrown  upon  it  because  it  had  ventured 
to  hunt  the  Seminoles  in  the  swamps  of  Florida  with  blood- 
hounds. 

A  MEMBER.     No  bloodhounds  there. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  Blood-thirsty  dogs  were  sent  after  the 
hiding  savages,  and  the  civilization  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury and  the  Christian  feeling  of  the  American  people 
revolted  at  it.  And  I  state  here ,  and  the  gentleman  from 
Georgia  (Mr.  Hill)  cannot  deny  it,  that  upon  the  testimony 
of  witnesses  as  numerous  as  would  require  me  all  day  to 


!>_  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

read,  bloodhounds  were  used ;  that  large  packs  of.  them 
were  kept,  and  Georgia  officers  commanded  them  ;  that  they 
were  sent  after  the  poor  unfortunate,  shrinking  men  who  by 
any  accident  could  get  out  of  that  horrible  stockade.  I  state, 
Sir,  that  the  civilization  of  the  world  stands  aghast  at  what 
was  done  at  Andersonville.  And  the  man  who  did  that 
was  sustained  by  Jefferson  Davis,  and  promoted.  Yet  the 
gentleman  says  that  was  analogous  of  General  Grant  sending 
McDonald  to  the  penitentiary. 

Mr.  Speaker,  in  view  of  all  these  facts  I  have  only  to 
say  that  if  the  American  Congress,  by  a  two-thirds  vote, 
shall  pronounce  Jefferson  Davis  worthy  to  be  restored  to 
the  full  rights  of  American  citizenship,  I  can  only  vote 
against  it  and  hang  my  head  in  silence  and  regret  it. 
[Applause.] 


The  amnesty  was  not  granted,  and  Elaine  and  Garfield 
were  most  sincerely  hated  by  their  Democratic  opponents. 
Blaine  became  the  target  for  every  kind  of  political  and  par- 
tisan weapon.  His  opponents  in  debate,  so  often  defeated, 
became  bitter  and  dangerous  private  enemies. 

They  sought  in  every  channel  for  some  excuse  for  assail- 
ing his  private  character.  They  scrutinized  with  malignant 
intentions  every  act  of  his  life  from  boyhood.  They  sought 
for  everything  he  had  said  and  tried  to  wrench  it  into  their 
service.  As  the  day  drew  near  when  it  seemed  apparent 
that  Blaine  would  be  nominated  as  the  candidate  of  his 
party  for  President,  their  activity  and  malice  increased  in 
an  astonishing  ratio.  Their  anxiety  to  find  something 
against  him  was  so  great  that  it  was  a  practical  bribe  to 
any  one  who  could  furnish  or  manufacture  evidence  against 
him.  At  such  a  time  irresponsible  men  could  be  found  to 
set  afloat  rumors  and  to  magnify  or  misrepresent  them  after 
they  were  started. 

The  Democrats  desired  in  some  way  to  cast  a  cloud  over 
his  reputation  by  some  charge  which  should  be  under  inves- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  293 

tigation  when  the  Republican  Convention  should  meet  and 
thus  satisfy  their  spite  and  defeat  the  nomination  of  their 
most  popular  opponent.  It  became  known  that  Blaine 
had  invested  some  money  in  railroad  bonds.  This  was  true 
and  the  money  was  saved  from  his  earnings  by  great  econ- 
omy and  care.  It  was  an  investment  any  man  had  the 
right  to  make,  but  in  which  Blaine  had  the  misfortune  to 
be  a  considerable  loser. 

But  his  Democratic  opponents  seized  upon  this  fact  and 
set  afloat  many  damaging  rumors  and  began  to  talk  of  an 
investigation,  when  Blaine  most  shrewdly  defeated  their 
scheme  by  meeting  the  matter  openly  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, April  24th,  1876.  According  to  the  Congres- 
sional Record  these  were  his  remarks  and  they  explain 
themselves : 

MR.  BLAINE.  Mr.  Speaker,  with  the  leave  of  the  House 
so  kindly  granted,  I  shall  proceed  to  submit  certain  facts 
and  correct  certain  errors  personal  to  myself.  The  dates  of 
the  correspondence  embraced  in  my  statement  will  show 
that  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  make  it  earlier.  I  shall 
be  as  brief  as  the  circumstances  will  permit.  For  some 
months  past  a  charge  against  me  has  been  circulating  in 
private  and  was  recently  made  public — designing  to  show 
that  I  had  in  some  indirect  manner  received  the  large  sum 
of  $64,000  from  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  in 
1871 — for  what  services  or  for  what  purpose  has  never 
been  stated.  The  alleged  proof  of  this  serious  accusation 
was  based,  according  to  the  original  story,  upon  the  author- 
ity of  E.  H.  Rollins,  treasurer  of  the  Union  Pacific  Com- 
pany, who  it  was  averred  had  full  knowledge  that  I  got  the 
money,  and  also  upon  the  authority  of  Morton,  Bliss  & 
Co.,  bankers  of  New  York,  through  whom  the  draft  for 
$64,000  was  said  to  have  been  negotiated  for  my  benefit  as 
they  confidentially  knew.  Hearing  of  this  charge  some 
weeks  in  advance  of  its  publication,  I  procured  the  follow- 
ing statements  from  the  two  principal  witnesses  who  were 
quoted  as  having  such  definite  knowledge  against  me  : 


294  THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

UNION  PACIFIC  RAILROAD  COMPANY, 

Boston,  March  31,  1876. 

DEAR  SIR  :  In  response  to  your  inquiry,  I  beg  leave  to 
state  that  I  have  been  treasurer  of  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road Company  since  April  8,  1871,  and  have  necessarily 
known  of  all  disbursements  made  since  that  date.  During 
that  entire  period,  up  to  the  present  time,  I  am  sure  that  no 
money  has  been  paid  in  any  way  or  to  any  person  by  the 
company  in  which  you  were  interested  in  any  manner  what- 
ever. 

I  make  this  statement  in  justice  to  the  company,  to  yon, 
and  to  myself. 

Very  respectfully  yours,  E.  H.  ROLLINS. 

HON.  JAMES  G.  ELAINE. 


NEW  YORK,  April  6,  1876. 

DEAR  SIR  :  In  answer  to  your  inquiry,  we  beg  to  say 
that  no  draft,  note,  or  check,  or  other  evidence  of  value, 
has  ever  passed  through  our  books  in  which  you  were  known 
or  supposed  to  have  any  interest  of  any  kind,  direct  or  in- 
direct. 

We  remain,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servants, 
MORTON,  BLISS  &  CO. 
HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Some  persons  on  reading  the  letter  of  Morton,  Bliss  & 
Co.,  said  that  its  denial  seemed  to  be  confined  to  any  pay- 
ment that  had  passed  through  their  "books,"  whereas  they 
might  have  paid  a  draft  in  which  I  was  interested  and  yet 
no  entry  of  it  made  on  their  "books."  On  this  criticism 
being  made  know.n  to  the  firm,  they  at  once  addressed  me 
the  following  letter : 

NEW  YORK,  April  13,  1876. 

DEAR  SIR  :  It  has  been  suggested  to  us  that  our  letter 
of  the  6th  instant  was  not  sufficiently  inclusive  or  exclusive. 
In  that  letter  we  stated  "that  no  draft,  note,  or  check,  or 
other  evidence  of  value  has  ever  passed  through  our  books 
in  which  you  were  known  or  supposed  to  have  any  interest, 
direct  or  indirect."  It  may  be  proper  for  us  to  add  that 
nothing  has  been  paid  by  us,  in  any  form  or  at  any  time,  to 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  295 

any  person  or  any  corporation,  in  which  you  were  known, 
believed,  or  supposed  to  have  any  interest  whatever. 
We  remain,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servants, 
MORTON,  BLISS  &  CO. 
HON.  JAMES  G.  ELAINE,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  two  witnesses  quoted  for  the  original  charge  having 
thus  effectually  disposed  of  it,  the  charge  itself  re-appeared 
in  another  form  to  this  effect,  namely :  That  a  certain  draft 
was  negotiated  at  the  house  of  Morton,  Bliss  &  Co.,  in 
1871 ,  through  Thomas  A.  Scott,  then  President  of  the  Union 
Pacific  Railroad  Company,  for  the  sum  of  $64,000,  and  that 
$75,000  of  the  bonds  of  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith 
Railroad  Company  were  pledged  as  collateral ;  that  the 
Union  Pacific  Company  paid  the  draft  and  took  up  the  col- 
lateral ;  that  the  cash  proceeds  of  it  went  to  me,  and  that  I 
had  furnished,  or  sold,  or  in  some  way  conveyed  or  trans- 
ferred to  Thomas  A.  Scott  these  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith 
bonds  which  had  been  used  as  collateral ;  that  the  bonds  in 
reality  had  belonged  to  me  or  some  friend  or  constituent  of 
mine  for  whom  I  was  acting.  I  endeavor  to  state  the  charge 
in  its  boldest  form  and  in  all  its  phases. 

I  desire  here  and  now  to  declare  that  all  and  every  part 
of  this  story  that  connects  my  name  with  it  is  absolutely 
untrue,  without  one  particle  of  foundation  in  fact  and  with- 
out a  tittle  of  evidence  to  substantiate  it.  I  never  had  any 
transaction  of  any  kind  with  Thomas  A.  Scott  concerning 
bonds  of  the  Little  Rock  &  Fort  Smith  Road  or  the  bonds 
of  any  other  railroad,  or  any  business  in  any  way 
connected  with  railroads,  directly  or  indirectly,  immediately 
or  remotely.  I  never  had  any  business  transaction  what- 
ever with  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  or  any  of 
its  officers  or  agents  or  representatives,  and  never  in  any 
manner  received  from  that  company,  directly  or  indirectly, 
a  single  dollar  in  money,  or  stocks,  or  bonds,  or  any  other 
form  of  value.  And  as  to  the  particular  transaction  referred 
to,  I  never  so  much  as  heard  of  it  until  nearly  two  years 
after  its  alleged  occurrence,  when  it  was  talked  of  at  the 
time  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  investigation  in  1873.  But, 
while  my  denial  ought  to  be  conclusive,  I  should  greatly 
regret  to  be  compelled  to  leave  the  matter  there.  I  am 


296  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

fortunately  able  to  sustain  my  own  declaration  by  the  most 
conclusive  evidence  that  the  case  admits  of,  or  that  human 
testimony  can  supply.  If  any  person  or  persons  know  the 
truth  or  falsity  of  these  charges  it  must  be  the  officers  of  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company.  I  accordingly  addressed 
a  note  to  the  president  of  that  company,  a  gentleman  who 
has  been  a  director  of  the  company  from  its  organization  I 
believe,  and  who  has  a  more  thorough  acquaintance  with  its 
business  transactions  probably  than  any  other  man.  The 
correspondence  which  I  here  submit  will  explain  itself  and 
leaves  nothing  to  be  said.  I  will  read  the  letters  in  their 
proper  order.  They  need  no  comment : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  April  13,1876. 
DEAR   SIR  :     You  have  doubtless  observed  the  scandal 
now  in  circulation  in  regard  to  my   having  been   interested 
in  certain  bonds  of  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort   Smith   Road, 
alleged  to  have  been  purchased  by  your  company  in  1871. 

It  is  due  to  me,  I  think,  that  some  statement  in  regard  to 
the  subject  should  be  made  by  yourself  as  the  official  head 
of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company. 
Very  respectfully, 

J.  G.  BLAINE. 
SIDNEY  DILLON,  Esq., 

President  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company. 


OFFICE  UNION  PACIFIC  RAILROAD  COMPANY, 

NEW  YORK,  April  15,  1876. 

DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  your  favor  of  the  13th  instant,  and 
in  reply  desire  to  say  that  I  have  this  day  written  Colonel 
Thomas  A.  Scott,  who  was  president  of  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  Company  at  the  time  of  the  transaction  referred  to, 
a  letter  of  which  I  send  a  copy  herewith.  On  receipt  of 
his  reply  I  will  enclose  it  to  you. 
Very  respectfully, 

SIDNEY  DILLON,  President. 
HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE, 

Washington,  D-  C. 


OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE.  297 

OFFICE  OF  THE  UNION  PACIFIC  RAILROAD  COMPANY, 

New  York,  April  15,  1876. 

DEAR  SIR  :  The  press  of  the  country  are  making  alle- 
gations that  certain  bonds  of  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith 
Railroad,  purchased  by  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Com- 
pany in  1871,  were  obtained  from  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine 
of  Maine,  or  that  the  avails  in  some  form  went  to  his  bene- 
fit, and  that  the  knowledge  of  these  facts  rests  with  the  offi- 
cers of  the  company  and  with  yourself. 

These  statements  are  injurious  both  to  Mr.  Blaine  and  to 
the  Uni9ii  Pacific  Railroad  Company.  There  were  never 
any  fac/s  to  warrant  them,  and  I  think  that  a  statement  to 
the  public  is  due  both  from  you  and  myself.  I  desire,  as 
president  of  the  company,  to  repel  any  such  inference  in  the 
most  emphatic  manner,  and  would  be  glad  to  hear  from  you 
on  the  subject. 

Very  respectfully,  SIDNEY  DILLON,  Pres. 

COL.  THOMAS  A.  SCOTT, 

Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania. 


OFFICE  UNION  PACIFIC  RAILROAD  COMPANY, 

New  York,  April  22,  1876. 

DEAR  SIR  :  As  I  advised  you  some  days  ago,  I  wrote 
Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,  and  beg  leave  to  inclose  you  his 
reply. 

I  desire  further  to  say  that  I  was  a  director  of  the  com- 
pany and  a  member  of  the  executive  committee  in   1871, 
and  to  add  my  testimony  to  that  of  Colonel  Scott^s,  in  veri- 
fication of  all  that  he  has  stated  in  the  enclosed  letter. 
Truly  yours, 

SIDNEY  DILLON,  President. 
HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE, 

Washington,  D.  C. 


PHILADELPHIA,  April  21,  1876. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  your  letter,  under  date  New  York, 
April  15,  1876,  stating  that  the  press  of  the  country  are 
making  allegations  that  certain  bonds  of  the  Little  Rock 
and  Fort  Smith  Railroad,  purchased  by  the  Union  Pacific 


298  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Railroad  Company  in  1871,  were  obtained  from  Hon.  J.  G-. 
Blaine  of  Maine,  or  that  the  avails  in  some  form  went  to 
his  benefit ;  that  there  never  were  any  facts  to  warrant  them  ; 
that  it  is  your  desire  as  president  of  the  company  to  repel 
any  such  inference  m  the  most  emphatic  manner ;  and  ask- 
ing me  to  make  a  statement  in  regard  to  the  matter. 

In  reply,  I  beg  leave  to  say  that,  much  as  I  dislike  the 
idea  of  entering  into  any  of  the  controversies  that  are  be- 
fore the  public  in  these  days  of  scandal,  from  which  but 
few  men  in  public  life  seem  to  be  exempt,  I  feel  it  my  duty 
to  state : 

That  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith  bonds  purchased  by 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  in  1871,  were  not  pur- 
chased or  received  from  Mr.  Blaine,  directly  or  indirectly, 
and  that  of  the  money  paid  by  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad 
Company,  or  of  the  avails  of  said  bonds,  not  one  dollar 
went  to  Mr.  Blaine,  or  to  any  person  for  him,  or  for  his 
benefit  in  any  form. 

All  statements  to  the  effect  that  Mr.  Blaine  ever  had  any 
transaction  with  me  directly  or  indirectly  involving  money 
or  valuables  of  any  kind,  are  absolutely  without  foundation 
in  fact. 

I  take  pleasure  in  making  this  statement  to  you,  and  you 
may  use  it  in  any  manner  you  deem  best  for  the  interest  of 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company. 
Very  truly  yours, 

THOMAS  A.  SCOTT. 

SIDNEY  DILLON,  ESQ., 

President  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  New  York. 

And  this  closes  the  testimony  I  have  wished  to  offer. 

Several  newspapers — some  of  them,  doubtless,  from 
friendly  motives — have  urged  that  I  should  ask  for  a  com- 
mittee to  investigate  these  charges.  I  might  have  done  that 
and  awaited  the  delay  and  slow  progress  that  inevitably  at- 
tend all  congressional  investigations.  Three  and  a  half 
years  ago  I  moved  a  committee  to  investigate  the  Credit 
Mobilier  charges,  and  though  every  particle  of  proof,  in  com- 
plete exculpation  of  myself,  was  before  the  committee  in 
thirty-six  hours  after  its  first  meeting,  I  was  compelled  to 
wait  for  more  than  two  months,  indeed  seventy  full  days, 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  299 

before  I  got  a  public  report  exonerating  and  vindicating  me 
from  the  charges.  If  I  had  asked  for  a  committee  to  inves- 
tigate the  pending  matter,  I  should  have  been  compelled  to 
wait  its  necessarily  slow  action  with  the  charge  all  the  while 
hanging  over  me,  undenied  and  unanswered  ;  and,  pending 
the  proceedings  of  an  investigation  which  I  had  myself 
asked,  propriety  would  have  forbidden  my  collecting  and 
publishing  the  decisive  proofs  which  I  have  now  submitted. 
For  these  reasons  I  have  deemed  that  the  shortest  and  most 
expeditious  mode  of  vindication  was  the  one  which  I  was 
bound  to  choose  by  every  consideration  of  myself  personally 
and  of  my  official  relations.  I  have  not  omitted  the  tes- 
timony of  a  single  material  witness  to  the  transaction  on 
which  the  accusation  against  me  is  based,  and  unless  I  mis- 
apprehend the  scope  and  force  of  the  testimony  it  leaves  no 
charge  against  me.  In  any  and  all  events,  I  am  ready  to 
submit  the  whole  matter  to  the  candid  judgment  of  the 
House  and  the  country,  and,  if  the  House  thinks  the  matter 
should  be  further  inquired  into,  I  beg  to  express  my  entire 
readiness  to  give  all  the  assistance  in  my  power  to  make  the 
investigation  as  thorough,  as  rigid,  and  as  impartial  as  pos- 
sible. 

To  give  a  seeming  corroboration  or  foundation  to  the 
story  which  I  have  disproved,  the  absurd  rumor  has  lately 
appeared  in  certain  newspapers  that  I  was  the  owner  of 
from  $150,000  to  $250,000  of  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort 
Smith  Railroad  bonds,  which  I  received  without  consider- 
ation, and  that  it  was  from  these  bonds  that  Thomas  A. 
Scott  received  his  $75,000.  The  statement  is  gratuitously 
and  utterly  false.  No  responsible  author  appears  anywhere 
for  this  unfounded  story,  but  in  dismissing  it  I  desire  to  make 
the  following  explicit  statement :  More  than  twenty-three 
years  ago,  in  the  closing  days  of  Mr.  Fillmore's  adminis- 
tration, the  Government  granted  to  the  State  of  Arkansas 
some  public  lands  within  its  own  limits  to  be  applied  to  the 
construction  of  railroads  in  that  State.  The  Legislature  of 
Arkansas  incorporated  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith 
Railroad  Company  the  same  year,  and  gave  to  the  company 
a  portion  of  the  lands  it  had  received  from  the  General 
Government  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  the  road — about 
five  thousand  acres  to  the  mile,  I  think.  But  the  company 


300  '    THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

were  unable  to  raise  any  money  for  the  enterprise,  though 
they  made  the  most  strenuous  efforts,  and  when  the  war 
broke  out  in  1861 — eight  years  after  the  State  had  given  the 
lands  to  the  company — not  a  mile  of  the  road  was  built. 
Of  course  nothing  was  done  during  the  war. 

After  the  war  all  the  grants  of  land  previously  made  to 
the  Southern  States  were  renewed  in  gross  in  the  ses- 
sion of  1865-'66.  The  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith  Com- 
pany again  received  a  grant  from  the  State  and  again  tried 
to  raise  money  to  build  their  road ;  but  1865,  1866,  and 
1867  passed  without  their  getting  a  dollar.  Finally  toward 
the  close  of  1868  a  company  of  Boston  gentlemen,  repre- 
senting considerable  capital,  undertook  its  construction.  In 
raising  the  requisite  means  they  placed  the  bonds  of  the 
road  on  the  New  England  market  in  the  summer  of  1869, 
offering  them  on  terms  which  seemed  very  favorable  to  the 
purchaser,  and  offering  them  at  a  time  when  investments  of 
this  kind  were  fatally  popular.  In  common  with  hundreds 
of  other  people  in  New  England  and  other  parts  of  the 
country,  I  bought  some  of  these  bonds — not  a  very  large 
amount — paying  for  them  at  precisely  the  same  rate  that 
others  paid.  I  never  heard  and  do  not  believe  that  the  Little 
Rock  Company  which  I  know  is  controlled  by  highly  hon- 
orable men  ever  parted  with  a  bond  to  any  person  except 
at  the  regular  price  fixed  for  their  sale.  The  enterprise, 
though  apparently  very  promising,  proved  unsuccessful,  as 
so  many  similar  projects  did  about  the  same  time.  I  lost  a 
considerable  sum  of  money  (over  $20,000)  by  my  invest- 
ment, and  I  presume  New  England  made  a  net  loss  of 
$2,000,000  in  completing  that  road  for  Arkansas,  as  she 
has  lost  over  one  hundred  millions  by  similar  ventures  West 
and  South,  within  the  last  twelve  years.  In  addition  to 
my  investment  in  the  bonds,  I  united  with  others  in  raising 
some  money  for  the  company  when  it  met  its  first  financial 
troubles.  Proceedings  are  now  pending  in  the  United 
States  circuit  court  in  Arkansas,  to  which  I  am  a  party  of 
record,  for  the  reimbursement  of  the  money  so  advanced. 
All  the  bonds  which  I  ever  purchased  I  continued  to  hold ; 
and  when  the  company  was  reorganized,  in  1874,  I  ex- 
changed them  for  stock  and  bonds  in  the  new  concern, 
which  I  still  own.  My  whole  connection  with  the  road  has 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  301 

been  open  as  the  day.  If  there  had  been  anything  to  con- 
ceal about  it  I  should  never  have  touched  it.  Wherever 
concealment  is  desirable  avoidance  is  advisable,  and  I  do 
not  know  any  better  test  to  apply  to  the  honor  and  fairness 
of  a  business  transaction. 

As  to  the  question  of  propriety  involved  in  a  member  of 
Congress  holding  an  investment  of  this  kind,  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  the  lands  were  granted  to  the  State  of 
Arkansas,  and  not  to  the  railroad  company,  and  that  the 
company  derived  its  life,  franchise,  and  value  wholly  from 
the  State.  And  to  the  State  the  company  is  amenable  and 
answerable,  and  not  in  any  sense  to  Congress.  Since  I 
purchased  the  bonds  but  one  act  of  Congress  has  passed  in 
any  way  touching  the  subject,  and  that  was  merely  to  rec- 
tify a  previous  mistake  in  legislation.  I  take  it  when  any 
security  from  Government  bonds  to  town  scrip  is  offered  at 
public  sale  to  any  one  who  can  pay  for  it,  every  American 
citizen  is  free  to  buy.  If  you  exclude  a  Representative 
from  the  investment  on  the  ground  that  in  some  secondary 
or  remote  way  the  legislation  of  Congress  has  affected  or 
may  affect  the  value  of  the  article,  then  you  exclude  every 
man  on  this  floor,  not  only  from  holding  a  Government  bond 
or  a  share  in  a  national  bank,  but  also  from  owning  a 
flock  of  sheep,  or  a  field  of  hemp,  or  a  tobacco  plantation,  or 
a  cotton  mill,  or  an  iron-furnace  ;  for  all  these  interests  are 
vitally  affected  by  the  tariff  legislation  on  which  we  vote  at 
every  session  and  of  which  an  important  measure  is  even 
now  pending  in  the  Committee  of  the  Whole.  In  the  seven 
intervening  years  since  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith 
bonds  were  placed  on  the  market,  I  know  few  investments 
that  have  not  been  more  affectedly  the  legislation  of  Con- 
gress. But  this  case  does  not  require  to  be  shielded  by  any 
such  comparisons  or  citations,  for  I  repeat  that  the  Little 
Rock  road  derived  all  it  had  from  the  State  of  Arkansas, 
and  not  from  Congress.  It  was  in  the  discretion  of  Con- 
gress to  give  or  withhold  from  the  State,  but  it  was  solely 
in  the  discretion  of  the  State  to  give  or  withhold  from  the 
Little  Rock  Railroad  Comp'any. 

When  the  Little  Rock  road  fell  into  the  financial  troubles 
of  which  I  have  spoken,  there  were  certain  interests  con- 
nected with  it  that  were  under  peculiarly  pressing  embar- 


302  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

rassment  and  that  needed  relief.  There  had  been  at 
different  times  very  considerable  talk  about  inducing  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  road — which  on  its  southern  branch  was 
to  be  a  connecting  line  east  and  west  with  the  Little  Rock 
and  Fort  Smith,  and  the  Missouri,  Kansas  and  Texas  road, 
which  would  be  a  connecting  line  both  North  and  South  at 
the  point  of  junction — to  aid  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith 
enterprise  by  taking  some  of  its  securities,  a  practice  very 
common  among  connecting  roads.  To  both  these  roads  the 
completion  of  the  Little  Rock  road  was  of  very  great 
importance.  Accordingly,  in  the  spring  of  1871,  when  only 
one  coupon  had  been  passed  by  the  Little  Rock  Company 
on  one  series  of  its  bonds  and  none  passed  on  the  other, 
and  when  there  was  sanguine  hope  of  getting  the  enterprise 
on  its  feet  again,  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Company  took 
one  hundred  thousand  of  its  bonds  and  one  hundred  thousand 
of  its  stock  for  the  gross  sum  of  $79,000  ;  and  the  Missouri, 
Kansas  and  Texas,  if  I  remember  correctly,  took  half  the 
amount  at  the  same  rate.  This  was  done  not  for  the  corpo- 
ration itself,  but  for  an  interest  largely  engaged  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  road.  With  the  circumstances  attending 
the  negotiation  with  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  road  I  was 
entirely  familiar,  and  with  several  of  its  officers  I  have  long 
been  well  acquainted.  I  also  knew  all  about  the  negotiation 
with  the  Missouri,  Kansas  and  Texas  road,  though  I  never 
to  my  knowledge  saw  any  of  its  officers  and  never  had 
an  interview  with  any  of  them  on  any  subject.  But  in 
the  case  of  both  roads  I  desire  to  say  that  the  bonds  sold  to 
them  did  not  belong  to  me,  nor.  did  I  have  one  dollar's 
pecuniary  interest  in  the  whole  transaction  with  either  com- 
pany. 

The  infamous  insinuation  made  in  certain  quarters  that  I 
engaged  to  use  my  influence  in  Congress  for  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific  road  and  also  for  the  Missouri,  Kansas  and 
Texas  in  consideration  of  their  purchasing  these  securities, 
hardly  merits  notice.  The  officers  and  directors  of  both 
companies,  so  far  as  I  have  known  the  one  and  heard  of  the 
other,  are  high-minded,  honorable  gentlemen,  and  they  would 
have  justly  spurned  me  from  their  presence  had  I  been  will- 
ing to  submit  an  offer  so  dishonorable  and  mutually  degrad- 
ing. I  had  no  pecuniary  stake  in  the  negotiation  and  I 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  503 

should  have  loved  infamy  for  infamy's  sake,  had  I  bartered 
my  personal  and  official  honor  in  the  transaction.  And  I  am 
sure  that  every  man  connected  with  either  company  would 
repel  the  dishonoring  suggestion  as  warmly  as  I  do  myself. 
The  whole  affair  had  no  more  connection  with  congressional 
legislation  than  any  one  of  the  ten  thousand  similar  trans- 
actions that  are  constantly  occurring  in  the  business  world. 

Of  a  like  character  with  the  insinuation  just  answered  is 
that  which,  in  an  irresponsible  and  anonymous  way,  at- 
tempts to  connect  the  ownership  of  Little  Rock  and  Fort 
Smith  bonds  with  the  legislation  of  last  winter  respecting 
the  State  government  of  Arkansas.  There  are  some  accu- 
sations which  it  is  difficult  to  repel  with  sufficient  force  be- 
cause of  their  mixture  of  absurdity,  depravity,  and  false- 
hood. I  never  heard  this  stupid  slander  until  within  a  few 
days,  and  I  venture  to  say  there  is  not  a  responsible  man  in 
the  country  of  the  slightest  sense  who  can  discern  the  re- 
motest connection  between  the  two  things  that  are  alleged  to 
have  an  intimate  and  infamous  relation. 

Let  me  now,  Mr.  Speaker,  briefly  summarize  what  I 
have  presented. 

First,  that  the  story  of  my  receiving  $64,000  or  any  other 
sum  of  money  or  other  thing  of  value  from  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  Company,  directly  or  indirectly,  or  in  any  form, 
for  myself  or  for  another,  is  absolutely  disproved  by  the 
most  conclusive  testimony. 

Second,  that  no  bond  of  mine  was  ever  sold  to  the  At- 
lantic and  Pacific  or  the  Missouri,  Kansas  and  Texas  Rail- 
road Company,  and  that  not  a  single  dollar  of  money  from 
either  of  those  companies  ever  went  to  my  profit  or  benefit. 

Third,  that  instead  of  receiving  bonds  of  the  Little  Rock 
and  Fort  Smith  road  as  a  gratuity,  I  never  had  one  except 
at  the  regular  market  price,  and  that  instead  of  making  a 
large  fortune  out  of  that  company,  I  have  incurred  a  severe 
pecuniary  loss  from  my  investment  in  its  securities  which  I 
still  retain.  And  out  of  such  affairs  as  this  grows  the  pop- 
ular gossip  of  large  fortunes  amassed  in  Congress  ! 

I  can  hardly  expect,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  any  statement 
from  me  will  stop  the  work  of  those  who  have  so  industri- 
ously circulated  these  calumnies.  For  months  past  the 
effort  has  been  energetic  and  continuous  to  spread  these 


304  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

stories  in  private  circles.  Emissaries  of  slander  have  vis- 
ited the  editorial-rooms  of  leading  Republican  papers  from 
Boston  to  Omaha,  and  whispered  of  revelations  to  come  that 
were  too  terrible  even  to  be  spoken  in  loud  tones.  And  at 
last  the  revelations  have  been  made  ! 

I  am  now,  Mr.  Speaker,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  a  not 
inactive  service  in  this  Hall.  I  have  taken  and  have  given 
blows.  I  have,  no  doubt,  said  many  things  in  the  heat  of 
debate  which  I  would  now  gladly  recall.  I  have,  no  doubt, 
given  votes  which  in  fuller  light  I  would  gladly  change. 
But  I  have  never  done  anything  in  my  public  career  for 
which  I  could  be  put  to  the  faintest  blush  in  any  presence, 
or  for  which  I  cannot  answer  to  my  constituents,  my  con- 
science, and  the  great  Searcher  of  hearts. 


OF  JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  307 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Approach  of  the  Convention  of  1876.  —Activity  of  Elaine's  Ene- 
mies.—Rumors  of  Bribery. — Elaine  Meets  Them  in  Open 
Session. — Obtaining  the  Mulligan  Letters. — Meeting  of  the 
Convention. — Ingersoll's  Speech.  —  The  "Plumed  Knight." 
The  Vote. —  Elaine's  Letter  to  Hayes. —  The  Campaign. — 
Elaine's  Appointment  to  the  Senate. — His  Reception  by  the 
People. — Re-election  to  the  Senate. 

As  the  14th  of  June  drew  nearer  and  Elaine's  nomination 
seemed  more  and  more  certain,  his  Democratic  opponents 
increased  their  efforts  to  have  the  Republican  Convention 
reject  him.  In  no  corner  of  his  life  could  there  be  found 
a  cause  of  serious  criticism  unless  it  be  in  his  investment  in 
railroad  bonds.  On  that  matter  it  appears  that  none  seri- 
ously believed  that  they  should  find  any  wrong.  But  should 
they  succeed  in  getting  him  under  investigation  and  keep 
the  investigation  open  until  after  the  Republican  Convention, 
the  Democrats  hoped  to  prevent  in  that  way  the  taking  of 
their  strongest  man  by  the  Republicans,  as  a  candidate 
for  the  Presidency. 

Shrewdly  endeavoring  to  cover  their  scheme,  a  resolution 
was  offered  and  passed  to  investigate  the  affairs  of  the 
Pacific  railroad  and  it  was  so  worded  as  to  allow  the  com- 
mittee of  investigation  a  wide  scope  in  their  inquiries. 

As  soon  as  it  was  passed  the  exultant  originators  of  the 
scheme  talked  openly  of  the  intention  under  cover  of  that 
resolution  to  investigate  Elaine's  business  transactions  in 
railroad  bonds. 


308  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

The  purpose  was  then  too  clear  to  be  mistaken  as  it  was 
then  near  the  first  of  June  and  the  Republican  Convention 
met  on  the  fourteenth  of  that  month.  If  the  committee,  on 
Avhich  were  a  majority  of  Democrats,  were  allowed  to  keep 
control  of  the  matter  the  cloud  would  hang  over  Elaine's 
reputation  and  suspicions  be  allowed  to  arise  which  would 
be  likely  to  defeat  him.  That  such  was  their  purpose  be- 
came fully  apparent  when  a  despatch  from  London  exoner- 
ating Elaine  from  the  half-hinted  charges  against  him  was 
suppressed,  being  shown  by  Proctor  Knott,  the  chairman 
of  the  committee,  to  one  or  two  Democratic  friends.  Some 
of  these  Democrats  were  too  honorable  men  to  conceal  it, 
and  it  reached  Elaine's  ears.  He  did  not  hesitate  a  moment 
after  that.  He  was  bold  and  innocent.  He  determined  if 
possible  to  set  the  whole  matter  before  the  country  openly 
where  all  could  read  and  judge  for  themselves. 

Among  other  things  which  they  pretended  was  against 
his  good  name  was  his  purchase  of  some  bonds  of  the 
Arkansas  and  Little  Rock  railroad  after  Congress  had  legis- 
lated concerning  it.  No  one  claimed  that  he  had  any  inter- 
est or  knew  of  the  road  when  the  matter  came  up  in  Con- 
gress. The  committee  summoned  a  man  named  Mulligan 
from  Boston  who  in  some  way  had  obtained  possession  of 
Elaine's  private  correspondence  with  one  of  his  friends  con- 
cerning the  investments  in  railroad  stock.  Elaine  discov- 
ered this,  and,  to  defeat  the  damaging  surmises  which  the 
Democrats  kept  in  circulation  concerning  this  correspon- 
dence, he  went  to  Mulligan  and  after  considerable  entreaty, 
obtained  the  whole  correspondence.  Elaine  then,  on  the 
fifth  of  June,  went  into  the  House  and  making  it  a  question 
of  personal  privilege  read  the  whole  of  the  letters  boldly  and 
had  them  printed  in  the  record  of  the  House  proceedings. 

It  was  an  unusual  and  a  daring  measure.  Few  men 
would  have  had  the  courage  to  vindicate  themselves  in  that 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  309 

way.  The  correspondence  showed  no  dealings  in  any  bonds 
but  those  of  the  Arkansas  and  Little  Rock  railroad  which 
he  purchased  as  any  other  buyer  would  and  on  which  he 
must  have  lost  $15,000  or  $20,000.  The  suspicions  given 
out  beforehand  were  that  he  was  bribed  by  gifts  of  bonds  to 
do  something  for  -the  road  as  a  member  of  Congress.  But 
no  trace  of  any  such  action  appeared.  Yet  his  open  and 
complete  vindication  of  himself  and  the  perfectly  apparent 
motive  of  the  opposition  in  suggesting  the  investigation  and 
suppressing  evidence  in  his  favor,  did  not  prevent  some 
lovers  of  gossip  and  some  morbidly  suspicious  people  from 
misconstruing  and  doubting  still. 

How  much  this  accusation  had  to  do  with  the  defeat 
which  followed  in  the  convention  cannot  be  seen.  That 
it  had  some  effect  on  a  few  timid  ones  who  believed  Elaine 
thoroughly  honest,  but  "feared  the  talk,"  there  is  not  much 
doubt.  Fortunately  for  the  nation  they  who  could  stab  an 
individual  reputation  in  the  dark  could  not  succeed  in  kill- 
ing the  party  to  which  he  belonged. 

June  14th,  1876,  the  Republican  Convention  met  in  Cin- 
cinnati. The  excitement  was  great.  But  Blaine  was  the 
leading  candidate.  Hon.  Theodore  M.  Pomeroy  of  New 
York  was  temporary  chairman  and  Hon.  Edward  McPher- 
son  of  Pennsylvania  was  permanent  chairman. 

The  great  city  of  Cincinnati  was  filled  with  excited  poli- 
ticians, all  discussing,  criticising,  or  wildly  lauding  the 
various  candidates.  In  all  the  cities  and  large  towns  of  the 
country,  crowds  stood  in  front  of  newspaper  offices  and 
telegraph  stations  with  excited  anxiety.  The  great  Con- 
vention awaited  with  an  intensity  of  emotion  that  none  but 
those  who  were  there  could  realize  to  be  true.  When  the 
time  came  to  bring  Elaine's  name  before  that  body,  a  silence 
deep  and  oppressive,  followed  the  din  and  uproar  of  the 
previous  hour.  But  when  Col.  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  of 


310  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Illinois,  ascended  the  platform  as  the  advocate  for  the  friends 
of  Elaine,  the  enthusiasm  was  displayed  in  wild  and  almost 
frantic  shouts  and  signals.  Col.  Ingersoll  was  inspired  by 
the  occasion,  by  the  audience  before  him,  and  his  friendship 
for  the  man  for  whose  nomination  he  arose.  His  speech 
was  a  remarkable  specimen  of  modern  oratory,  and  was  the 
origin  of  the  sobriquet  of  "The  Plumed  Knight,"  which 
has  since  adhered  to  Elaine's  name. 

Colonel  Ingersoll  in  his  speech,  said : 

"Our  country,  crowned  with  the  vast  and  marvelous 
achievements  of  its  first  ^century,  asks  for  a  man  worthy  of 
the  past  and  prophetic  of  her  future  ;  asks  for  a  man  who 
has  the  audacity  of  genius ;  asks  for  a  man  who  is  the 
grandest  combination  of  heart,  conscience  and  brain  be- 
neath the  flag.  That  man  is  James  G.  Elaine.  For  the 
Republican  host  led  by  this  intrepid  man  there  can  be  no 
such  thing  as  defeat.  This  is  a  grand  year — a  year  filled 
with  the  recollection  of  the  Revolution  ;  filled  with  proud 
and  tender  memories  of  the  sacred  past ;  filled  with  the 
legends  of  liberty — a  year  in  which  the  sons  of  freedom  will 
drink  from  the  fountain  of  enthusiasm  ;  a  year  in  which  the 
people  call  for  a  man  who  has  preserved  in  Congress  what 
our  soldiers  won  upon  the  field  ;  a  year  in  which  we  call  for 
the  man  who  has  torn  from  the  throat  of  treason  the  tongue 
of  slander  ;  a  man  that  has  snatched  the  mask  of  Democracy 
from  the  hideous  face  of  Rebellion  ;  a  man  who,  like  an 
intellectual  athlete,  stood  in  the  arena  of  debate,  challenged 
all  comers,  and  who  up  to  the  present  moment  is  a  total 
stranger  to  defeat.  Like  an  armed  warrior,  like  a  plumed 
knight,  James  G.  Elaine  marched  down  the  halls  of  the 
American  Congress  and  threw  his  shining  lance  full  and 
fair  against  the  brazen  forehead  of  every  defamer  of  this 
country  and  maligner  of  its  honor. 

For  the  Republican  party  to  desert  that  gallant  man  now 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  311 

is  as  though  an  army  should  desert  their  general  upon  the 
field  of  battle.  James  G.  Blaine  is  now  and  has  been  for 
years  the  bearer  of  the  sacred  standard  of  the  Republic.  I 
call  it  sacred,  because  no  human  being  can  stand  beneath 
its  folds  without  becoming  and  without  remaining  free. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  in  the  name  of  the  Great 
Republic,  the  only  Republic  that  ever  existed  upon  this 
earth ;  in  the  name  of  all  her  defenders  and  of  all  her  sup- 
porters ;  in  the  name  of  all  her  soldiers  living ;  in  the  name 
of  all  her  soldiers  that  have  died  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and 
in  the  name  of  those  that  perished  in  the  skeleton  clutches  of 
famine  at  Andersonville  and  Libby,  whose  suifering  he  so 
eloquently  remembers,  Illinois  nominates  for  the  next  Presi- 
dent of  this  country  that  prince  of  parliamentarians,  that 
leader  of  leaders,  James  G.  Blaine." 

Applause  that  deafened  and  excitement  which  almost 
overcame  many  followed  this  eloquent  tribute.  None  felt 
it  was  overdrawn  and  none  of  his  opponents  hinted  that  its 
statements  were  untrue. 

On  the  first  ballot  Blaine  had  two  hundred  and  eighty- 
five  votes,  Bristow  one  hundred  and  thirteen  votes,  Conk- 
ling  ninety-nine  votes,  Morton  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
four  votes  and  Hayes  sixty-one  votes.  The  Hon.  Roscoe 
Conkling,  ever  after  his  famous  tournament  with  Blaine 
in  the  House,  seemed  determined  to  do  all  he  could  consis- 
tently with  his  allegience  to  his  party  to  defeat  Blaine  and 
his  friends.  This  feeling  appeared  again  on  this  occasion. 
Conkling's  friends  united  with  those  of  Morton  to  defeat 
Blaine  and  the  result  was  the  nomination  of  R.  B.  Hayes 
on  the  seventh  ballot.  The  vote  stood  on  the  last  ballot, 
Blaine  three  hundred  and  fifty-one,  Hayes  three  hundred  and 
eighty-four,  and  Bristow  twenty-one. 

There  was  a  feeling  of  disappointment  throughout  the 
country  at  the  defeat  of  Blaiue  and  for  a  time  great  fear  was 


312  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

expressed  by  many  of  the  leading  Republicans  that  it  would 
result  in  the  defeat  of  the  party.  That  such  would  have 
been  the  case  there  can  be  no  question,  had  Blaine  refused 
to  join  in  the  campaign.  But  Blaine  was  a  patriot  and  a 
statesman,  not  a  narrow,  selfish  seeker  after  office.  And 
while  the  balloting  was  going  on  and  Blaine  and  Garfield 
sat  together  in  Elaine's  house  in  Washington  listening  to 
the  dispatches,  Blaine  predicted  that  Hayes  would  be  nom- 
inated. He  took  a  pencil  before  the  result  of  the  last  bal- 
lot was  known  and  wrote  the  following  dispatch  and  showed 
it  to  Garfield : 
To  Gov.  R.  B.  HAYES,  Columbus,  Ohio. 

I  offer  you  my  sincerest  congratulations  on  your  nomina- 
tion. It  will  be  alike  my  highest  pleasure  as  well  as  my 
first  political  duty  to  do  the  utmost  in  my  power  to  promote 
your  election.  The  earliest  moments  of  my  returning  and 
confirmed  health  will  be  devoted  to  securing  you  as  large  a 
vote  in  Maine  as  she  would  have  given  for  myself. 

J.  G.  BLAINE. 

Into  the  labor  of  the  subsequent  campaign  he  did  enter 
frankly,  heartily  and  conscientiously. 

July  10th,  1876,  immediately  after  the  Convention  the 
Governor  of  Maine  appointed  Blaine  to  fill  the  unexpired 
term  of  Hon.  Lot  M.  Morrill,  who  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
United  States  Senate  to  take  the  position  of  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  in  the  President's  Cabinet. 

His  entry  into  this  new  branch  of  the  Government  was 
no  relief  from  work.  For  he  was  so  well  known  and  so 
conversant  with  the  Nation's  business  that  he  needed  no 
farther  experience  to  enter  into  the  practical  work.  He 
was  received  cordially  by  the  Senators  and  took  his  place  at 
once  with  the  oldest  as  a  debater  and  worker. 

On  taking  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  Blaine  wrote  a  letter  to 
his  constituents  in  Maine,  which  contained  the  following 
expressions : 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  313 

"Beginning  with  1862  you  have  by  continuous  elections 
sent  me  as  your  representative  to  the  Congress  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  For  such  marked  confidence  I  have  endeavored 
to  return  the  most  zealous  and  devoted  service  in  my  power, 
and  it  is  certainly  not  without  a  feeling  of  pain  that  I  now 
surrender  a  trust  by  which  I  have  always  felt  so  signally 
honored.  It  has  been  my  boast  in  public  and  in  private 
that  no  man  on  the  floor  of  Congress  ever  represented  a 
constituency  more  distinguished  for  intelligence,  for  patriot- 
ism, for  public  and  personal  virtue.  The  cordial  support 
you  have  so  uniformly  given  me  through  these  fourteen 
eventful  years  is  the  chief  honor  of  my  life.  In  closing 
the  intimate  relations  I  have  so  long  held  with  the  people  of 
this  district,  it  is  a  great  satisfaction  to  me  to  know  that 
with  returning  health  I  shall  enter  upon  a  field  of  duty  in 
which  I  can  still  serve  them  in  common  with  the  larger  con- 
stituency of  which  they  form  a  part." 

The  Kennebec  Journal,  well  representing  the  sentiment 
of  his  Congressional  district,  in  answer  to  his  letter, 
said : 

"Fourteen  years  ago,  standing  in  the  Convention  at  which 
he  was  first  nominated,  Mr.  Blaine  pledged  himself  to  use 
his  best  services  for  the  district,  and  to  support  to  the  best 
of  his  ability  the  policy  of  Abraham  Lincom  to  subdue  the 
rebellion,  and  then  and  there  expressed  plainly  the  idea  that 
slavery  must  and  ought  to  be  abolished  to  save  the  Union. 
That  he  has  kept  his  pledge  faithfully  his  constituents  know 
and  feel,  and  the  records  of  Congress  attest.  To  this  dis- 
trict his  abilities  were  freely  given,  and  as  he  rose  in  honor 
in  the  House  and  in  the  public  estimation  he  reflected  honor 
and  gave  strength  to  the  constituency  that  supported  him. 
Every  step  he  made  in  advance  was  a  gain  for  them.  It 
was  a  grand  thing  for  this  district  to  have  as  its  Representa- 
tive in  Congress  for  six  years  the  Speaker  of  the  House, 
filling  the  place  next  in  importance  to  that  of  President  of 
the  United  States,  with  matchless  ability.  It  was  a  grander 
thing  when  he  took  the  lead  of  the  minority  in  the  House 
last  December,  routed  the  Democratic  majority,  and  drove 
back  in  dismay  the  ex-Confederates  who  were  intending  an,l 


314  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

expecting  through  the  advantage  they  had  already  gained  to 
grasp  the  supreme  power  in  the  Nation  and  wield  it  in  the 
interest  of  the  cause  of  secession  and  rebellion  revived. 
For  what  he  has  done  as  their  representative  in  Congress, 
never  will  this  3d  District  of  Maine  forget  to  honor  the 
name  of  James  G.  Blaine.  It  will  live  in  the  hearts  of 
tills  people  even  as  the  name  of  Henry  Clay  is  still  loved  by 
th6  people  of  his  old  district  in  Kentucky." 

During  the  campaign  Blaine  visited  many  of  the  large 
cities  of  the  Nation  and  his  reception  was  one  of  the  most 
astonishing  ovations  ever  seen  in  this  country.  The  Ken- 
nebec  Journal  of  October  4th,  1876,  speaking  of  Elaine's 
reception,  said : 

"The  grand  ovations  which  Senator  Blaine  has  received  in 
the  Western  and  Middle  States  are  said  by  good  authorities 
to  have  excelled  any  ever  accorded  to  any  individual  since 
the  early  days  of  the  republic. 

'In  the  Newark  (N.  J.)  Courier  of  Saturday  we  find  the 
following  account  of  his  reception  in  that  city,  in  which 
Democrats  as  well  as  Republicans  joined  to  do  him  honor. 
The  Courier  says  : 

'The  Republican  demonstration  in  Newark  on  Tuesday  in 
honor  of  the  Hon.  J.  G.  Blaine  was  the  most  remarkable 
event  of  the  campaign  in  this  State.  In  its  proportion  and 
in  the  degree  of  enthusiasm  shown,  the  afternoon  meeting, 
and  likewise  the  reception  and  street  parade  in  the  evening 
were  beyond  comparison  with  any  previous  demonstration 
in  New  Jersey,  and  can  be  likened  only  to  the  monster  out- 
pouring of  people  and  the  absorbing  interest  manifested  in 
the  Western  campaign.' 

'Shortly  after  one  o'clock  crowds  of  people  were  noticed 
moving  towards  Institute  Hall  in  Washington  street,  and  from 
that  time  until  two  o'clock  they  flowed  in  a  steady 
stream  into  the  capacious  building.  The  lower  floor,  the 
galleries  and  the  stage  were  filled  even  to  crowding  with  an 
audience  which  for  intelligence  as  well  as  number  has  not 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  315 

been  often  excelled  in  Newark.  It  included  nearly  all  the 
representative  Republicans  of  the  county,  beside  numbers  of 
equally  prominent  Democrats,  many  of  whom  were  given 
seats  on  the  stage ;  several  clergymen,  among  them  Rev. 
Drs.  Guenther,  Fish,  Forrester  and  Rev.  W.  "W.  Newton, 
and  hundreds  of  other  professional  men.  Hon.  T.  B.  Ped- 
die,  Hon.  M.  L.  Ward,  Hon.  H.  N.  Congar  and  Hon.  N. 
Perry  were  prominent  on  the  platform.  Ladies  occupied 
front  seats  on  the  floor  of  the  hall. 

'For  half  an  hour  before  Mr.  Elaine's  arrival,  which  was 
about  two  o'clock,  the  vast  audience  were  waiting  for  him  with 
an  eager  expectancy  that  was  quite  marked.  His  appearance 
on  the  stage,  accompanied  by  Hon.  G.  A.  Halsey,  whose  guest 
he  was,  Mr.  John  Y.  Foster  and  Capt.  A.  L.  Bassett,  was 
hailed  with  rapturous  cheering.  Upon  call  of  Captain  Bas- 
sett three  cheers  were  again  given  for  the  "great  champion 
of  human  rights."  Senator  Kirk,  who  was  chosen  chair- 
man introduced  Mr.  Blaine  and  thereby  evoked  once  more 
the  cheers  of  the  excited  assembly.  Their  loud  acclaims 
filled  the  hall,  died  down  and  then  rose  again,  while  at  the 
same  time  hats  and  handkerchiefs  were  waved  in  all  parts 
of  the  house. 

'Mr.  Blaine  showed  great  fatigue  under  the  hard  work  he 
was  doing  for  the  Republican  cause.  He  was  evidently  weary 
in  body  and  mind,  and  in  addition  to  this  his  voice  was 
husky,  so  that  he  made  no  attempt  at  oratory,  but  delivered 
his  address  in  a  free,  semi-conversational  manner.  It  was 
nevertheless  forcible  and  effective. 

'At  the  conclusion  of  the  speech,  the  meeting  was  brought 
to  a  close  with  cheers  for  Mr.  Blaine,  Mr.  Peddie  and 
Hayes  and  Wheeler.  Immediately  a  rush  was  made  to  the 
stage,  to  shake  hands  with  Mr.  Blaine.  He  was  again 
cheered  there  by  the  group  of  men  about  him  and  afterwards 
in  the  street  upon  leaving  the  hall. 


316  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

'The  dinner,  at  the  residence  of  ex-Congressman  Halsey, 
was  a  very  elegant  affair.  Among  the  honored  guests  who 
dined  with  Mr.  Elaine  were  ex-Governor  Ward,  Hon. 
Thomas  N.  McCarter,  Hon.  Thomas  B.  Peddie,  Hon. 
Nehemiah  Perry,  Hon.  H.  N.  Congar,  Hon.  Wm.  H.  Kirk, 
Mr.  John  Y.  Foster,  Mr.  T.  T.  Kinney,  Capt.  A.  L.  Bas- 
sett,  Mr.  J.  W.  Grover,  Hon.  John  Hill,  Mr.  John  L. 
Blake,  Mr.  Ira  M.  Yarrison,  Joseph  Coult,  Esq.,  Mr.  Wil- 
liam Stainsby. 

'The  following  toast  was  proposed  by  Captain  Bassett : 
"Henry  Clay  and  James  G.  Elaine;  they  enjoy  alike  the 
love  of  the  people  ;  may  the  latter  secure  what  the  former 
failed  to  achieve."  There  were  no  speeches. 

'The  reception  at  Park  Hall  amounted  as  did  the  meeting 
in  the  afternoon,  to  an  ovation.  As  soon  as  the  doors  were 
open,  at  seven-thirty  o'clock  Alderman  Stainsby  appeared  up- 
on the  platform  and  announced  that  Mr.  Elaine  was  in  the 
hall,  and  invited  those  assembled  to  pass  across  the  platform 
and  greet  the  distinguished  Senator.  As  that  gentleman  ap- 
peared a  tremendous  cheer  rang  out,  so  hearty,  so  enthus- 
iastic, that  it  gave  the  best  assurance  of  the  appreciation  of 
the  citizens  of  Newark  of  this  brave  and  talented  leader  of 
the  Republican  party.  Hon.  George  A.  Halsey  stood  be- 
side Mr.  Elaine  and  gave  the  introductions.  In  response 
to  earnest  calls  for  a  speech  the  Maine  Senator  stepped  for- 
ward and  said  that  he  thought  one  speech  in  a  day  was 
sufficient.  He  tendered  his  warmest  thanks  for  the  splendid 
ovation  given  him,  and  said  that  no  place  had  shown  more 
earnest,  friendly  greeting  than  Newark.  He  was  cheered 
repeatedly  while  the  handshaking  was  going  on. 

'Among  those  present  at  the  reception  were  Hon.  Thomas 
B.  Peddie,  ex-Gov.  Ward,  Mr.  S.  C.  Halsey,  Capt.  Bassett, 
John  L.  Blake,  Joseph  L.  Munn,  Dr.  Stockton,  A.  M. 
Holbrook,  Rev.  Mr.  Hutchings,  Senator  Kirk,  Hon.  Amos 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  317 

Clark,  Mr.  E.  G.  Brown,  Hon.  Nehemiah  Perry,  Alder- 
man Gould  and  many  others  of  note.  A  large  number 
of  the  most  respectable  Democrats  in  the  city  were  also  pre- 
sent and  shook  Mr.  Elaine  by  the  hand.  During  the  hand- 
shaking, Hon.  Thomas  B.  Peddie,  our  next  Congressman, 
came  in  for  a  full  share.  He  was  enthuisastically  cheered. 
'It  seemed  to  be  generally  believed  that  Mr.  Blaine  would 
be  the  successor  of  Gen.  Hayes  in  the  Presidency,  and  many 
expressed  their  devotion  to  him  as  they  took  him  by  the 
hand,  in  such  words  as  these  :  "Sorry  we  cannot  vote  for 
you  this  time  but  we  will  next,"  and  "Thank  the  Lord  I 
have  got  a  chance  to  take  you  by  the  hand,"  and  many  other 
similar  expressions.  The  ladies  also  gave  many  expressions 
of  admiration  for  the  hero  of  a  hundred  hard-fought  battles 
in  the  House,  and  several  grandmothers  went  away  happy 
after  he  had  kissed  the  little  ones  in  their  arms.  By  request 
of  Mr.  Blaine,  the  Republican  Glee  Club,  consisting  of 
Messrs.  John  Woodal,  John  Foster,  John  W.  Creswell  and 
Wm.  Watkins,  sang  their  celebrated  Hayes  and  Wheeler 
campaign  song,  which  was  enthusiastically  received.  As  the 
Senator  was  receiving  on  time,  the  reception  had  to  be  short 
to  give  way  for  the  grand  review  of  the  Boys  in  Blue,  at 
the  residence  of  the  next  Congressman,  Hon.  Thomas  B. 
Peddie.  The  residence  of  Robert  Stoutendurgh,  in  front 
of  the  hall  was  beautifully  decorated  with  flags  and  colored 
lights.  As  Mr.  Blaine  passed  up  Broad  Street  that  avenue 
was  all  ablaze  with  the  torches  of  the  Boys  in  Blue,  form- 
ing. In  Mr.  Peddie's  elegant  parlor  a  brilliant  company 
awaited  him  in  which  were  a  large  number  of  ladies. 
Among  the  gentlemen  present  were  Hons.  Cortlandt  Parker, 
John  Hill,  Marcus  L.  Ward,  George  A.  Halsey,  Amos 
Clark,  Messrs.  S.  C.  Halsey,  J.  Jacob  Hockenjor,  Alder- 
man Gould,  Marvin  and  Stainsby,  and  Wm.  Gould  of 
Caldwell. 


318  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

'Cannon  on  the  park  thundered  out  tones  of  welcome, 
fireworks  blazed  incessantly,  many  colored  lights  making 
the  scene  truly  grand  and  picturesque.  The  Boys  in  Blue 
marched  splendidly.  They  kept  time  like  an  army  of  vet- 
eran soldiers,  and  there  was  not  the  slightest  disorder  in 
the  ranks.  All  of  the  townships  were  represented,  and  by 
actual  count  of  the  men  reported  to  Brigadier  General  Bow- 
ers, there  were  about  3,500  in  line.  Conspicuous  among 
them  was  the  James  A.  Hedden  Guards  of  Watsessing, 
bearing  a  beautiful  banner.  The  park  seemed  surrounded 
by  a  cordon  of  torches.  Cheer  upon  cheer  rent  the  air, 
rockets  went  streaming  up  toward  the  quiet  stars  and  vic- 
tory seemed  to  pervade  the  air.  Mr.  Blaine  left  the  resi- 
dence of  Mr.  Peddie  in  a  carriage,  accompanied  by  that 
gentleman  and  Messrs.  Hasley  and  Ward,  for  the  Market 
Street  depot.  Down  Market  Street  the  Boys  in  Blue  opened 
ranks,  occupying  each  side  of  the  street  while  the  distin- 
guished guest  drove  between,  and  was  greeted  along  the 
whole  route  by  continuous  cheers.  The  line  reached  almost 
from  Broad  Street  to  the  depot.  At  the  latter  place  there 
was  a  display  of  pyrotechnics,  the  Boys  having  determined 
to  give  the  Senator  the  grandest  send-off  possible. ' ' 

The  New  York  Tribune  said,  referring  to  Mr.  Elaine's 
reception  during  the  campaign  of  1876  : 

"The  reception  of  Mr.  Blaine  at  the  hall  of  the  Cooper 
Union,  last  evening,  was  one  of  the  grandest  of  demon- 
strations which  even  this  city  has  ever  witnessed.  In 
every  respect  the  audience  was  one  which  reflected 
credit  upon  the  intelligence  and  patriotism  of  the  me- 
tropolis. Among  those  on  the  platform  were  Thurlow 
Weed,  Elliot  C.  Cowdin,  Luther  R.  Marsh,  Gen.  Daniel 
E.  Sickles,  Gen.  G.  B.  Sheridan,  William  Blakeman, 
Judge  F.  J.  Fithian,  Henry  Highland  Garnet,  Hon.  Wil- 
liam A.  Darling,  Charles  S.  Spencer,  ex-Judge  A.  J.  Dit- 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  319 

tenhoefer,  Hon.  A.  W.  Tenney,  and  many  others.  At 
7  :20  Hon.  A.  B.  Cornell  called  the  meeting  to  order  and 
nominated  Clarence  A.  Seward  as  chairman.  Mr.  Seward 
accepted  the  honor  in  a  neat  speech,  and,  after  the  com- 
pletion of  the  organization  by  the  appointment  of  Vice 
Presidents  and  Secretaries,  introduced  to  the  audience  the 
speaker  of  the  evening,  Hon.  J.  G.  Elaine.  The  appear- 
ance of  the  ex-Speaker  was  the  signal  for  a  most  enthu- 
siastic and  tumultuous  reception.  Men  cheered  until  they 
were  hoarse,  women  waved  their  handkerchiefs,  and  for  full 
five  minutes  the  air  resounded  with  the  continuous  applause. 
When  the  noise  of  his  welcome  had  sufficiently  subsided, 
Mr.  Elaine  advanced  to  the  front  of  the  platform  and  spoke 
for  an  hour  and  a  half.  His  exposure  of  the  meanness, 
duplicity  and  false  pretenses  of  the  Democratic  Confederate 
House  was  telling,  and  was  received  with  thunders  of  ap- 
plause from  the  entire  assemblage.  His  tribute  to  the 
courage  of  the  Republican  Senate  in  resisting  the  arrogant 
demands  of  the  ex-Rebel  Representatives,  called  forth  a 
renewed  tempest  of  cheering,  while  his  description  of  the 
servile  submission  of  the  Northern  Democratic  majority  to 
the  Southern  Democratic  minority,  was  a  masterpiece  of 
sarcasm  and  indignation.  The  peroration  in  which  he 
pointed  the  argument  for  protection  to  the  Southern  blacks 
by  quoting  Edmund  Burke's  appeal  in  the  impeachment 
of  "VVarren  Hastings,  in  which  justice  was  demanded  for 
the  suffering  Hindo,  was  spoken  with  the  utmost  effect, 
and  was  received  accordingly.  The  scene  when  Mr.  Elaine 
left  the  rostrum,  was  a  repetition  of  his  welcome.  It  was 
generally  conceded  that  the  meeting  was  one  of  the  most 
memorable  in  the  annals  of  New  York  politics." 

Mr.  Elaine  was  elected  by  the  Maine  Legislature  to  com- 
plete the  term  of  Senator  Morrill,  and  again  in  1877,  elected 
for  the  succeeding  full  term  of  six  years. 


320  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

He  had  become  so  established  in  the  hearts  of  the  people 
of  Maine,  and  their  confidence  in  his  good  judgment  and 
integrity  was  such  that  any  honor  which  they  had  to  be- 
stow they  pressed  upon  him  as  one  above  all  Dthers  entitled 
to  their  suffrages. 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Elaine  on  Southern  War  Claims. — The  Celebrated  Neal  Dow  Case. 
— Chinese  Emigration. — Elaine's  Answer  to  William  Lloyd 
Garrison. — The  Silver  Question. — Remonetization  of  Silver. — 
Pensioning  Jeff  Davis. — United  States  Troops  at  the  Polls. — 
A  Sharp  discussion  in  the  Senate. 

During  Elaine's  service  in  the  United  States  Senate  he 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  Toledo  Blade  upon  the  Southern  war 
claims,  which  so  fully  explains  his  position  in  the  Senate 
and  in  his  public  speeches,  that  it  is  given  here  to  save  the 
recital  of  the  many  things  he  said  and  did  upon  the  subject : 

TOLEDO,  October  5,  1876. 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Toledo  Blade  : 

I  observe  in  The  Cincinnati  Enquirer  of  yesterday,  a  let- 
ter'from  Bion  Bradbury,  Esq.,  an  attorn ey-at -law  in  Port- 
land, Maine,  in  regard  to  the  decision  made  by  Judge  Clif- 
ford of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court,  in  the  now  famous 
Neal  Dow  case.  Mr.  Bradbury  is  counsel  for  the  plaintiff 
in  that  suit,  is  fully  committed  to  all  its  dangerous  doctrines, 
and  is  well  known  in  Maine  as  one  of  the  most  rancorous 
and  uncompromising  of  partizan  Democrats.  He  is  a  fair 
and  full  type  of  the  men  whom  the  loyal  Republican  senti- 
ment of  the  North  will  have  to  fight  to  the  bitter  end  on  all 
questions  of  this  kind.  Only  two  or  three  points  of  Mr. 
Bradbury's  letter  require  my  attention,  and  I  am  compelled 
to  write  "on  the  wing,"  and  of  course  very  hastily. 

Mr.  Bradbury  intimates  that  I  have  had  in  my  possession, 


322  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

ever  since  my  Boston  speech  of  September  18th,  a  letter 
from  Judge  Clarke,  of  New  Hampshire,  who  sat  with  Judge 
Clifford,  and  dissented  from  his  opinion.  The  inference 
Mr.  Bradbury  desires  the  public  to  draw  is  that  I  have  con- 
cealed or  withheld  Judge  Clarke's  letter  all  that  time.  The 
truth  is,  Judge  Clarke's  letter  was  not  written  till  Septem- 
ber 22d,  mailed  the  23d,  and  has  been  following  me  from 
point  to  point,  and  finally  reached  me  at  Cincinnati  three 
days  since.  The  letter  is  as  follows,  and  I  give  it  verbatim 
et  literatim: 

MANCHESTER,  N.  H.,  Sept.  22,  '76. 
My  Dear  MR.  BLAINE  : 

My  attention  has  been  called  to  a  passage  of  your  speech 
at  Boston,  in  which  you  refer  to  a  suit  against  Neal  Dow, 
recently  heard  by  Judge  Clifford  and  myself  at  Portland. 

Your  statement  of  the  case  is  substantially  correct,  and 
forcibly  illustrates  the  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  these 
Southern  war  claims,  and  yet  it  may  do  injustice  to  Judge  Clif- 
ford, by  leaving  an  impression  that  he  is  in  favor  of  paying 
such  claims.  I  hardly  think  this  is  so,  and  no  such  infer- 
ence can  be  drawn  from  his  conduct  or  decision  in  this  case. 
He  heard  the  case  in  the  first  instance  sitting  alone.  Neither 
Judge  Shepley  nor  Judge  Fox  could  sit  with  him.  He  had 
the  case  for  a  long  time  under  advisement,  it  presenting  a 
question  of  great  National  importance,  and  of  fine  pleading. 
He  did  not  wish  to  decide  it  alone,  and  it  could  in  only  one 
way  be  carried  to  the  Supreme  Court,  to  wit.,  a  certificate  of 
difference  between  two  judges,  because  the  amount  being 
about  $1,700,  it  could  not  go  upon  writ  of  error.  To  en- 
able the  parties,  therefore,  if  they  wish,  to  take  the  case  to 
the  Supreme  Court,  he  sent  for  me  to  come  and  sit  with  him, 
and  sign  the  certificate  of  difference,  as  I  did. 

One  great  difficulty  in  the  case  is,  General  Dow  let  a 
judgment  go  by  default  in  a  court  recognized  by  Judge 
Shepley  while  Military  Governor  of  New  Orleans,  and  that 
judgment  is  now  sued  here.  The  judgment  is  conclusive  if 
the  court  had  jurisdiction,  and  the  court  was  one  recognized 
by  the  Military  Governor,  and  its  process  was  duly  served 
on  General  Dow. 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  323 

The  case  is  one  of  difficulty,  but  I  am  quite  certain  Judge 
Clifford  is  anxious  it  should  be  decided  right. 
Yours  truly, 

DANIEL  CLARKE. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Judge  Clarke  frankly  says  that 
my  "statement  of  the  case  was  substantially  correct,"  and 
further  that  it  forcibly  illustrates  the  danger  to  be  apprehended 
from  these  Southern  ivar  claims.  These  remarks  by  Judge 
Clarke  sufficiently  answer 'Mr.  Bradbury's  ill-tempered,  ill- 
mannered,  untruthful  assertions  respecting  the  main  point  at 
issue. 

I  am  not  responsible  for  the  report  of  my  speech  at  War- 
ren, as  quoted  by  Mr.  Bradbury.  I  never  saw  the  reporter's 
notes,  and  never  read  the  extract  quoted  by  Mr.  Bradbury 
until  I  saw  it  in  his  letter.  But  I  was  assuredly  reported 
incorrectly.  I  certainly  never  dreamed  of  calling  Judge 
Clifford  "a  hungry  Democrat."  I  am  too  familiar  with  the 
Judge's  well-fed  and  portly  dimensions  to  apply  to  him  any 
such  absurd  characterization.  Neither  did  I  reflect  on  his 
personal  or  official  integrity.  On  the  contrary,  I  state  that 
one  of  the  most  alarming  features  of  the  decision  was  that 
Judge  Clifford  belonged  to  that  gnarled,  twisted,  ingrained, 
incurable  school  of  Bourbon  Democracy  that  honestly  be- 
lieves in  just  such  dangerous  and  destructive  doctrines  as 
are  covered  by  this  decision. 

Mr.  Bradbury  says  that  the  only  point  involved  in  Judge 
Clifford's  decision  was  the  question  of  jurisdiction  of  the 
Louisiana  Court.  Precisely  !  The  Louisiana  Court  gave 
judgment  against  a  colonel  of  the  Union  army,  for  property 
seized  and  appropriated  by  a  foraging  squad  of  the  regi- 
ment ;  judgment  was  taken  by  default,  Colonel  Dow  being 
with  his  command  in  the  field,  utterly  unable  to  respond  to 
a  summons,  and  certainly  not  dreaming  that  civil  suits  could 
be  brought  in  the  country  of  insurgents  against  officers  of  the 


324  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

invading  army  of  the  Union.  I  have  always  stated  the  case 
with  accuracy,  and  neither  Judge  Clifford  nor  Mr.  Bradbury 
can  show  why  every  other  officer  of  the  Union  army  may 
not,  in  like  manner,  be  sued  for  all  the  property  which  his 
command  may  have  seized  and  appropriated  during  the  four 
years  of  the  rebellion.  Judge  Clifford's  decision  is  far 
worse  than  if  it  sustained  a  suit  brought  since  the  war,  for 
it  distinctly  recognizes,  if  it  does  not  positively  affirm,  that 
while  the  war  was  actually  going  onflagrante  bello,  an  offi- 
cer of  the  Union  army  was  bound,  at  whatever  peril  it  might 
be  to  the  Union  cause,  to  leave  his  command  when  sum- 
moned by  a  local  court,  in  the  heart  of  a  rebellious  country. 
And  Judge  Clifford,  without  looking  at  the  facts  which  no- 
toriously surrounded  the  case — nay,  shutting  his  eyes  to 
these  facts,  when  it  required  a  great  effort  to  close  them, 
recognizes  the  jurisdiction  of  a  Louisiana  court  to  interfere, 
at  the  very  crisis  of  the  war,  with  the  operations  of  the  Un- 
ion army.  Judge  Clarke  says :  "Judge  Clifford  has  had  the 
case  a  long  time  under  advisement,  it  presenting  a  case  of 
grave  National  importance."  The  "long  time,"  referred  to 
by  Judge  Clarke,  covers  at  least  eight  years,  I  am  told.  It  is 
not  for  me  to  say  that  Judge  Clifford  has  not  had  good  rea- 
sons for  withholding  his  opinion  this  "long  time,"  but  it  can- 
not fail  to  strike  the  country  that  the  decision  is  promulgated 
just  at  the  time  that  Judge  Clarke  thinks  that  there  is  "dan- 
ger to  be  apprehended  from  these  Southern  war  claims."  I 
have  no  right  to  comment  on  Judge  Clifford's  motives,  and 
do  not  assume  to  judge  them,  but  I  have  a  perfect  right  to 
discuss  the  mood  and  tense  of  his  remarkable  opinion.  And 
the  danger  concealed  under  that  opinion  is  greatly  enhanced 
by  the  reported  expression  of  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
the  Presidency,  that  "erery  soldier  who  marched  across 
Southern  soil  icas  a  trespasser,  and  liable  to  suit  for  damages 
in  an  action  for  trespass."  Ex-Gov.  Underwood,  of  Ver- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  325 

mont,  declares  that  Mr.  Tilden  made  this  identical  declara- 
tion to  him  during  the  war. 

The  dangers  to  which  I  called  attention,  as  exemplified 
by  Judge  Clifford's  opinion,  were  substantially  these  : 

1.  That  an  army  officer  can  be  sued,  and  compelled, 
by  judgment  of  court,  to  pay  for  property  seized  by  him,  or 
his  soldiers,  at  the  South  during  the  war. 

2.  That  in   such  a   suit,  by  decision  of  the   Supreme 
Court,  touching  cotton  cases  before  the  Court  of  Claims,  no 
proof  whatever  can  be  required  that  the  plaintiff  was  not  a 
rebel,  but  that  he  may  recover  without  such  proof. 

3.  That  such  a  suit  may  be  brought,  and  judgment  re- 
covered in  any  Southern  State  Court,  and  then  the  judg- 
ment sued  in  a  United  States  Court  at  the  North,  and  the 
judgment  affirmed,  and  the  officer  compelled  to  pay,  by  the 
process  of  the  United  States  Court. 

No  answer  has  been  made  to  any  of  these  points  by 
Mr.  Bradbury.  He  says  that  Bradish  Johnson,  the  plain- 
tiff, was,  in  fact,  loyal,  but  he  does  not  assert  that  any  such 
fact  was  proved,  or  that  Judge  Clifford's  opinion  makes  any 
distinction  whatever  between  a  loyal  citizen  and  a  rebel. 
And  this  point  illustrates  the  very  danger  I  have  been  try- 
ing to  point  out,  and  most  forcibly  presents  the  rapid  prog- 
ress we  are  making  towards  paying  Southern  claims, 
regardless  of  the  loyalty  of  the  claimant.  * 

With  the  Republican  party  in  power,  the  United  States 
Treasury  is  safe  from  the  frightful  raid  now  impending  over 
it.  But  what,  I  ask,  may  be  apprehended  from  a  Demo- 
cratic Congress,  a  Democratic  President,  and  Democratic 
Judges  ? 

The  passage  of  one  short  law,  covering  only  three 
points,  would  bankrupt  the  United  States  Government,  and 
destroy  our  public  credit.  Those  points  are  : 

1 .     That   no   proof  of  loyalty  shall  be  required  of  any 


326  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

claimant  before  the  Southern  claims  commission,  now  in 
session,  or  before  any  department  of  the  Government  other 
than  that  required  by  the  -United  States  Supreme  Court  in 
suits  at  law,  i.  e.  no  proof  whatever. 

2.  That   the  statutes  of  limitation  shall   not  apply    in 
case  of  any  war  claims  otherwise  allowable  against  any  in- 
dividual or  against  the  United  States.  If  there  be  any  ques- 
tion of  law  about  the  power  to  revive  a  claim  against  an  in- 
dividual, once  barred  by  statute  of  limitation,  there  is  cer- 
tainly none  as  to  the  power  of  the  Government  to  revive  it 
as  against  itself,  and   that  is  the  point  principally  affecting 
the  United  States  Treasury  and   the  loyal  tax-payers  of  the 
country. 

3.  That  "reasonable  compensation  may  be  recovered  by 
all  citizens  of  the  United    States  for  the  use  and  occupation 
of  their  property  by  the  United   States   army  or  any   part 
thereof,  during  the  late  civil  war  ;"  and  in  these  words  I  am 
but  quoting  the  language  of  a  bill  now  pending  in  the  U.  S. 
House  of  Representatives,  introduced   by  a  Democrat,  and 
under  consideration  by  the  Democratic  Judiciary  Committee 
to  whom  it  was  referred  in  February  last,  and  who  did  not 
report  it  back  to  the  House,  but  held   it  for   consideration 
until- after  the  Presidential  election.     Why  did  they  not  re- 
port adversely  upon  it,  promptly  and  decidedly? 

The  courteous  tone  in  which  Judge  Clarke  refers  to  his 
belief  in  Judge  Clifford's  intention  to  do  right,  belongs  to 
the  amenities  of  the  Bench,  and  with  these  I  am  not  deal- 
ing at  present.  I  only  see  that  Judge  Clifford  did  not  agree 
with  Judge  Clarke,  and  end,  as  he  might  then  and  there,  all 
dangerous  claims  of  this  character.  I  only  see  that  Judge 
Clifford's  great  influence  on  the  Supreme  Bench,  based  on 
his  long  service  and  his  learning  in  the  law,  has  all  been 
thrown  on  the  Southern  or  rebel  side  of  this  mighty  ques- 
tion. In  short,  in  the  very  language  of  Judge  Clarke,  I 


OF   JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  327 

only  see  that  the  case  "fully  illustrates  the  danger  to  be  ap- 
prehended from  these  Southern  war  claims."  And  seeing 
these  things,  and  believing  these  things,  I  have  exposed  them 
wherever  I  have  spoken,  and  shall  continue  to  do  so  to  the 
end  of  the  Presidential  campaign. 

Very  respectfully, 

J.  G.  ELAINE. 

In  February,  1879,  the  question  of  Chinese  Emigration 
which  had  from  time  to  time  appeared  in  the  Senate,  came 
up  in  the  definite  form  of  a  bill  to  restrict  Chinese  emigra- 
tion, and  Blaine  made  a  strong  argument  in  favor  of  the 
measure  and  gave  many  precedents  and  statistics  jn  support 
of  his  position.  But  he  was  often  interrupted  and  other  mat- 
ters interfered  with  the  discussion  so  much  that  a  better 
conclusion  of  his  argument  can  be  obtained  from  a  letter  he 
wrote  soon  afterwards  in  answer  to  the  criticism  of  William 
Lloyd  Garrison  : 

The  reflections  of  Mr.  William  Lloyd  Garrison  upon  the 
Senators  who  voted  for  the  bill  restricting  Chinese  emigra- 
tion are  made,  I  think,  without  the  thorough  examina- 
tion which  he  usually  brings  to  the  discussion  of  public 
questions.  Permit  me,  with  plainness  of  speech,  and  yet 
with  the  sincere  respect  I  entertain  for  Mr.  Garrison,  to 
state  the  grounds  on  which  I  cast  my  vote  for  the  measure. 

First.  There  has  not  been  from  the  outset  any  emigra- 
tion of  Chinese  in  the  sense  in  which  emigration  comes  to 
us  from  Europe.  It  has  all  been  "under  contract"  and 
through  agencies,  and  if  not  in  every  respect  of  the  Cooly 
type,  the  entire  emigration  from  China  has  had  the  worst 
and  most  demoralized  features  of  Coolyism.  The  Burliug- 
game  treaty  specially  "reprobated  any  other  than  an  entirely 
voluntary  emigration,"  and  yet  from  the  first  Chinaman 
that  came,  iu  1848,  to  the  last  one  that  landed  at  San  Fran- 


328  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

cisco,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  not  one  in  one  hundred  came  in 
an  "entirely  voluntary"  manner.  Up  to  October  1,  1876, 
the  records  of  the  San  Francisco  custom-house  show  that 
233,136  Chinese  had  arrived  in  this  country  and  that  93,- 
273  had  returned  to  China.  The  emigration  since  has 
been  quite  large,  and  allowing  for  returns  and  deaths,  the 
best  statistics  I  can  procure  show  that  about  109,000  Chi- 
nese are  in  California  and  from  20,000  to  25,000  in  the 
adjacent  Pacific  States  and  Territories. 

Second.  Of  this  large  population  fully  nine-tenths  are 
adult  males.  The  women  have  not  in  all  numbered  over 
seven  thousand,  and,  according  to  all  accounts,  they  are  im- 
pure and  lewd  far  beyond  the  Anglo-Saxon  conception  of 
impurity  and  lewdness.  One  of  the  best  informed  Califor- 
nians  I  ever  met  says  that  not  one  score  of  decent  and  pure 
women  could  ever  have  been  found  in  the  whole  Chinese 
emigration.  It  is  only  in  the  imagined,  rather  I  hope  the 
un imagined,  feculence  and  foulness  of  Sodom  and  Gomor- 
rah that  any  parallel  can  be  found  to  the  atrocious  nastiness 
of  the  Chinese  quarter  of  San  Francisco.  I  speak  of  this 
from  abounding  testimony — largely  from  those  who  have 
had  personal  opportunity  to  study  the  subject  in  its  revolt- 
ing details.  In  the  entire  Chinese  population  of  the  Pacific 
coast  scarcely  one  family  is  to  be  found ;  no  hearthstone  of 
comfort,  no  fireside  of  joy  ;  no  father  nor  mother,  nor  broth- 
er nor  sister  ;  no  child  reared  by  parents  ;  no  domestic  and 
ennobling  influences  ;  no  ties  of  affection.  The  relation  of 
wife  is  degraded  beyond  all  description,  the  females  holding 
and  dishonoring  that  sacred  name  being  sold  and  transferred 
from  one  man  to  another,  without  shame  and  without  fear ; 
one  woman  being  at  the  same  time  the  wife  to  several  men. 
Many  of  these  women  came  to  San  Francisco  under  written 
contracts  for  prostitution,  openly  and  shamelessly  entered 
into.  I  have  myself  read  the  translation  of  some  of  these 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  329 

abominable  documents.  If  as  a  nation  we  have  the  right  to 
keep  out  infectious  diseases,  if  we  have  the  right  to  exclude 
the  criminal  classes  from  coming  to  us,  we  surely  possess 
the  right  to  exclude  that  emigration  which  reeks  with  im- 
purity and  which  cannot  come  to  us  without  plenteously 
sowing  the  seeds  of  moral  and  physical  disease,  destitution, 
and  death. 

Third.  The  Chinese  emigration  to  California  began 
with  the  American  emigration  in  1848.  The  two  races 
have  been  side  by  side  for  more  than  thirty  years,  nearly  an 
entire  generation,  and  not  one  step  toward  assimilation  has 
been  taken.  The  Chinese  occupy  their  own  peculiar  quarter 
in  the  city,  adhere  to  their  own  dress ,  speak  their  own  lan- 
guage, worship  in  their  own  heathen  temples,  and  inside  the 
municipal  law  and  independent  of  it,  administer  a  code 
among  themselves,  even  pronouncing  the  death  penalty  and 
executing  it  in  criminal  secrecy.  If  this  were  for  a  year 
only,  or  for  two  or  five  or  even  ten  years,  it  might  be 
claimed  that  more  time  was  needed  for  domestication  and 
assimilation ;  but  this  has  been  going  on  for  an  entire 
generation,  and  the  Chinaman  to-day  approaches  no  nearer 
our  civilization  than  he  did  when  the  Golden  Gate  first 
received  him.  In  sworn  testimony  before  an  investigating 
committee  of  Congress,  Dr.  Hears,  the  health  officer  of 
San  Francisco,  described  as  "a  careful  and  learned  man," 
testified  that  the  condition  of  the  Chinese  quarter  is  "hor- 
rible, inconceivably  horrible  !"  He  stated  that  the  Chinese 
as  a  rule  "live  in  large  tenement-houses,  large  numbers 
crowded  into  individual  rooms,  without  proper  ventilation, 
with  bad  drainage,  and  underground,  with  a  great  deal  of 
filth,  the  odors  from  which  are  horrible."  He  described 
their  "mode  of  taking  a  room  ten  feet  high  and  putting  a 
flooring  half  way  to  the  ceiling,  both  floors  being  crowded 
at  night  with  sleepers.  In  these  crowded  dens  cases  of 


330  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

small-pox  were  concealed  from  the  police."  "They  live 
underground  in  bunks.  The  topography  of  that  portion 
of  Chinadom  is  such  that  you  enter  a  house  sometimes  and 
think  that  it  is  a  one-story  house,  and  you  will  find  two  or 
three  stories  down  below  on  the  side  of  the  hill,  where  they 
live  in  great  filth."  Another  close  and  accurate  observer, 
a  resident  of  California,  says  "the  only  wonder  is  that 
desolating  pestilences  have  not  ensued.  Small-pox  has 
often  been  epidemic,  and  could  always  be  traced  to  Chinese 
origin.  The  Chinese  quarter  was  once  occupied  by  shops, 
churches,  and  dwellings  of  Americans.  Now  these  are  as 
thoroughly  Mongolian  as  any  part  of  Canton.  All  other 
races  flee  from  the  contact."  Dr.  Mears  further  testified, 
and  gave  many  revolting  details  in  proof  that  the  Chinese 
"are  cruel  and  indifferent  to  their  sick."  He  described  cases 
of  Chinese  lepers  at  the  city  hospital :  "Their  feet  dropped 
off  by  dry  gangrene,  and  their  hands  were  wasted  and 
attenuated.  Their  finger-nails  dropped  off."  He  said  the 
"Chinese  were  gradually  working  eastward,  and  would  by 
and  by  crowd  into  eastern  cities,  where  the  conditions  under 
which  they  live  in  San  Francisco  would  produce,  in  the 
absence  of  its  climatic  advantages,  destructive  pestilences." 
Perhaps  a  Chinese  quarter  in  Boston,  with  forty  thousand 
Mongolians  located  somewhere  between  the  south  end  and 
north  end  of  the  city,  and  separating  the  two,  would  give 
Mr.  Garrison  some  new  views  as  to  the  power  and  right  of 
a  nation  to  exclude  moral  and  physical  pestilence  from  its 
borders.  In  San  Francisco  there  is  no  hot  weather,  the 
thermometer  rarely  rising  above  sixty-five  degrees.  One 
of  the  most  intelligent  physicians  in  the  United  States  says 
that  the  Chinese  quarter  of  San  Francisco  transferred  to 
Saint  Louis,  Chicago,  Cincinnati,  or  any  eastern  city, 
would,  in  a  hot  summer,  breed  a  plague  equal  to  the 
"black  death"  that  is  now  alarming  the  civilized  world. 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  331 

When  Mr.  Garrison  says  the  emigration  of  Englishmen, 
Irishmen,  Scotchmen,  Frenchmen,  Germans,  and  Scandi- 
navians must  be  put  on  the  same  footing  as  the  Chinese 
Coolies,  he  confounds  all  distinctions,  and,  of  course  with- 
out intending  it,  libels  almost  the  entire  white  population 
whose  blood  is  inherited  from  the  races  he  names.  All  the 
emigration  from  Europe  to-day  assimilates  at  once  with 
its  own  blood  on  this  soil,  and  to  place  the  Chinese  Coolies 
on  the  same  footing  is  to  shut  one's  eyes  to  all  the  instincts 
of  human  nature  and  all  the  teachings  of  history. 

Fourth.  Is  it  not  inevitable  that  a  class  of  men  living  in 
this  degraded  and  filthy  condition,  and  on  the  poorest  of 
food,  can  work  for  less  than  the  American  laborer  is  en- 
titled to  receive  for  his  daily  toil?  Put  the  two  classes  of 
labor  side  by  side  and  the  cheap  servile  labor  pulls  down  the 
more  manly  toil  to  its  level.  The  free,  white  laborer  never 
could  compete  with  the  slave  labor  of  the  South.  In 
the  Chinaman  the  white  laborer  finds  only  another  form  of 
servile  competition — in  some  aspects  more  revolting  and  cor- 
rupting than  African  slavery.  Whoever  contends  for  the 
unrestricted  emigration  of  Chinese  Coolies  contends  for 
that  system  of  toil  which  blights  the  prospects  of  the  white 
laborer — dooming  him  to  starvation  wages,  killing  his  am- 
bition by  rendering  his  struggle  hopeless,  and  ending  in  a 
plodding  and  pitiable  poverty.  Nor  is  it  a  truthful  answer 
to  say  that  this  danger  is  remote.  Remote  it  may  be  for 
Mr.  Garrison,  for  Boston,  and  for  New  England,  but  it  is 
instant  and  pressing  on  the  Pacific  Slope.  Already  the 
Chinese  male  adults  on  that  coast  are  wellnigh  as  numer- 
ous as  the  white  voters  of  California,  and  it  is  conceded 
that  a  Chinese  emigrant  can  be  placed  in  San  Francisco  for 
one-half  the  amount  required  to  transport  a  man  from  the 
Mississippi  Valley  to  the  Pacific  coast,  and  for  one-third 
what  it  requires  for  a  New  Yorker  or  New  Englander  to 


332  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

reach  California  or  Oregon.  The  late  Caleb  Gushing,  who 
had  carefully  studied  the  Chinese  question  ever  since  his 
mission  to  Peking  in  1842,  maintained  that  unless  resisted  by 
the  United  States  the  first  general  famine  in  China  would  be 
followed  by  an  emigration  to  California  that  would  swamp 
the  white  race.  I  observe  that  a  New  England  newspaper — 
I  especially  regret  that  such  ignorance  should  be  shown  in 
New  England — says  it  is  only  "a  strip"  on  the  Pacific  that 
the  Chinaman  seeks  for  a  home.  The  Chinese  are  already 
scattered  in  three  States  and  two  adjacent  Territories 
whose  area  is  larger  than  the  original  thirteen  colonies. 
California  alone  is  larger  than  New  England,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Ohio,  and  is  capable  of  maintaining  a 
vast  population  of  Anglo-Saxon  freemen  if  we  do  not  sur- 
render it  to  Chinese  Coolies. 

Fifth.  Before  the  same  Committee  of  Investigation  from 
whose  report  I  have  already  quoted,  Mr.  T.  "W.  Jackson,  a 
man  of  high  character,  who  had  traveled  extensively  in  the 
East,  testified  that  his  strong  belief  was  "that  if  the  Chinese 
felt  that  they  were  safe  and  had  a  firm  footing  in  California 
they  would  come  in  enormous  numbers,  because  the  popula- 
tion of  China  is  practically  inexhaustible."  Such,  indeed,  is 
the  unbroken  testimony  of  all  who  are  entitled  to  express 
an  opinion.  The  decision  of  Congress  on  this  matter  there- 
fore becomes  of  the  very  last  importance.  Had  it  been  in 
favor  of  Chinese  emigration,  with  the  encouragement  and 
protection  which  that  would  have  implied,  it  requires  no 
vivid  imagination  to  foresee  that  the  great  slope  between 
the  Sierras  and  the  Pacific  would  become  the  emigrating 
ground  for  the  Chinese  Empire.  So  that  I  do  not  at  all  ex- 
aggerate when  I  say  that  on  the  adoption  or  rejection  of  the 
policy  passed  upon  by  Congress,  hangs  the  fate  of  the  Pacific 
Slope — whether  its  labor  shall  be  that  of  American  free- 
men or  servile  Mongolians.  If  Mr.  Garrison  thinks  the 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  333 

interests  of  his  own  countrymen,  his  own  Government,  and, 
in  a  still  larger  sense,  the  interests  of  humanity  and  civil- 
ization will  be  promoted  by  giving  up  the  Pacific  to  Mon- 
golian labor,  I  beg  respectfully  but  firmly  to  differ  from 
him.  There  is  no  ground  on  which  we  are  bound  to  re- 
ceive them  to  our  own  detriment.  Charity  is  the  first  of 
Christian  graces.  But  Mr.  Garrison  would  not  feel  obliged 
to  receive  into  his  family  a  person  that  would  physically 
contaminate  or  morally  corrupt  his  children.  As  with  a 
family  so  with  a  nation :  the  same  instinct  of  self-preserva- 
tion exists,  the  same  right  to  prefer  the  interest  of  our  own 
people,  the  same  duty  to  exclude  that  which  is  corrupting 
and  dangerous  to  the  Republic  ! 

Sixth.  The  outcry  that  we  are  violating  our  treaty  obli- 
gations is  without  any  foundation.  The  article  on  emigra- 
tion in  the  treaty  has  not  been  observed  by  China  for  a 
single  hour  since  it  was  made.  All  the  testimony  taken  on 
the  subject — and  it  has  been  full  and  copious — shows  con- 
clusively that  the  entire  emigration  was  "under  contract ;" 
that  the  Coolies  had  been  gathered  together  for  export,  and 
gathered  as  agents  in  our  Western  States  would  gather  live 
stock  for  shipment.  A  very  competent  witness  in  Cali- 
fornia, speaking  to  this  point,  says  that : 

"On  the  arrival  of  the  Chinese  in  California,  they  are 
consigned  like  hogs  to  the  different  Chinese  companies,  their 
contracts  are  vised,  and  the  Cooly  commences  to  pay  to  the 
companies  fees  to  insure  care  if  he  is  taken  sick  and  his  re- 
turn home  dead  or  alive.  His  return  is  prevented  until 
after  his  contract  has  been  entirely  fulfilled.  If  he  breaks 
his  contract  the  spies  of  the  six  companies  hunt  him  to  pre- 
vent his  returning  to  China  by  arrangements  with  the 
steamship  company  or  their  agents  in  the  steamship  employ 
to  prevent  his  getting  a  ticket.  The  agents  of  the  steam- 
ship companies  testified  to  this  same  fact.  If  a  ticket  is 
obtained  for  him  by  others  he  is  forcibly  stopped  on  the  day 
of  sailing  by  the  employes  of  the  six  companies,  called 


334  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

'high-binders,'   who    can   always    be    seen    guarding    the 
Coolies." 

Mr.  Joseph  J.  Ray,  a  Philadelphia  merchant,  long  resi- 
dent in  China,  and  a  close  observer  of  its  emigration,  says 
"that  nine  hundred  and  ninety-nine  one-thousandths  of  the 
Chinese  who  have  reached  our  shores  were  not  free  agents 
in  their  coming.  Files  of  the  Hong-Kong  newspapers  from 
1861  would  supply  information  regarding  the  'barracoons' 
at  that  port,  and  when  the  system  had  become  too  great  a 
scandal,  their  removal  to  Macao  (a  Portuguese  colony  forty 
miles  distant),  in  which  'barracoons'  the  Chinese,  in  every 
sense  prisoners,  were  retained  until  their  shipment  to  San 
Francisco,  Callao,  Havana,  &c.  These,  called  by  courtesy 
emigrants,  were  collected  from  within  a  radius  of  two  to 
three  hundred  miles  from  Canton,  and  consisted  of  the  ab- 
jectly poor,  who,  willingly  or  not,  were  sold  to  obtain  food 
for  their  families,  or  for  gambling  debts  (the  Chinese,  as 
you  are  aware,  being  inveterate  gamblers) ,  or  the  scape- 
graces of  the  country,  fleeing  to  avoid  punishment." 

It  is  of  course  a  mere  misuse  of  terms  to  call  this  an  "en- 
tirely voluntary  emigration,"  and  yet  none  other  was  permis- 
sible under  the  Burlingame  Treaty.  Our  Government 
would  be  clearly  justified  in  disregarding  the  treaty  on  the 
single  ground  that  the  Chinese  Government  had  never  re- 
spected its  provisions.  But  without  any  reference  to  that, 
our  Government  possesses  the  right  to  abrogate  the  treaty 
if  it  adjudges  that  its  continuance  is  "pernicious  to  the 
state."  Indeed,  the  two  pending  propositions  in  the  Senate 
differed  not  in  regard  to  our  own  right  to  abrogate  the 
treaty,  but  simply  as  to  whether  we  should  do  it  in  July, 
1879,  by  the  exercise  of  our  power  without  further  notice 
to  China,  or  whether  we  should  do  it  in  January,  1880, 
after  notifying  China  that  we  had  made  up  our  minds  to  do 
it.  Nearly  a  year  ago  Congress  by  joint  resolution  ex- 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  335 

pressed  its  discontent  Avith  the  existing  Treaty,  and  thus 
clearly  gave  notice  to  the  civilized  world — if  notice  were 
needful — of  the  desire  and  intention  of  our  people.  In  the 
late  action  of  Congress  the  opposing  proposition — moved  as 
a  substitute  for  the  bill  to  which  I  gave  my  support — re- 
quested the  President  to  notify  the  Emperor  of  China  that 
Chinese  emigration  is  "unsatisfactory  and  pernicious,"  and 
in  effect  if  he  would  not  modify  the  treaty  as  we  desired, 
then  the  President  should  notify  the  Emperor  that  after  Jan- 
uary 1,  1880,  the  United  States  will  "treat  the  obnoxious 
stipulations  as  at  an  end."  Both  propositions — the  bill  that 
we  passed  and  the  substitute  that  we  rejected — assumed  alike 
the  full  right  to  abrogate  the  Treaty.  Whether  it  were  bet- 
ter to  abrogate  it  after  last  year's  joint  resolution,  or  to  in- 
form the  Emperor  of  China  directly  that  if  he  would  not 
consent  to  the  change  "we  would  make  it  anyhow,"  must 
be  relegated  for  decision  to  the  schools  of  taste  and  etiquette. 
The  first  proposition  resting  an  our  clear  constitutional 
power  seemed  to  me  a  better  mode  of  proceeding  than  to 
ask  the  Emperor  of  China  to  consent  to  a  modification  and 
informing  him  at  the  same  time  that,  whether  he  consented 
or  not,  we  would  on  next  New  Year's  day  treat  "the  obnox- 
ious stipulation  as  at  an  end."  As  to  the  power  of  Congress 
to  do  just  what  has  been  done  no  one  will  entertain  a  doubt 
who  examines  the  whole  question.  An  admirable  summary 
of  the  right  and  power  is  ftmnd  in  an  opinion  delivered  by 
that  eminent  jurist,  Benjamin  R.  Curtis,  when  he  was  a 
judge  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  Judge  Curtis 
said : 

"It  cannot  be  admitted  that  the  only  method  of  escape 
from  a  treaty  is  by  the  consent  of  the  other  party  to  it  or  a 
declaration  of  war.  To  refuse  to  execute  a  treaty  for  reasons 
which  approve  themselves  to  the  conscientious  judgment 
of  a  nation  is  a  matter  of  the  utmost  gravity  ;  but  the  power 


336  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

to  do  so  is  a  prerogative  of  which  no  nation  can  be  deprived 
without  deeply  affecting  its  independence.  That  the  people  of 
the  United  States  have  deprived  their  Government  of  this 
power  I  do  not  believe.  That  it  must  reside  somewhere, 
and  be  applicable  to  all  cases  I  am  convinced,  and  I  feel  no 
doubt  that  it  belongs  to  Congress." 

Seventh.  A  great  deal  has  been  said  about  the  danger  to 
our  trade  if  China  should  resort  to  some  form  of  retaliation. 
The  natural  and  pertinent  retaliation  is  to  restrict  American 
emigration  to*  China.  Against  that  we  will  enter  no  pro- 
test, and  should  have  no  right  to  do  so.  The  talk  about 
China  closing  her  ports  to  our  trade  is  made  only  by  those 
who  do  not  understand  the  question.  Last  year  the  total 
amount  of  our  exports  to  all  Chinese  ports  outside  of  Hong 
Kong  was  but  $692,000.  I  have  called  Hong  Kong  a 
Chinese  port,  but  every  child  knows  that  it  is  under  British 
control,  and  if  we  were  at  war  with  China  to-day,  Hong- 
Kong  would  be  as  open  to  us  as  Liverpool.  To  speak  of 
China  punishing  us  by  suspending  trade,  is  only  the  sugges- 
tion of  dense  ignorance.  We  pay  China  an  immense  bal- 
ance in  coin,  and  probably  we  always  shall  do  it.  But  if 
the  trade  question  had  the  importance  which  some  have  er- 
roneously attributed  to  it,  I  would  not  seek  its  continuance 
by  permitting  a  vicious  emigration  of  Chinese  Coolies. 
The  Bristol  merchants  cried  out  that  commerce  would  be 
ruined  if  England  persisted  in  destroying  the  slave  trade. 
But  history  does  not  record  that  England  sacrificed  her  honor 
by  yielding  to  the  cry. 

Eighth.  The  attempt  made  from  different  quarters  and 
Avith  different  motives,  to  justify  maltreatment  of  the  negro 
in  the  South  on  the  same  ground  that  we  refuse  to  receive 
the  Chinese,  is  signally  illogical.  If  the  negro  population 
of  this  country,  domiciled  here  for  two  centuries,  have 
no  more  rights  under  our  Government,  and  no  more 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  337 

ground  for  appeal  to  our  protection  than  the  Coolies  who 
are  still  in  China,  then  allegiance  and  nationality  and  "the 
flag"  are  worse  than  meaningless.  Observe  that  this  dis- 
cussion is  not  in  regard  to  the  Chinese  now  on  our  shores — 
for  they  are  entitled  to  legal  protection — but  in  regard  to  the 
countless  hordes  who  may  come  upon  us  if  we  leave  the  way 
open.  The  very  class  of  gentlemen  who  make  this  argu- 
ment are  the  same  who  refused  to  permit  the  Chinese  to  be 
naturalized  and  to  acquire  suffrage.  In  a  Republic,  with 
suffrage  so  general,  it  is  impossible  to  have  with  safety  a 
proscribed  and  disfranchised  race.  I  maintain  that  those 
who  voted  that  the  Chinese  should  not  be  naturalized,  voted 
in  effect  that  they  ought  not  to  come  here. 

Ninth.  The  enlightened  religious  sentiment  of  the  Pacific 
coast  views  with  profound  alarm  the  tendency  and  effect  of 
unrestricted  Chinese  emigration.  The  "pastors  and  de- 
legates of  the  Congregational  churches  of  California,"  a 
year  since  expressed  their  "conviction"  that  "the  Burlingame 
Treaty  ought  to  be  so  modified  by  the  General  Government 
as  to  restrict  Chinese  emigration."  Rev.  S.  V.  Blakeslee, 
editor  of  the  oldest  religious  paper  on  the  Pacific  coast, 
spoke  thus  in  an  official  address  : 

"Moreover,  wealthy  English  and  American  companies 
have  organized  great  money-making  plans  for  bringing  mil- 
lions— it  is  true — even  millions — of  these  Chinese  into  our 
State,  and  into  all  parts  of  the  Union  ;  and  they  have  sent 
out  emissaries  into  China  to  induce  the  people,  by  every  true 
and  false  story,  to  migrate  here.  Already  two  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  have  come,  of  whom  one  hundred  thousand 
remain. 

"The  tendency  of  all  this  is  tremendously  toward  evil ; 
toward  vice  and  abomination  ;  toward  all  opposed  to  the  true 
spirit  of  Americanism,  and  is  very  dangerous  to  our  mo- 
rality, to  our  stability,  and  to  our  success  as  a  people  and  a 
nation.  Millions  more  of  these  Chinese  must  come  if  not 
prevented  by  any  legal,  or  moral,  or  mobocratic  restraint, 


338  THE  LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 

increasing  incalculably  by  numbers  the  evils  already  exist- 
ing ;  while  a  spirit  of  race  prejudices  and  clanship  jealousies 
and  a  conflict  of  interests  must  be  developed,  portending 
possible  evil  beyond  all  description." 

In  regard  to  the  process  of  converting  and  Christianizing 
this  people,  a  missionary,  who  has  been  in  the  field  since 
1849,  testifies  that  not  one  in  a  thousand  have  even  nom- 
inally professed  a  change  from  heathenism,  and  that  of  this 
small  number  nearly  one-half  had  been  taught  in  missionary 
schools  in  China.  The  same  missionary  says,  "as  they 
come  in  still  larger  numbers  they  will  more  effectually  sup- 
port each  other  in  their  national  peculiarities  and  vices, 
become  still  more  confirmed  in  heathen  immoralities,  with  an 
influence  in  every  respect  incalculably  bad."  Under  what 
possible  sense  of  duty  any  American  can  feel  that  he  pro- 
motes Christianity  by  the  process  of  handing  California 
over  to  heathenism,  is  more  than  I  am  able  to  discover. 

Tenth.  This  Chinese  question  connects  itself  intimately 
and  inseparably  with  the  labor  question.  Their  emigration 
is  encouraged  by  some  openly,  by  many  secretly,  because 
their  labor  is  cheap.  The  experiment  is  a  most  dangerous 
one.  In  a  Republic  where  the  man  who  works  carries  a 
ballot  in  his  hands,  it  will  not  do  for  capitalized  wealth  to 
legislate  for  cheap  labor.  We  do  not  want  cheap  labor ; 
we  do  not  want  dear  labor.  We  want  labor  at  fair  rates  ; 
at  rates  that  shall  give  the  laborer  his  fair  share,  and  capi- 
tal its  fair  share.  If  more  is  sought  by  capital,  less  will  in 
the  end  be  realized.  There  is  not  a  laboring-man  from  the 
Penobscot  to  the  Sacramento  who  would  not  feel  aggrieved, 
outraged,  burdened,  crushed,  by  being  forced  into  competi- 
tion with  the  labor  and  the  wages  of  the  Chinese  Cooly. 
For  one  I  will  never  consent  by  my  vote  or  my  voice  to 
drive  the  intelligent  workingmen  of  America  to  that  com- 
petition and  that  degredation.  Mr.  Garrison  spent  the  best 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  339 

years  of  an  honored  life  in  a  courageous  battle  for  the  free- 
dom and  dignity  of  labor,  and  for  its  emancipation  from 
thralldom.  I  trust  he  will  not  lessen  the  gratitude  which 
the  workingmen  of  America  owe  him  for  his  noble  lead  in 
the  past  by  an  effort  now  to  consign  them  to  the  humilia- 
tion and  the  poverty  inevitably  resulting  from  the  competi- 
tion of  Chinese  Coolies. 

Years  ago,  Mr.  Carlyle  said  to  an  American  friend,  "You 
Avill  have  no  trouble  in  your  country  so  long  as  you  have 
few  people  and  much  land  ;  but  when  you  have  much  peo- 
ple and  little  land,  your  trials  will  begin."  No  one  con- 
nected in  any  manner  with  the  Government  of  the  Republic 
can  view  the  situation  without  grave  concern.  At  least 
nine  large  States  of  the  South  are  disturbed  by  a  race 
trouble,  of  which  no  man  is  yet  wise  enough  to  see  the  end ; 
the  central  and  largest  and  wealthiest  of  our  Territories  is 
seized  by  a  polygamous  population  which  flaunts  defiance  in 
the  face  of  the  general  Government ;  discontent  among  un- 
employed thousands  has  already  manifested  a  spirit  of  vio- 
lence, and  but  recently  arrested  travel  between  the  Atlan- 
tic and  Mississippi  by  armed  mobs  which  defied  three  States 
and  commanded  great  trunk  lines  of  railway  to  cease  opera- 
tions. Practical  statesmanship  would  suggest  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  has  its  hands  full  and  that 
nothing  but  sheer  recklessness  will  force  upon  the  American 
population  of  the  Pacific  slope  the  odious  contamination  of 
the  lowest  grade  of  the  Chinese  race.  It  may  be  attempted  ; 
but,  in  my  judgment,  it  will  lead  to  direful  results,  in  which 
violence  and  murders  and  massacres  will  be  terribly  fre- 
quent. Let  it  be  proclaimed  here  and  now  that  the  general 
Government  will  support  and  maintain  unrestricted  emi- 
gration of  Chinese  coolies,  and  in  less  than  five  years  a 
larger  military  force  than  the  existing  army  of  the  United 
States  will  be  required  to  keep  peace  on  the  Pacific  slope. 


340  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

I  feel  and  know  that  I  am  pleading  the  cause  of  the  free 
American  laborer  and  of  his  children  and  of  his  children's 
children.  It  has  been  well  said  that  it  is  the  cause  of  "the 
house  against  the  hovel ;  of  the  comforts  of  the  freeman 
against  the  squalor  of  the  slave."  It  has  been  charged  that 
my  position  would  arraign  labor-saving  machinery  and  con- 
demn it.  This  answer  is  not  only  superficial ;  it  is  also  ab- 
surd. Labor-saving  machinery  has  multiplied  the  power  to 
pay,  has  developed  new  wants,  and  has  continually  enlarged 
the  area  of  labor  and  constantly  advanced  the  wages  of  the 
laborer.  But  servile  toil  has  always  dragged  free  labor  to 
its  lowest  level  and  has  stripped  it  of  one  muniment  after 
another  until  it  was  helpless  and  hopeless.  Whenever  that 
condition  comes  to  the  free  laborer  of  America,  the  Repub- 
lic of  equal  rights  is  gone,  and  we  shall  live  under  the  worst 
of  oligarchies — that  of  mere  wealth,  whose  profit  only 
measures  the  wretchedness  of  the  unpaid  toilsmen  that  pro- 
duce it. 


OF   JAMES   G.    BLAINE.  341 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Four  Years,  1876  to  1880.— The  Popular  Desire  for  Elaine.— The 
Approach  of  the  Republican  Convention  of  1880. — The  Can- 
didacy of  General  Grant. — Senator  Conkling's  Advocacy  of 
Grant. — The  Convention  Speech  in  favor  of  the  Nomination 
of  Elaine. — Enthusiasm. — The  Long  Contest. — Nomination  of 
Elaine's  Next  Friend. — Supports  Garfield's  Nomination. 

Four  years  service  in  the  Senate  confirmed  Elaine's  pop- 
ularity with  the  Nation,  and  wholly  killed  out  the  influence 
of  the  scandal  mongers  who  so  falsely  assailed  his  character 
in  1876.  The  people  awaited  the  coming  Presidential  elec- 
tion of  1880  with  confidence,  expecting  Elaine  to  be  the 
candidate  of  the  Republican  party.  Even  those  who  were 
opposed  to  him  for  partisan  reasons,  predicted  his  nomina- 
tion and  his  election. 

But  suddenly,  as  the  day  drew  near  for  the  meeting  of 
the  Chicago  Convention  of  1880,  Senator  Conkling,  the 
former  rival  and  constant  opponent  of  Elaine,  brought  for- 
ward General  Grant  as  a  candidate  for  a  third  term.  It  was 
an  exceedingly  shrewd  measure  if  the  Senator  had  in  view 
only  the  defeat  of  Elaine.  For  General  Grant  was  the  only 
man  in  the  Nation  whose  influence  was  greater  than  that  of 
Elaine.  General  Grant's  distinguished  services  in  the  war, 
and  the  very  large  and  influential  body  of  men  who  held 
office  under  him,  when  President,  and  who  hoped  to  do  so 
again,  combined  a  most  powerful  influence,  even  if  had  not 
received  the  untiring,  energetic  support  and  advocacy  of  men 
like  Conkling. 


342  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

The  only  strong  candidate  who  appeared  against  Blaine, 
before  the  opening  of  the  Convention,  was  General  Grant. 
One  distinguished  and  loved  for  his  patriotism  and  success 
in  war.  The  other  distinguished  and  loved  for  his  patriot- 
ism and  success  in  legislating  to  sustain  that  war  and  to 
preserve  the  results  of  its  victories.  Both  men  of  equal 
importance  to  the  National  life,  and  each,  in  his  sphere,  as 
patriotic  as  the  other. 

The  partisans  of  each  became  hostile  to  each, other  as  the 
contest  drew  nearer,  and  often  great  bitterness  was  dis- 
played between  them. 

June  2d,  1880,  the  Convention  met  in  Chicago,  and  the 
excited  people  eagerly  watched  every  action,  and  closely 
criticised  every  word  that  was  spoken  in  it. 

Hon.  George  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  was  made  per- 
manent chairman.  Thousands  crowded  into  or  surged 
about  the  great  building  in  which  the  Convention  held  its 
session,  and  at  every  mention  of  the  name  of  Blaine  or 
Grant,  riotous  applause  shook  the  building  from  the  dense 
masses  within,  and  echoed  and  re-echoed  in  cheers  from 
without. 

When  Hon.  James  F.  Joy,  of  Michigan,  nominated 
Blaine,  as  the  choice  of  their  delegation  for  the  candidate  of 
the  Republican  party,  the  uproar  was  deafening  and  bewil- 
dering. Men  seemed  wild. 

When  the  first  ballot  was  taken,  the  ballot  stood  for  Gen- 
eral Grant,  304  ;  for  Blaine,  284  ;  for  Sherman,  93  ;  for 
Edmunds,  34,  and  for  Windom  10. 

Then  followed  ballot  after  ballot,  amid  the  most  intense 
excitement.  Day  after  day  went  by,  and  a  whole  week  was 
consumed,  in  the  hardest-fought  political  battle  of  the 
century. 

At  last  human  nature  became  exhausted.  Some  com- 
promise must  be  made  or  adjourn  without  a  choice.  Atten- 


OF   JAMES    O.    BLAINE.  343 

tion  began  to  turn  to  Elaine's  intimate  friend  and  co-worker 
in  every  important  measure — James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio. 
At  last,  on  the  thirty-sixth  ballot,  and  on  the  seventh  day 
of  the  Convention,  enough  of  Elaine's  friends  went  over  to 
Garfield  to  carry  the  nomination,  the  friends  of  Sherman 
and  Edmunds  having  agreed  to  combine  upon  him.  The 
last  ballot  stood :  Garfield,  399  ;  Grant,  306  ;  Elaine,  42. 

Again  Elaine  accepted  the  result  cheerfully,  and  at  once 
gave  in  his  adherence  to  the  nomination  of  Garfield.  Poli- 
ticians said  that  probably  Elaine's  name  would  not  appear 
again  before  the  Convention  of  the  Republican  party.  But 
it  was  apparent,  by  Elaine's  great  popularity  with  the 
masses  of  the  people  and  the  ovations  given  him  wherever 
he  went,  that  the  time  must  come  when  the  machinery  of 
party  would  be  compelled  to  move  on  the  track  which  the 
voters  in  the  aggregate  desired.  The  people  may  be  hin- 
dered and  deceived  once  or  twice,  but  ultimately  their  will 
must  be  the  law. 

The  selection  of  Garfield  was  the  next  thing  to  that  of 
Blaine,  and  so  for  the  time  the  people  acquiesced,  and  in 
the  turn  of  events  Blaine  himself  became  the  "power 
behind  the  throne"  of  Garfield's  administration. 

During  the  campaign  of  1880  Blaine  took  an  active 
share  in  the  work,  and  awakened  a  tide  of  enthusiasm 
wherever  he  appeared.  The  "Plumed  Knight"  became  a 
synonym  for  "Blaine,"  and  a  helmet  with  a  white  plume 
was  popularly  regarded  as  an  emblem  of  his  life. 


344  THE   LIFE  AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Garfleld  Offers  the  Portfolio  of  Secretary  of  State  to  Elaine.-— 
Elaine's  Letter  of  Acceptance.  —  The  Policy  of  the  New 
Administration. —  Elaine's  Letter  Defining  it. —  The  Inter- 
oceanic  Canal. —  Misunderstanding  with  Chili. —  The  Peace 
Congress. — Bright  Hopes  for  the  Future. — Misunderstanding 
with  Conkling. 

It  is  now  a  matter  of  accepted  history  that  in  November 
of  1880 — after  the  election — General  Garfield  decided  upon 
a  visit  to  Washington  and  Mr.  Elaine  was  in  Bangor,  Maine. 
There  he  received  a  note  from  General  Garfield  appointing 
an  interview  in  Washington  about  November  24th.  Elaine 
reached  the  capital  on  the  26th,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  that 
day  called  upon  the  President-elect.  For  two  hours  they  were 
closeted  without  interruption  from  a  single  person.  At  this 
conference  General  Garfield  without  reservation,  tendered 
the  State  Department  to  Elaine.  When  Elaine  had  recovered 
from  his  surprise  he  replied  :  "General,  I  was  hardly  pre- 
pared for  this  tender  on  your  part.  I  do  not  know  how  to 
make  answer.  I  would  like  some  time  for  reflection  and 
consultation,  and  in  the  mean  time  I  will  advise  you."  Gen- 
eral Garfield  then  and  there  urged  Mr.  Elaine  to  accept, 
but  he  made  no  binding  answer  at  the  time.  Subsequently 
Mr.  Elaine  had  a  conference  with  his  closest  friends,  and 
the  weight  of  their  testimony  was  that  he  should  accept  the 
place.  Said  he  :  "Gentlemen,  I  am  inclined  to  accept  Gen- 
eral Garfield's  offer ;  but  meanwhile  I  will  for  a  very  short 
period  still  further  hold  it  under  advisement."  After  thia 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  345 

conference  with  his  friends  the  fact  that  General  Garfield 
had  offered  the  Senator  the  Secretaryship  of  State  was  com- 
municated to  one  or  two  of  Senator  Elaine's  confidential 
friends,  and  he  said:  "If  the  sentiment  of  the  country  in- 
dorses the  selection  General  Garfield  has  made,  I  will  ac- 
cept the  office.  Otherwise  not."  Early  in  December  the 
announcement  was  made  in  one  or  two  newspapers,  direct- 
ly and  absolutely,  that  Senator  Elaine  had  been  invited  by 
General  Garfield  to  take  the  State  Department.  It  soon  be- 
came accepted  as  a  fact.  The  universal  expression  of  news- 
paper opinion  was  that  the  selection  was  a  good  one. 
Thereupon  Elaine  wrote  the  following  letter  of  acceptance : 

WASHINGTON,  Dec.  20,  1880. 

MY  DEAR  GARFIELD  :  Your  generous  invitation  to  enter 
your  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State  has  been  under  consid- 
eration for  more  than  three  weeks.  The  thought  had  really 
never  occurred  to  my  mind  until  at  our  late  conference  you 
presented  it  with  such  cogent  arguments  in  its  faror  and 
with  such  warmth  of  personal  friendship  in  aid  of  your  kind 
offer. 

I  know  that  an  early  answer  is  desirable,  and  I  have 
waited  only  long  enough  to  consider  the  subject  in  all  its 
bearings,  and  to  make  up  my  mind,  definitely  and  conclu- 
sively. I  now  say  to  you,  in  the  same  cordial  spirit  in 
which  you  have  invited  me,  that  I  accept  the  position. 

It  is  no  affectation  for  me  to  add  that  I  make  this  de- 
cision, not  for  the  honor  of  the  promotion  it  gives  me  in  the 
public  service,  but  because  I  think  I  can  be  useful  to  the 
country  and  to  the  party  ;  useful  to  you  as  the  responsible 
leader  of  the  party  and  the  great  head  of  the  Government. 

I  am  influenced  somewhat,  perhaps,  by  the  shower  of 
letters  I  have  received  urging  me  to  accept,  written  to  me 
in  consequence  of  the  mere  unauthorized  newspaper  report 


346  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

that  you  had  been  pleased  to  offer  me  the  place.  While  I 
have  received  these  letters  from  all  sections  of  the  Union,  I 
have  been  especially  pleased  and  even  surprised  at  the  cor- 
dial and  widely  extended  feeling  in  my  favor  throughout 
New-England,  where  I  had  expected  to  encounter  local 
jealousy  and  perhaps  rival  aspiration. 

In  our  new  relation  I  shall  give  all  that  I  am  and  all  that 
I  can  hope  to  be,  freely  and  joyfully,  to  your  service.  You 
need  no  pledge  of  my  loyalty  in  heart  and  in  act.  I  should 
be  false  to  myself  did  I  not  prove  true  both  to  the  great 
trust  you  confide  to  me  and  to  your  own  personal  arid  po- 
litical fortunes  in  the  present  and  in  the  future.  Your  Ad- 
ministration must  be  made  brilliantly  successful  and  strong 
in  the  confidence  and  pride  of  the  people,  not  at  all  direct- 
ing its  energies  for  re-election,  and  yet  compelling  that  re- 
sult by  the  logic  of  events  and  by  the  imperious  necessities 
of  the  situation. 

To  that  most  desirable  consummation  I  feel  that,  next  to 
yourself,  I  can  possibly  contribute  as  much  influence  as  any 
other  one  man.  I  say  this  not  from  egotism  or  vain  glory, 
but  merely  as  a  deduction  from  a  plain  analysis  of  the  po- 
litical forces  which  have  been  at  work  in  the  country  for 
five  years  past,  and  which  have  been  significantly  shown  in 
two  great  National  Conventions.  I  accept  it  as  one  of  the 
happiest  circumstances  connected  with  this  affair  that  in  al- 
lying my  political  fortunes  with  yours — or  rather  for  the 
time  merging  mine  in  yours — my  heart  goes  with  my  head, 
and  that  I  carry  to  you  not  only  political  support  but  per- 
sonal and  devoted  friendship.  I  can  but  regard  it  as  some- 
what remarkable  that  two  men  of  the  same  age,  entering 
Congress  at  the  same  time,  influenced  by  the  same  aims  and 
cherishing  the  same  ambitions,  should  never,  for  a  single 
moment  in  eighteen  years  of  close  intimacy,  have  had  a 
misunderstanding  or  a  coolness,  and  that  our  friendship  has 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  347 

steadily  grown  with  our  growth  and  strengthened  with  our 
strength. 

It  is  this  fact  which  has  led  me  to  the  conclusion  em- 
bodied in  this  letter ;  for  however  much,  my  dear  Garfield, 
I  might  admire 'you  as  a  statesman,  I  would  not  enter  your 
Cabinet  if  I  did  not  believe  in  you  as  a  man  and  love  you 
as  a  friend.  Always  faithfully  yours, 

JAMES  G.  ELAINE. 

In  accordance  with  this  understanding  Elaine  resigned  his 
seat  in  the  Senate  and  took  his  place  March  4th,  1881,  at 
the  head  of  Garfield's  Cabinet. 

The  Cabinet  consisted  of  Hon.  William  Windom,  Secreta- 
ry of  the  Treasury  ;  Hon.  Wayne  McVeagh,  Attorney  Gen- 
eral ;  Robert  T.  Lincoln,  Secretary  of  War  ;  Hon.  William 
H.  Hunt,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  ;  Hon.  Samuel  J.  Kirk- 
wood,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and  Hon.  Thomas  L. 
James,  Postmaster  General. 

The  administration  of  the  Government  at  once  showed 
the  presence  of  stronger  hands.  The  easy  policy  of  Mr. 
Hayes  was  replaced  with  the  vigorous  yet  careful  policy  of 
General  Garfield.  The  whole  people  felt  the  new  life,  as 
passengers  on  a  ship  become  sensible  of  a  stronger  and 
steadier  hand  at  the  wheel.  Not  a  violent  wrenching  nor  a 
wild  driving,  but  a  sure  and  straight-forward  course.  A 
dignified  Government  having  the  dignity  and  strength  of 
character  becoming  a  great  Nation. 

In  all  the  internal  affairs  of  the  nation,  the  policy  of  the 
Government  had  a  pleasing  effect.  A  sense  of  stability  and 
a  prophecy  of  growth  and  permanency  accompanied  the 
President's  financial  policy  and  his  administration  of  the 
business  connected  with  the  collections  of  the  Nation's  reve- 
nue. Elaine's  personal  influence  was  felt  everywhere  in  the 
Government ;  but  in  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Government 


348  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

he  was  almost  solely  responsible,  as  the  President  deferred 
greatly  to  his  advice.  Unfortunately  for  the  administra- 
tion, especially  as  it  had  too  short  a  time  before  the  Presi- 
dent's death  to  correct  the  false  impression  the  error  made, 
some  dispatches  to  the  United  States  Minister  to  Chili  were 
misunderstood  by  the  recipient  and  he  made  demands  and 
suggestions  which  Elaine  could  not  and  would  not  support. 

The  best  exposition  of  the  foreign  policy  which  caused  no 
little  discussion  at  the  time,  was  given  by  Elaine  himself  in 
a  letter  to  a  Chicago  magazine,  wherein  he  said  : 

AUGUSTA,  MAINE,  September  1,  1882. 

The  foreign  policy  of  President  Garfield's  Administration 
had  two  principal  objects  in  view :  First,  to  bring  about 
peace  and  prevent  future  wars  in  North  and  South  Amer- 
ica ;  second,  to  cultivate  such  friendly  commercial  relations 
with  all  American  countries  as  would  lead  to  a  large  in- 
crease in  the  export  trade  of  the  United  States  by  supplying 
those  fabrics  in  which  we  are  abundantly  able  to  compete 
with  the  manufacturing  nations  of  Europe. 

To  attain  the  second  object  the  first  must  be  accomplished. 
It  would  be  idle  to  attempt  the  development  and  enlarge- 
ment of  our  trade  with  the  countries  of  North  and  South 
America  if  that  trade  were  liable  at  any  unforeseen  moment  to 
be  violently  interrupted  by  such  wars  as  that  which  for  three 
years  has  engrossed  and  almost  engulfed  Chili,  Peru  and 
Bolivia ;  as  that  Avhich  was  barely  averted  by  the  friendly 
offices  of  the  United  States  between  Chili  and  the  Argentine 
Republic ;  as  that  which  has  been  postponed  by  the  same 
good  offices,  but  not  decisively  abandoned,  between  Mexico 
and  Guatemala ;  as  that  which  is  threatened  between  Erazil 
and  Uruguay  ;  as  that  which  is  even  now  foreshadowed  be- 
tween Brazil  and  the  Argentine  States.  Peace  is  essential 
to  commerce,  is  the  very  life  of  honest  trade,  is  the  solid 
basis  of  international  prosperity  ;  and  yet  there  is  no  part  of 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  349 

the  world  where  a  resort  to  arms  is  so  prompt  as  in  the 
Spanish  American  republics.  Those  republics  have  grown 
out  of  the  old  colonial  divisions,  formed  from  capricious 
grants  to  favorites  by  royal  charter,  and  their  boundaries 
are  in  many  cases  not  clearly  denned,  and  consequently  af- 
ford the  basis  of  continual  disputes,  breaking  forth  too  often 
in  open  war.  To  induce  the  Spanish  American  States  to 
adopt  some  peaceful  mode  of  adjusting  their  frequently  re- 
curring contentions  was  regarded  by  the  late  President  as 
one  of  the  most  honorable  and  useful  ends  to  which  the  di- 
plomacy of  the  United  States  could  contribute — useful  es- 
pecially to  those  States  by  securing  permanent  peace  within 
all  their  borders,  and  useful  to  our  own  country  by  affording 
a  coveted  opportunity  for  extending  its  commerce  and  secur- 
ing enlarged  fields  for  our  products  and  manufactures. 

Instead  of  friendly  intervention  here  and  there,  patching 
up  a  treaty  between  two  countries  to-day,  securing  a  truce 
between  two  others  to-morrow,  it  was  apparent  to  the 
President  that  a  more  comprehensive  plan  should  be  adopted 
if  war  were  to  cease  in  the  Western  Hemisphere.  It  was 
evident  that  certain  European  Powers  had  in  the  past  been 
interested  in  promoting  strife  between  the  Spanish- American 
countries  and  might  be  so  interested  in  the  future,  while  the 
interest  of  the  United  States  was  wholly  and  always  on  the 
side  of  peace  with  all  our  American  neighbors  and  peace 
between  them  all. 

It  was  therefore  the  President's  belief  that  mere  inciden- 
tal and  partial  adjustments  failed  to  attain  the  desired  end, 
and  that  a  common  agreement  of  peace,  permanent  in  its 
character  and  continental  in  its  extents  should,  if  possible, 
be  secured.  To  effect  this  end  it  had  been  resolved,  before 
the  fatal  shot  of  July  2,  to  invite  all  the  independent  Gov- 
ernments of  North  and  South  America  to  meet  in  a  Peace 
Congress  at  Washington. 


350  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

The  date  to  be  assigned  was  the  loth  of  March,  1882, 
and  the  invitations  would  have  been  issued  directly  after 
the  New  England  tour  which  the  President  was  not  per- 
mitted to  make.  Nearly  six  months  later,  on  November 
22,  President  Garfield's  successor  issued  the  invitations  for 
the  Peace  Congress  in  the  same  spirit  and  scope,  and  with 
the  same  limitations  and  restrictions,  that  had  been  origi- 
nally designed. 

As  soon  as  the  project  was  understood  in  South  America 
it  received  a  most  cordial  approval,  and  some  of  the  coun- 
tries, not  following  the  leisurely  routine  of  diplomatic  cor- 
respondence, made  haste  to  accept  the  invitation.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  within  a  brief  period  all  the  nations 
invited  would  have  formally  signified  their  readiness  to 
attend  the  Congress  ;  but  in  six  weeks  after  the  invitations 
had  gone  to  the  several  countries,  President  Arthur  caused 
them  to  be  recalled,  or  at  least  suspended. 

The  subject  was  afterward  referred  to  Congress  in  a  spec- 
ial message,  in  which  the  President  ably  vindicated  his  con- 
stitutional right  to  assemble  the  Peace  Congress,  but  ex- 
pressed a  desire  that  the  legislative  department  of  the  Gov- 
ernment should  give  an  opinion  upon  the  expediency  of  the 
step  before  the  Congress  should  be  allowed  to  convene. 
Meanwhile  the  nations  that  received  the  invitations 
were  in  an  embarrassing  situation,  for  after  they  were  asked 
by  the  President  to  come,  they  found  that  the  matter  had 
been  reconsidered  and  referred  to  another  department  of  the 
Government.  The  change  was  universally  accepted  as  a 
practical  though  indirect  abandonment  of  the  project,  for  it 
was  not  from  the  first  probable  that  Congress  would  take 
any  action  whatever  upon  the  subject. 

The  good  will  and  welcome  of  the  invitation  would  be 
destroyed  by  a  long  debate  in  the  Senate  and  House,  in  which 
the  question  would  necessarily  become  intermixed  with  per- 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  351 

sonal  party  polities,  and  the  project  would  be  ultimately 
wrecked  from  the  same  cause  and  by  the  same  process  that 
destroyed  the  usefulness  of  the  Panama  Congress,  more  than 
fifty  years  ago,  when  Mr.  Clay  was  Secretary  of  State.  The 
time  for  Congressional  action  would  have  been  after  the 
Peace  Conference  had  closed  its  labors.  The  Conference 
could  not  agree  upon  anything  that  would  be  binding  upon 
the  United  States,  unless  assented  to  as  a  treaty  by  the  Sen- 
ate, or  enacted  into  a  law  by  both  branches.  The  assem- 
bling of  the  Peace  Conference,  as  President  Arthur  so  well 
demonstrated,  was  not  in  derogation  of  any  right  or  prerog- 
ative of  the  Senate  or  House.  The  money  necessary  for  the 
expenses  of  the  Conference — which  would  not  have  exceeded 
$10,000 — could  not,  with  reason  or  propriety,  have  been 
refused  by  Congress.  If  it  had  been  refused,  patriotism 
and  philanthrophy  would  have  promptly  supplied  it. 

The  Spanish- American  States  are  in  special  need  of  the 
help  which  the  Peace  Congress  would  afford  them.  They 
require  external  pressure  to  keep  them  from  war.  When 
at  war  they  require  external  pressure  to  bring  them  to 
peace.  Their  outbreaks  are  not  only  frequent,  but  are 
sanguinary  and  sometimes  cruel.  The  inhabitants  of  those 
countries  are  a  brave  people,  belonging  to  a  race  that  have 
always  been  brave,  descended  of  men  that  have  always  been 
proud.  They  are  of  hot  temper,  quick  to  take  affront, 
ready  to  avenge  a  wrong,  whether  real  or  fancied.  They 
are  at  the  same  time  generous  and  chivalrous,  and  though 
tending  for  years  past  to  estrangement  and  alienation  from 
us,  they  would  promptly  respond  to  any  advance  made  by 
the  Great  Republic  of  the  North,  as  they  have  for  two 
generations  termed  our  government.  The  moral  influence 
upon  the  Spanish-American  people  of  such  an  international 
assembly  as  the  Peace  Congress,  called  by  the  invitation 
and  meeting  under  the  auspices  of  the  United  States, 


352  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

would  have  proved  beneficent  and  far-reaching.  It  would 
have  raised  the  standard  of  their  civilization.  It  would 
have  turned  their  attention  to  the  things  of  peace  ;  and  the 
continent,  whose  undeveloped  wealth  amazed  Humboldt, 
might  have  had  a  new  life  given  to  it,  a  new  and  splendid 
career  opened  to  its  inhabitants. 

Such  friendly  interventions  as  the  proposed  Peace  Con- 
gress, and  as  the  attempt  to  restore  peace  between  Chili  and 
Peru,  fall  within  the  line  of  both  duty  and  interest  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States,  Nations,  like  individuals,  often 
require  the  aid  of  a  common  friend  to  restore  relations  of 
amity.  Peru  and  Chili  are  in  deplorable  need  of  a  wise 
and  powerful  mediator.  Though  exhausted  by  war,  they 
are  unable  to  make  peace,  and,  unless  they  shall  be  aided 
by  the  intervention  of  a  friend,  political  anarchy  and  social 
disorder  will  come  to  the  conquered,  and  evils  scarcely  less 
serious  to  the  conqueror.  Our  own  Government  cannot 
take  the  ground  that  it  will  not  offer  friendly  intervention 
to  settle  troubles  between  American  countries,  unless  at  the 
same  time  it  freely  concedes  to  European  Governments  the 
right  of  such  intervention,  and  thus  consents  to  a  practical 
destruction  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  and  an  unlimited  in- 
crease of  European  and  monarchical  influence  on  this  con- 
tinent. The  late  special  envoy  to  Peru  and  Chili,  Mr. 
Trescot,  gives  it  as  his  deliberate  and  published  conclusion 
that  if  the  instructions  under  which  he  set  out  upon  his  mis- 
sion had  not  been  revoked,  peace  between  those  angry  bellig- 
erents would  have  been  established  as  the  result  of  his 
labors — necessarily  to  the  great  benefit  of  the  United  States. 

If  our  Government  does  not  resume  its  efforts  to  secure 
peace  in  South  America,  some  European  Government  will 
be  forced  to  perform  that  friendly  office .  The  United  States 
cannot  play  between  nations  the  part  of  the  dog  in  the  man- 
ger. We  must  perform  the  duty  of  humane  intervention  our- 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  353 

selves,  or  give  way  to  foreign  Governments  that  are  willing 
to  accept  the  responsibility  of  the  great  trust,  and  secure 
the  enhanced  influence  and  numberless  advantages  resulting 
from  such  a  philanthropic  and  beneficent  course. 

A  most  significant  and  important  result  would  have  fol- 
lowed the  assembling  of  the  Peace  Congress.  A  friendship 
and  an  intimacy  would  have  been  established  between  the 
States  of  North  and  South  America,  which  would  have  de- 
manded and  enforced  a  closer  commercial  connection.  A 
movement  in  the  near  future,  as  the  legitimate  outgrowth  of 
assured  peace,  would,  in  all  probability,  have  been  a  great 
commercial  conference  at  the  city  of  Mexico  or  Rio  Janeiro, 
whose  deliberations  would  be  directed  to  a  better  system  of 
trade  on  the  two  continents. 

To  such  a  conference  the  Dominion  of  Canada  could 
properly  be  asked  to  send  representatives,  as  that  Govern- 
ment is  allowed  by  Great  Britain  a  very  large  liberty  in  reg- 
ulating its  commercial  relations.  In  the  Peace  Congress,  to 
be  composed  of  independent  Governments,  the  Dominion 
could  not  have  taken  any  part,  and  was  consequently  not  in- 
vited. From  this  trade  conference  of  the  two  continents 
the  United  States  could  hardly  have  failed  to  gain  great  ad- 
vantages. At  present  the  commercial  relations  of  this 
country  with  the  Spanish-American  countries,  both  con- 
tinental and  insular,  are  unsatisfactory  and  unprofitable  ; 
indeed,  those  relations  are  absolutely  oppressive  to  the  finan- 
cial interests  of  the  Government  and  people  of  the  United 
States.  In  our  current  exchanges  it  requires  about  $120,- 
000,000  to  pay  the  balance  which  Spanish  America  brings 
against  us  every  year.  This  amount  is  50  per  cent,  more 
than  the  average  annual  product  of  the  gold  and  silver  mines 
of  the  United  States  during  the  past  five  years.  This  vast 
sum  does  not,  of  course,  go  to  Spanish  America  in  coin, 
but  it  goes  across  the  ocean  in  coin  or  its  equivalent,  to  pay 


354  THE   LITE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

European  countries  for  manufactured  articles  which  they  fur- 
nish to  Spanish  America — a  large  proportion  of  which  should 
be  furnished  by  the  manufacturers  of  the  United  States. 

At  this  point  of  the  argument  the  free  trader  appears,  and 
declares  that  our  protective  tariff  destroys  our  power  of  com- 
petition with  European  countries,  and  that  if  we  will  abol- 
ish protection  we  shall  soon  have  South  American  trade. 
The  answer  is  not  sufficient,  for  to-day  there  are  many  arti- 
cles which  we  can  send  to  South  America  and  sell  as  cheap- 
ly as  European  manufacturers  can  furnish  them.  It  is  idle, 
of  course,  to  make  this  statement  to  the  genuine  apostle  of 
free  trade  and  the  implacable  enemy  of  protection,  for  the 
great  postulate  of  his  argument,  the  foundation  of  his  creed, 
is  that  nothing  can  be  made  as  cheaply  in  America  as  in 
Europe. 

Nevertheless,  facts  are  stubborn,  and  the  hard  figures  of 
arithmetic  cannot  be  satisfactorily  answered  by  airy  figures 
of  speech.  The  truth  remains  that  the  coarser  descriptions 
of  cottons  and  cotton  prints,  boots  and  shoes,  ordinary 
household  furniture,  harness  for  draft  animals,  agricultural 
implements  of  all  kinds,  doors,  sashes  and  blinds,  locks, 
bolts  and  hinges,  silver-ware,  plated-ware,  wooden-ware, 
ordinary  paper  and  paper  hangings,  common  vehicles,  ordi- 
nary window  glass  and  glassware,  rubber  goods,  coal  oils, 
lard  oils,  kerosenes,  white  lead,  lead  pipe,  and  articles  in 
which  lead  is  a  chief  component,  cah  be  and  are  produced 
as  cheaply  in  the  United  States  as  in  any  other  part  of  the 
world. 

The  list  of  such  articles  might  be  lengthened  by  the  addi- 
tion of  those  classed  as  "notions,"  but  enough  only  are 
given  to  show  that  this  country  would,  with  proper  com- 
mercial arrangements,  export  much  more  largely  than  it 
now  does  to  Spanish  America. 

In  the  trade  relations  of  the  world  it  does  not  follow  that 


OF   JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  355 

mere  ability  to  produce  as  cheaply  as  another  nation  insures 
a  division  of  an  established  market,  or  indeed,  any  partici- 
pation in  it.  France  manufactures  many  articles  as  cheap- 
ly as  England — some  articles  at  even  less  cost.  Portugal 
lies  nearer  to  France  than  to  England,  and  the  expense  of 
transporting  the  French  fabric  to  the  Portuguese  market  is 
therefore  less  than  the  transportation  of  the  English  fabric. 
And  yet  Great  Britain  has  almost  a  monopoly  in  the  trade 
of  Portugal.  The  same  condition  applies,  though  in  a  less 
degree,  in  the  trade  of  Turkey,  Syria  and  Egypt,  which 
England  holds  to  a  much  greater  extent  than  any  of  the 
other  European  nations  that  are  able  to  produce  the  same 
fabric  as  cheaply.  If  it  be  said  in  answer  that  England  has 
special  trade  relations  by  treaty  with  Portugal  and  special 
obligations  binding  the  other  countries,  the  ready  answer  is 
that  she  has  no  more  favorable  position  with  regard  to  those 
countries  than  can  be  readily  and  easily  acquired  by  the 
United  States  with  respect  to  all  the  countries  of  America. 
That  end  will  be  reached  whenever  the  United  States  de- 
sires it,  and  wills  it,  and  is  ready  to  take  the  steps  neces- 
sary to  secure  it. 

At  present  the  trade  with  Spanish  America  runs  so  strongly 
in  channels  adverse  to  us,  that,  besides  our  inability  to  fur- 
nish manufactured  articles,  we  do  not  get  the  profit  on  our 
own  raw  products  that  are  shipped  there.  Our  petroleum 
reaches  most  of  the  Spanish- American  ports  after  twice 
crossing  the  Atlantic,  paying  often  a  better  profit  to  the 
European  middle-man  who  handles  it  than  it  does  to  the 
producer  of  the  oil  in  the  northwestern  counties  of  Penn- 
sylvania. Flour  and  pork  from  the  West  reach  Cuba  by 
way  of  Spain,  and  though  we  buy  and  consume  ninety  per 
cent,  of  the  total  products  of  Cuba,  almost  that  proportion 
of  her  purchases  are  made  in  Burope — made,  of  course, 
•with  money  furnished  directly  from  our  pockets. 


356  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 

As  our  exports  to  Spanish  America  grow  less,  as  Euro- 
pean imports  constantly  grow  larger,  the  balance  against  us 
will  show  an  annual  increase,  and  will  continue  to  exhaust 
our  supply  of  the  precious  metals.  We  are  increasing  our 
imports  from  South  America,  and  the  millions  we  annually 
pay  for  coffee,  wool,  hides,  guano,  cinchona,  caoutchouc, 
cabinet- woods,  dye  woods  and  other  articles,  go  for  the  ul- 
timate benefit  of  European  manufacturers,  who  take  the 
gold  from  us  and  send  their  fabrics  to  Spanish  America.  If 
we  could  send  our  fabrics,  our  gold  would  stay  at  home  and 
our  general  prosperity  would  be  sensibly  increased.  But  so 
long  as  we  repel  Spanish  America,  so  long  as  we  leave  her 
to  cultivate  intimate  relations  with  Europe  alone,  so  long  our 
trade  relations  will  remain  unsatisfactory  and  even  embar- 
rassing. 

Those  countries  sell  to  us  very  heavily.  They  buy  from 
us  very  lightly.  And  the  amount  they  bring  us  in  debt 
each  year  is  larger  than  the  heaviest  aggregate  balance  of 
trade  we  ever  have  against  us  in  the  worst  of  times.  The 
average  balance  against  us  for  the  whole  world  in  the  five 
most  adverse  years  we  ever  experienced,  was  about  one 
hundred  millions  of  dollars.  This  plainly  shows  that  in 
our  European  exchanges  there  is  always  a  balance  in  our 
favor,  and  that  our  chief  deficiency  arises  from  our  mal- 
adjusted commercial  relations  with  Spanish  America.  It 
follows  that  if  our  Spanish-American  trade  were  placed  on 
a  better  and  more  equitable  foundation,  it  would  be  almost 
impossible,  even  in  years  most  unfavorable  to  us,  to  bring 
us  in  debt  to  the  world. 

With  such  heavy  purchases  as  we  are  compelled  to  make 
from  Spanish  America,  it  could  hardly  be  expected  that  we 
should  be  able  to  adjust  the  entire  account  by  exports.  But 
the  balance  against  us  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  millions 
in  gold  coin  is  far  too  large,  and  in  time  of  stringency  is  a  stand- 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  357 

ing  menace  of  financial  disaster.  It  should  not  be  forgotten 
that  every  million  dollars  of  products  of  fabrics  that  we  sell  in 
Spanish  America  is  a  million  dollars  in  gold  saved  to  our 
own  country.  The  immediate  profit  is  to  the  producer  and 
exporter,  but  the  entire  country  realizes  a  gain  in  the  ease 
and  affluence  of  the  money  market,  which  is  insured  by 
keeping  our  gold  at  home.  The  question  involved  is  so 
large,  the  object  to  be  achieved  is  so  great,  that  no  effort  on 
the  part  of  the  Government  to  accomplish  it  could  be  too 
earnest  or  too  long  continued. 

It  is  only  claimed  for  the  Peace  Congress,  designed  under 
the  administration  of  Garfield,  that  it  was  an  important  and 
impressive  step  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  toward 
closer  relationship  with  our  continental  neighbors.  The 
present  tendency  in  those  countries  is  toward  Europe,  and 
it  is  a  lamentable  fact  that  their  people  are  not  so  near  to  us 
in  feeling  as  they  were  sixty  years  ago  when  they  threw  off 
the  yoke  of  Spanish  tyranny. 

We  were  then  a  weak  Republic  of  but  ten  millions,  but 
we  did  not  hesitate  to  recognize  the  independence  of  the  new 
Governments,  even  at  the  risk  of  war  with  Spain.  Our 
foreign  policy  at  that  time  was  specially  designed  to  extend 
our  influence  in  the  Western  Hemisphere,  and  the  statesmen 
of  that  era — the  era  of  DeWitt  Clinton  and  the  younger 
Adams,  of  Clay  and  Crawford,  of  Webster  and  Calhoun, 
of  Van  Buren  and  Benton,  of  Jackson  and  of  Edward  Liv- 
ingston— were  always  courageous  in  the  inspiring  measures 
which  they  advocated  for  the  expansion  of  our  commercial 
dominion. 

Three-score  years  have  passed.  The  power  of  the  Re- 
public in  many  directions  has  grown  beyond  all  anticipation, 
but  we  have  relatively  lost  ground  in  some  great  fields  of 
enterprise.  We  have  added  thousands  of  miles  to  our 
ocean  front,  but  our  commerce  has  fallen  off,  and  from 


358  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

ardent  friendship  with  Spanish  America  we  have  drifted 
into  indifference,  if  not  into  coldness.  It  is  but  one  step 
further  to  reach  a  condition  of  positive  unfriendliness,  which 
may  end  in  what  would  be  equivalent  to  a  commercial  alli- 
ance against  us. 

Already  one  of  the  most  dangerous  of  movements — that 
of  a  European  guarantee  and  guardianship  of  the  Inter- 
oceanic  Canal  —  is  suggested  and  urged  upon  the  great 
foreign  powers  by  representatives  of  a  South  American 
country.  If  these  tendencies  are  to  be  averted,  if  Spanish- 
American  friendship  is  to  be  regained,  if  the  commercial 
empire  that  legitimately  belongs  to  us  is  to  be  ours,  we 
must  not  lie  idle  and  witness  its  transfer  to  others.  If  we 
would  re-conquer  it,  a  great  first  step  must  be  taken.  It  is 
the  first  step  that  costs.  It  is  also  the  first  step  that  counts. 
Can  there  be  suggested  a  wiser  step  than  the  Peace  Con- 
gress of  the  two  Americas,  that  was  devised  under  Garfield 
and  had  the  weight  of  his  great  name  ? 

In  no  event  could  harm  have  resulted  in  the  assembling 
of  the  Peace  Congress.  Failure  was  next  to  impossible. 
Success  might  be  regarded  as  certain.  The  subject  to  be 
discussed  was  peace,  and  how  it  can  be  permanently  pre- 
served in  North  and  South  America.  The  labors  of  the 
Congress  would  have  probably  ended  in  a  well-digested  sys- 
tem of  arbitration,  under  which  all  troubles  between  Ameri- 
can States  could  be  quickly,  effectually  and  satisfactorily 
adjusted.  Such  a  consummation  would  have  been  worth  a 
great  struggle  and  a  great  sacrifice.  It  could  have  been 
reached  without  any  struggle,  and  would  have  involved  no 
sacrifice.  It  was  within  our  grasp.  It  was  ours  for  the 
asking.  It  would  have  been  a  signal  victory  of  philanthro- 
py over  the  selfishness  of  human  ambition  ;  a  complete  tri- 
umph of  Christian  principles,  as  applied  to  the  affairs  of 
nations.  It  would  have  reflected  enduring  honor  on  our 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  359 

new  country,  and  would  have  imparted  a  new  spirit  and  a 
new  brotherhood  to  all  America.  Nor  would  its  influence 
beyond  the  sea  have  been  small.  The  example  of  seventeen 
independent  nations  solemnly  agreeing  to  abolish  the  arbit- 
rament of  the  sword,  and  to  settle  every  dispute  by  peaceful 
methods  of  adjudication,  would  have  exerted  an  influence  to 
the  utmost  confines  of  civilization,  and  upon  the  generations 
of  men  yet  to  come. 

JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

As  much  has  been  accomplished  for  the  greatness  of 
nations,  and  much  more  that  was  for  their  good,  by  diplo- 
macy as  by  war.  If  some  general  plan  had  been  adopted 
by  a  Peace  Congress  for  the  arbitration  of  all  difficulties 
between  the  powers  for  mutual  advantage  in  freedom,  edu- 
cation, and  commerce,  the  American  continent  would  have 
been  already  far  in  advance  of  its  present  position.  It  was  a 
long  step  backward  when  the  call  for  a  Peace  Congress  was 
countermanded  by  Secretary  Frelinghuysen.  The  adminis- 
tration took  a  strong  ground  in  favor  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, and  notified  the  European  powers  concerned  that  the 
proposed  Isthmus  Canal  was  a  matter  subject  to  American 
control.  It  was  a  wise  policy  which  would  save  the  Nation 
in  the  future  from  vast  expense  and  many  wars.  Insisting 
on  the  right  of  mankind  in  the  American  continent  to  the 
control  of  that  continent  in  season  to  prevent  war  is  far 
better  than  waiting  until  some  European  power  has  tried  to 
seize  it  and  then  fight  for  it. 

Garfield  and  Blaine  were  both  very  industrious  men  per- 
sonally, and  they  at  once  set  the  subordinate  officers  at  work 
in  earnest,  and  everything  looked  bright  for  the  Nation. 

The  misunderstanding  with  the  South  American  States 
of  Chili  and  Peru  was  in  a  fair  way  of  settlement  through 
the  visit  of  special  envoys,  of  which  Elaine's  son,  Mr. 


360 


THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 


Walker  Elaine,  was  one.  On  the  first  of  July  every  diffi- 
culty seemed  in  a  fair  way  for  amicable  adjustment,  and  the 
Government  wheels  were  smoothly  in  motion. 

A  writer  for  the  New  York  Tribune  gave  a  digest  of 
Elaine's  policy  as  Secretary  of  State  and  its  results,  which 
we  quote,  as  showing  the  opinion  of  one  of  America's  lead- 
ing journals  upon  it : 

"It  was  a  pacific  policy,  and  was  wholly  in  accord  with 


WHITE    HOUSE,    WASHINGTON,    D 


the  Monroe  Doctrine   and   the   characteristic   traditions  of 
American  diplomacy. 

"President  Garfield  in  his  inaugural  address  had  repeated 
the  declaration  of  his  predecessor,  that  it  was  'the  right 
and  duty  of  the  United  States  to  assert  and  maintain  such 
supervision  and  authority  over  any  interoceanic  canal  across 
the  isthmus  that  connects  North  and  South  America  as  will 
protect  our  National  interests.'  This  policy,  which  had 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  361 

received  the  direct  approval  of  Congress,  was  vigorously 
upheld  by  Secretary  Elaine.  The  Colombian  Republic  had 
proposed  to  the  European  Powers  to  join  in  a  guarantee  of 
the  neutrality  of  the  proposed  Panama  Canal.  One  of  Presi- 
dent Garfield's  first  acts  under  the  advice  of  Secretary  Blaine 
was  to  remind  the  European  Governments  of  the  exclusive 
rights  which  the  United  States  had  secured  with  the  country 
to  be  traversed  by  the  interoceanic  waterway.  These  exclu- 
sive rights  rendered  the  prior  guarantee  of  the  United  States 
Government  indispensable,  and  the  Powers  were  informed 
that  any  foreign  guarantee  would  be  not  only  an  unnecessary 
but  unfriendly  act.  As  the  United  States  had  made  in  the 
Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  of  1850  a  special  agreement  with 
Great  Britain  on  this  subject,  Secretary  Blaine  supplement- 
ed his  memorandum  to  the  Powers  by  a  formal  proposal  for 
the  abrogation  of  all  provisions  of  that  Convention  which 
were  not  in  accord  with  the  guarantees  and  -privileges  cov- 
enanted for  in  the  compact  with  the  Colombian  Republic. 

In  this  State  paper,  the  most  elaborate  of  the  series  re- 
ceiving his  signature  as  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Blaine  con- 
tended that  the  operation  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty 
practically  conceded  to  Great  Britain  the  control  of  any 
canal  which  might  be  constructed  in  the  isthmus,  as  that 
Power  was  required  by  its  insular  position  and  colonial  pos- 
sessions to  maintain  a  naval  establishment  with  which  the 
United  States  could  not  compete.  As  the  American  Gov- 
ernment had  bound  itself  by  its  engagements  in  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  Treaty  not  to  fight  in  the  isthmus,  nor  to  fortify  the 
mouths  of  any  waterway  that  might  be  constructed,  the  Sec- 
retary argued  that  if  any  struggle  for  the  control  of  the  canal 
were  to  arise,  England  would  have  an  advantage  at  the  out- 
set which  would  prove  decisive.  'The  treaty,'  he  remarked, 
'commands  this  Government  not  to  use  a  single  regiment 
of  troops  to  protect  its  interests  in  connection  with  the  ia- 


362  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

teroceanic  canal,  but  to  surrender  the  transit  to  the  guardi- 
anship and  control  of  the  British  navy.' 

"The  logic  of  this  paper  was  unanswerable  from  an  Amer- 
ican point  of  view.  If  the  Monroe  Doctrine  be  anything 
more  than  a  tradition,  the  control  of  the  Panama  Canal  must 
not  be  allowed  to  pass  out  of  American  hands  ;  and  since 
the  country  having  the  most  powerful  navy  is  fhe  real  guar- 
dian of  the  freedom  of  an  interoceanic  canal  under  any 
system  of  international  guarantees,  or  in  the  absence  of 
treaty  law,  the  Panama  Canal,  as  Mr.  Elaine  said,  under 
the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  would  be  surrendered,  if  not  in 
form  yet  in  effect,  to  the  control  of  Great  Britain. 

"The  war  between  Chili  and  Peru  had  virtually  ended 
with  the  capture  of  Lima  on  January  17,  1881.  Pierola, 
the  President,  had  succeeded  in  rallying  a  few  followers  in 
the  north,  and  Calderon,  assuming  the  provisional  Presi- 
dency, had  convoked  a  Congress  in  the  vicinity  of  Lima. 
The  State  Department  made  strenuous  exertions  to  bring 
about  the  conclusion  of  an  early  peace  between  Chili  and  the 
two  prostrate  States  which  had  been  crushed  in  war.  The  in- 
fluence of  the  Government  was  brought  to  bear  upon  victo- 
rious Chili  in  the  interest  of  peace  and  magnanimity ;  but 
owing  to  an  unfortunate  misapprehension  of  Mr.  Blaine's 
instructions,  the  United  States  Ministers  did  not  promote 
the  ends  of  peace.  Special  envoys  were  accordingly  sent  to 
South  America  accredited  to  the  three  Governments  with 
general  instructions  which  should  enable  them  to  bring  those 
belligerent  Powers  into  friendly  relations.  These  envoys 
•were  Mr.  Trescot  and  Mr.  Walker  Blaine,  and  their  mis- 
sion was  to  perform  a  most  delicate  and  important  diploma- 
tic duty  in  the  interest  of  peace.  After  they  had  set  out 
from  New  York  Mr.  Blaine  resigned  and  Mr.  Frelinghuysen 
reversed  the  diplomatic  policy  with  such  precipitate  haste 
that  the  envoys  on  arriving  at  their  destination  were  in- 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  363 

formed  by  the  Chilian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  that  their 
instructions  had  been  countermanded  and  that  their  mission 
was  an  idle  farce.  By  this  extraordinary  reversal  of  diplo- 
matic methods  and  purposes  the  influence  of  the  United 
States  Government  on  the  South  American  coast  was  re- 
duced to  so  low  a  point  as  to  become  insignificant.  Mr. 
Elaine's  policy  had  been  at  once  strong  and  pacific.  It  was 
followed  by  a  period  of  no-policy  which  enabled  Chili  to 
make  a  conqueror's  terms  with  the  conquered  and  to  seize 
as  much  territory  as  pleased  its  rapacious  generals. 

The  most  conspicuous  act  of  Mr.  Elaine's  administration 
of  the  State  Department  was  his  invitation  to  the  Peace 
Congress.  This  plan  had  been  decided  upon  before  the 
assassination  of  President  Garfield.  The  proposition  was 
to  invite  all  the  independent  Governments  of  North  and 
South  America  to  meet  in  a  Peace  Congress  at  Washington 
on  March  15,  188-2.  The  representatives  of  all  the  minor 
Governments  in  this  continent  were  to  agree,  if  possible, 
upon  some  comprehensive  plan  for  averting  war  by  means 
of  arbitration  and  for  resisting  the  intrigues  of  European 
diplomacy.  Invitations  were  sent  on  November  22  with 
the  limitations  and  restrictions  originally  designed.  Mr. 
Frelinghuysen  lost  no  time  in  undermining  this  Diplomatic 
Congress,  and  the  meeting  never  took  place.  It  cannot  be 
doubted  that  the  proposed  Congress  would  have  had  a 
most  important  effect  not  only  in  promoting  the  ends  of 
peace  but  in  stimulating  American  trade  with  the  Spanish- 
American  States.  It  was  a  brilliant  conception — a  most 
useful  project." 

In  June  a  lamentable  misunderstanding  arose  between 
President  Garfield  and  Senator  Conkling  about  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  Collector  for  the  Port  of  New  York,  which 
caused  considerable  gossip  through  the  country,  but  which 
caused  no  great  excitement  notwithstanding  both  Senator 


364  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Conkling  and  Senator  Platt  of  New  York  resigned  in  a 
passion  and  their  seats  were  filled  by  others.  How  much  of 
this  feeling  was  due,  if  any  of  it,  to  the  position  which 
Elaine  held,  who  had  so  long  been  regarded  by  Conkling  as 
a  rival,  is  not  now  known.  But  the  effect  of  the  escapade 
in  political  circles  was  transitory  and  unimportant.  The 
administration  was  unshaken,  and  the  confidence  of  the 
people  in  it  undisturbed. 


OF    JAMES    G.    HLAINE.  367 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

The  Assassination  of  Garfield. — The  President  and  Elaine  Ride  to 
Station. — Blaine  Sees  the  Assassin. — Tries  Too  Late  to  Stop 
the  Second  Shot.  —  Assumes  the  Cares  of  State.  —  Vigils  at 
President's  Bedside. —  The  President's  Death. —  Preparations 
for  the  Funeral. — Elaine's  Great  Funeral  Oration. 

On  Saturday,  the  second  day  of  July,  the  President 
started  from  the  White  House  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
the  train  at  the  Baltimore  Station  in  Washington.  He  had 
made  an  engagement  to  visit  his  Alma  Mater,  Williams 
College,  in  Western  Massachusetts,  to  fulfill  which  he  now 
started  from  his  new  home.  With  him,  and  in  the  same 
carriage,  was  Blaine,  who,  aside  from  the  fact  that  he  was 
a  constant  companion  of  the  President,  was  intending  to 
take  the  same  train  on  his  way  to  his  home  in  Maine. 
Together  they  alighted  from  the  carriage  at  the  entrance  of 
the  commodious  station.  They  then  stood  for  a  few 
minutes  engaged  in  private  conversation.  Close  by  them, 
lurking  behind  the  pillars  of  the  doorway  of  the  station, 
listening  to  their  conversation,  and  revolver  in  hand,  stood 
that  satanic  assassin,  Charles  J.  Guiteau. 

The  sound  of  the  gong  or  call  of  the  conductor  of  the 
train  warned  those  in  waiting  that  the  train  was  ready,  and 
the  President  and  Blaine  hastened  into  the  waiting-room. 

As  the  President  and  Secretary  of  State  crossed  the  wait- 
ing-room, two  shots  were  fired  from  behind,  one  of  which 
took  fatal  effect  in  the  President's  back.  The  confusion  and 
dismay  which  ensued  are  utterly  indescribable,  in  the  midst 
of  which  the  guilty  assassin  escaped  the  vengeance  of  the 
crowd  by  being  safely  escorted  to  prison.  The  history  of 


368  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

the  country  was  changed  by  that  shot  and  the  sad  cortege 
that  escorted  the  wounded  President  back  to  the  White 
House  seemed  to  realize  the  fatal  ending. 

Then  began  a  vigil  such  as  few  men  have  had  the  oppor- 
tunity and,  far  less,  the  strength  of  body  and  mind  to  keep. 
His  personal  friendship  for  the  President  kept  him  at  his 
side  for  many  hours  of  the  day,  Avhile  the  responsibilities 
of  his  position  as  the  practical  head  of  the  Government  de- 
manded his  constant  care.  The  cares  of  State  were  greatly 
increased  by  the  probabilities  that  the  President  would  die. 

Blaine  was  calm  but  prompt  in  his  decisions  and  actions, 
and  disarmed  fear,  and  defeated  all  who  would  take  advan- 
tage of  the  excitement  to  advance  their  own  purposes  at 
the  expense  of  the  Nation.  The  affairs  of  the  Nation 
were  administered  promptly  and  safely,  and  by  his  direc- 
tion, during  those  long  and  terrible  days  of  suspense.  At 
last,  on  the  19th  of  September,  in  the  Seaside  cottage  at 
Long  Branch,  where  Blaine  had  been  continually  within 
call,  the  President  died. 

The  Nation's  grief  was  sincere  and  deep ;  but  to  Blaine 
it  was  a  terrible  sorrow.  They  had  been  like  brothers,  and 
were  peculiarly  bound  together  by  social  and  political  ties. 
Amidst  the  weeping  of  a  Nation,  and  in  the  grief  of  a 
heart  most  sadly  stricken,  Blaine  neglected  no  duty  as  the 
Nation's  servant.  He  officially  notified  the  Vice-President, 
Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  the  death  of  the  President,  and  ad- 
vised him  at  once  to  take  the  oath  of  office. 

Then  came  the  preparations  for  the  funeral,  in  which 
Blaine,  as  the  most  intimate  friend,  was  the  chief  adviser. 
When  the  question  arose  who  should  represent  the  Nation 
in  the  funeral  oration  before  Congress  and  the  Executive, 
there  could  be  but  one  choice.  Blaine  was  the  most  fitted 
by  nature,  experience,  and  friendship  to  speak  for  the 
Nation. 


OF  JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  371 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Elaine  selected  by  the  Government  to  deliver  the  Memorial  Oration 
at  President  Garfield's  funeral. — The  place. — His  manner. — 
His  estimate  of  Garfield's  character. — Garfield's  early  life. — 
Garfield's  military  experience. — Legislative  experience. — 
Career  as  President. — His  death. 

When  the  assassination  of  President  Garfield,  in  July, 

1881,  and  his  lingering  death,  had  excited  the  people  of  the 
country  to  a  degree  not  known  since  that  sad  day  when  the 
solemn  church  bells  and  minute  guns  informed  the  people 
of  Lincoln's  death,  there  was  an  unusual  desire  expressed 
for  the  highest  oratorical  tribute  within  the  gift  of  the  na- 
tion.    In  such  a  time  only  the  best  friend  of  the  nation,  as 
well  as  of  Garfield,  could  be  selected  without  great  dissatis- 
faction.     The  cities  and  villages  throughout  the   country 
were  almost  universally  dressed  in  mourning,  many  eloquent 
men  made  the  martyr's  death  their  theme,  and  thousands 
of  gifted  essayists  and  poets  published  their  sorrows  in  beau- 
tiful words.      But  when  the  stricken  people  wanted  some 
official,  central  tribute  given,  their  choice  expressed  in  the 
action  of  Congress  fell  unchallenged  upon  Elaine. 

In  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Feb.  27th, 

1882,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  official  heads  and  law- 
makers of  the  Republic,  Elaine  fittingly  and  tenderly  voiced 
the  feelings  of  the  people  in  the  oration  which  he  alone 
seemed  the   proper  person   to   deliver.     He  was  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  nation  in  every  sense.     The  memorial  ora- 


372  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

tion  was  delivered  in  a  tender  and  subdued  tone  which 
added  much  to  its  effectiveness  to  the  listeners. 

MEMORIAL     ADDRESS. 

Mr.  President:  For  the  second  time  in  this  generation 
the  great  departments  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  are  assembled  in  the  Hall  of  Representatives  to  do 
honor  to  the  memory  of  a  murdered  President.  Lincoln 
fell  at  the  close  of  a  mighty  struggle  in  which  the  passions 
of  men  had  been  deeply  stirred.  The  tragical  termination 
of  his  great  life  added  but  another  to  the  lengthened  succes- 
sion of  horrors  which  had  marked  so  many  lintels  with  the 
blood  of  the  first-born.  GARFIELD  was  slain  in  a  day  of 
peace,  when  brother  had  been  reconciled  to  brother,  and 
when  anger  and  hate  had  been  banished  from  the  land. 
"Whoever  shall  hereafter  draw  the  portrait  of  murder,  if  he 
will  show  it  as  it  has  been  exhibited  where  such  example 
was  last  to  have  been  looked  for,  let  him  not  give  it  the 
grim  visage  of  Moloch,  the  brow  knitted  by  revenge,  the 
face  black  with  settled  hate.  Let  him  draw,  rather,  a  de- 
corous, smooth-faced,  bloodless  demon  ;  not  so  much  an  ex- 
ample of  human  nature  in  its  depravity  and  in  its  paroxysms 
of  crime,  as  an  infernal  being,  a  fiend  in  the  ordinary  dis- 
play and  development  of  his  character." 

From  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth  till  the  up- 
rising against  Charles  I.,  about  twenty  thousand  emigrants 
came  from  old  England  to  New  England.  As  they  came 
in  pursuit  of  intellectual  freedom  and  ecclesiastical  independ- 
ence rather  than  for  worldly  honor  and  profit,  the  emigra- 
tion naturally  ceased  when  the  contest  for  religious  liberty 
began  in  earnest  at  home.  The  man  who  struck  his  most 
effective  blow  for  freedom  of  conscience  by  sailing  for  the 
colonies  in  1620  would  have  been  accounted  a  deserter  to 
leave  after  1640.  The  opportunity  had  then  come  on  the 
soil  of  England  for  that  great  contest  which  established  the 
authority  of  Parliament,  gave  religious  freedom  to  the  peo- 
ple, sent  Charles  to  the  block,  and  committed  to  the  hands 
of  Oliver  Cromwell  the  supreme  executive  authority  of  Eng- 
land. The  English  emigration  was  never  renewed,  and  from 
these  twenty  thousand  men,  and  from  a  small  emigration 
from  Scotland,  from  Ireland,  and  from  France,  are  de- 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  373 

scencled  the  vast  numbers  who  have  New  England  blood  in 
their  veins. 

In  1085  the  revocation  of  the  edict  of  Nantes  by  Louis 
XIV.  scattered  to  other  countries  four  hundred  thousand 
Protestants,  who  were  among  the  most  intelligent  and  enter- 
prising of  French  subjects  —  merchants  of  capital,  skilled 
manufacturers  and  handicraftsmen,  superior  at  the  time  to 
all  others  in  Europe.  A  considerable  number  of  these  Hu- 
guenot French  came  to  America  ;  a  few  landed  in  New  Eng- 
land and  became  honorably  prominent  in  its  history.  Their 
names  have  in  large  part  become  anglicized,  or  have  disap- 
peared, but  their  blood  is  traceable  in  many  of  the  most 
reputable  families,  and  their  fame  is  perpetuated  in  honora- 
ble memorials  and  useful  institutions. 

From  these  two  sources,  the  English-Puritan  and  the 
French-Huguenot,  came  the  late  President  —  his  father, 
Abram  Garfield,  being  descended  from  the  one,  and  his 
mother,  Eliza  Ballon,  from  the  other. 

It  was  good  stock  on  both  sides — none  better,  none  braver, 
none  truer.  There  was  in  it  an  inheritance  of  courage,  of 
manliness,  of  imperishable  love  of  liberty,  of  undying  adher- 
ence to  principle.  Garfield  was  proud  of  his  blood ;  and, 
with  as  much  satisfaction  as  if  he  were  a  British  nobleman 
reading  his  stately  ancestral  record  in  Burke's  Peerage,  he 
spoke  of  himself  as  ninth  in  descent  from  those  who  would 
not  endure  the  oppression  of  the  Stuarts,  and  seventh  in  de- 
scent from  the  brave  French  Protestants  who  refused  to  sub- 
mit to  tyranny  even  from  the  Grand  Monarque. 

General  Garfield  delighted  to  dwell  on  these  traits,  and, 
during  his  only  visit  to  England,  he  busied  himself  in  search- 
ing out  every  trace  of  his  forefathers  in  parish  registries  and 
on  ancient  army  rolls.  Sitting  with  a  friend  in  the  gallery 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  one  .night,  after  a  long  day's 
labor  in  this  field  of  research,  he  said,  with  evident  elation, 
that  in  every  war  in  which  for  three  centuries  patriots  of 
English  blood  had  struck  sturdy  blows  for  constitutional  gov- 
ernment and  human  liberty,  his  family  had  been  represented. 
They  were  at  'Marston  Moor,  at  Naseby,  and  at  Preston  ; 
they  were  at  Bunker  Hill,  at  Saratoga,  and  at  Monmouth ; 
and  in  his  own  person  had  battled  for  the  .same  great  cause 
in  the  war  which  preserved  the  Union  of  the  States. 


374  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

His  father  dying  before  he  was  two  years  old,  Garfield's 
early  life  was  one  of  privation,  but  its  poverty  has  been 
made  indelicately  and  unjustly  prominent.  Thousands  of 
readers  have  imagined  him  as  the  ragged,  starving  child, 
whose  reality  too  often  greets  the  eye  in  the  squalid  sections 
of  our  large  cities.  General  Garfield's  infancy  and  youth 
had  none  of  this  destitution,  none  of  these  pitiful  features 
appealing  to  the  tender  heart,  and  to  the  open  hand,  of 
charity.  He  was  a  poor  boy  in  the  same  sense  in  which 
Henry  Clay  was  a  poor  boy  ;  in  which  Andrew  Jackson 
was  a  poor  boy  ;  in  which  Daniel  Webster  was  a  poor  boy ; 
in  the  sense  in  which  a  large  majority  of  the  eminent  men 
of  America  in  all  generations  have  been  poor  boys.  Before 
a  great  multitude,  in  a  public  speech,  Mr.  Webster  bore 
this  testimony : 

"It  did  not  happen  to  me  to  be  born  in  a  log  cabin,  but 
my  elder  brothers  and  sisters  were  born  in  a  log  cabin  raised 
amid  the  snow-drifts  of  New  Hampshire,  at  a  period  so 
early  that  when  the  smoke  rose  first  from  its  rude  chimney 
and  curled  over  the  frozen  hills  there  Avas  no  similar  evi- 
dence of  a  white  man's  habitation  between  it  and  the  settle- 
ments on  the  rivers  of  Canada.  Its  remains  still  exist.  I 
make  to  it  an  annual  visit.  I  carry  my  children  to  it  to 
teach  them  the  hardships  endured  by  the  generations  which 
have  gone  before  them.  I  love  to  dwell  on  the  tender  recol- 
h'ctions,  the  kindred  ties,  the  early  affections,  and  the  touch- 
ing narratives  and  incidents  which  mingle  with  all  I  know 
of  this  primitive  family  abode." 

With  the  requisite  change  of  scene  the  same  words  would 
aptly  portray  the  early  days  of  Garfield.  The  poverty  of 
the  frontier,  where  all  are  engaged  in  a  common  struggle 
and  where  a  common  sympathy  and  hearty  co-operation 
lighten  the  burdens  of  each,  is  a  very  different  poverty,  dif- 
ferent in  kind,  different  in  influence  and  effect,  from  that 
conscious  and  humiliating  indigence  which  is  every  day 
forced  to  contrast  itself  with  neighboring  wealth  on  which 
it  feels  a  sense  of  grinding  dependence.  The  poverty  of  the 
frontier  is  indeed  no  poverty.  It  is  but  tlie  beginning  of 
wealth,  and  has  the  boundless  possibilities  of  the  future  al- 
ways opening  before  it.  No  man  ever  grew  up  in  the  agri- 
cultural regions  of  the  West,  where  a  house-raising,  or  even 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  375 

a  corn-husking,  is  matter  of  common  interest  and  helpful- 
ness, with  any  other  feeling  than  that  of  broad-minded,  gen- 
erous independence.  This  honorable  independence  marked 
the  youth  of  Garficld.  as  it  marks  the  youth  of  millions  of 
the  best  blood  and  brain  now  training  for  the  future  citizen- 
ship and  future  government  of  the  Republic.  Garfield  was 
born  heir  to  land,  to  the  title  of  freeholder,  which  has  been 
the  patent  and  passport  of  self-respect  with  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race  ever  since  Hengist  and  Horsa  landed  on  the  shores  of 
England.  His  adventure  on  the  canal — an  alternative  be- 
tween that  and  the  deck  of  a  Lake  Erie  schooner — was  a 
farmer  boy's  device  for  earning  money,  just  as  the  New 
England  lad  begins  a  possibly  great  career  by  sailing  before 
the  mast  on  a  coasting  vessel,  or  on  a  merchantman  bound 
to  the  farther  India  or  to  the  China  seas. 

No  manly  man  feels  anything  of  shame  in  looking  back 
to  early  struggles  with  adverse  circumstances,  and  no  man 
feels  a  worthier  pride  than  when  he  has  conquered  the  ob- 
stacles to  his  progress.  But  no  one  of  noble  mould  desires 
to  be  looked  upon  as  having  occupied  a  menial  position,  as 
having  been  repressed  by  a  feeling  of  inferiority,  or  as  hav- 
ing suffered  the  evils  of  poverty  until  relief  was  found  at  the 
hand  of  charity.  '  General  Garfield's  youth  presented  no 
hardships  which  family  love  and  family  energy  did  not  over- 
come, subjected  him  to  no  privations  which  he  did  not  cheer- 
fully accept,  and  left  no  memories  save  those  which  were 
recalled  with  delight,  and  transmitted  with  profit  and  with 
pride. 

Garfield's  early  opportunities  for  securing  an  education 
were  extremely  limited,  and  yet  were  sufficient  to  develop  in 
him  an  intense  desire  to  learn.  He  could  read  at  three  years 
of  age,  and  each  winter  he  had  the  advantage  of  the  district 
school.  He  read  all  the  books  to  be  found  within  the  circle 
of  his  acquaintance  ;  some  of  them  he  got  by  heart.  While 
yet  in  childhood  he  was  a  constant  student  of  the  Bible,  and  be- 
came familiar  with  its  literature.  The  dignity  and  earnest- 
ness of  his  speech  in  hismaturer  life  gave  evidence  of  this  early 
training.  At  eighteen  years  of  age  he  was  able  to  teach  school, 
and  thenceforward  his  ambition  was  to  obtain  a  college  educa- 
tion. To  this  end  he  bent  all  his  efforts,  working  in  the 
harvestfield,  at  the  carpenter's  bench,  and  in  the  winter  season, 


376  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

teaching  the  common  schools  of  the  neighborhood.  While 
thus  laboriously  occupied  he  found  time  to  prosecute  his 
studies,  and  was  so  successful  that  at  twenty-two  years  of 
age  he  was  able  to  enter  the  junior  class  at  Williams  Col- 
lege, then  under  the  presidency  of  the  venerable  and  hon- 
ored Mark  Hopkins,  who  in  the  fullness  of  his  powers,  sur- 
vives the  eminent  pupil  to  whom  he  was  of  inestimable 
service. 

The  history  of  Garfield's  life  to  this  period  presents  no 
novel  features.  He  had  undoubtedly  shown  perseverance, 
self-reliance,  self-sacrifice,  and  ambition — qualities  which,  be 
it  said  for  the  honor  of  our  country,  are  everywhere  to  be 
found  among  the  young  men  of  America.  But  from  his  gradu- 
ation at  Williams  onward,  to  the  hour  of  his  tragical  death, 
Garfield's  career  was  eminent  and  exceptional.  Slowly  work- 
ing through  his  educational  period,  receiving  his  diploma  when 
twenty-four  years  of  age,  he  seemed  at  one  bound  to  spring 
into  conspicuous  and  brilliant  success.  Within  six  years  he 
was  successively  President  of  a  College,  State  Senator  of 
Ohio,  Major  General  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States, 
and  Representative  elect  to  the  National  Congress.  A  com- 
bination of  honors  so  varied,  so  elevated,  within  a  period  so 
brief  and  to  a  man  so  young,  is  without  precedent  or  parallel 
in  the  history  of  the  country. 

Garfield's  army  life  was  begun  with  no  other  military 
knowledge  than  such  as  he  had  hastily  gained  from  books 
in  the  few  months  preceding  his  march  to  the  field.  Step-- 
ping  from  civil  life  to  the  head  of  a  regiment,  the  first  order 
he  received  when  ready  to  cross  the  Ohio  was  to  assume 
command  of  a  brigade,  and  to  operate  as  an  independent 
force  in  Eastern  Kentucky.  His  immediate  duty  was  to 
check  the  advance  of  Humphrey  Marshall,  who  was  march- 
ing down  the  Big  Sandy  with  the  intention  of  occupying,  in 
connection  with  other  Confederate  forces,  the  entire  terri- 
tory of  Kentucky,  and  of  precipitating  the  State  into  seces- 
sion. This  was  at  the  close  of  the  year  1861.  Seldom,  if 
ever,  has  a  young  college  professor  been  thrown  into  a  more 
embarrassing  and  discouraging  position.  He  knew  just 
enough  of  military  science,  as  he  expressed  it  himself,  to 
measure  the  extent  of  his  ignorance,  and  with  a  handful  of 
men  he  was  marching,  in  rough  winter  weather,  into  a 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  377 

strange  country,  among  a  hostile  population,  to  confront  a 
largely  superior  force  under  the  command  of  a  distinguished 
graduate  of  West  Point,  who  had  seen  active  and  important 
service  in  two  preceding  wars. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  is  matter  of  history.  The 
skill,  the  endurance,  the  extraordinary  energy  shown  by 
Garfield,  the  courage  he  imparted  to  his  men,  raw  and  un- 
tried as  himself,  the  measures  he  adopted  to  increase  his 
force  and  to  create  in  the  enemy's  mind  exaggerated  esti- 
mates of  his  numbers,  bore  perfect  fruit  in  the  routing  of 
Marshall,  the  capture  of  his  camp,  the  dispersion  of  his 
force,  and  the  emancipation  of  an  important  territory  from 
the  control  of  the  rebellion.  Coming  at  the  close  of  a  long 
series  of  disasters  to  the  Union  arms,  Garfield's  victory  had 
an  unusual  and  extraneous  importance,  and  in  the  popular 
judgment  elevated  the  young  commander  to  the  rank  of  a 
military  hero.  With  less  than  two  thousand  men  in  his  en- 
tire command,  with  a  mobilized  force  of  only  eleven  hun- 
dred, withoiit  cannon,  he  had  met  an  army  of  five  thousand 
and  defeated  them — driving  Marshall's  forces  successively 
from  two  strongholds  of  their  own  selection,  fortified  with 
abundant  artillery.  Major  General  Buell,  commanding  the 
Department  of  the  Ohio,  an  experienced  and  able  soldier  of 
the  Regular  Army,  published  an  order  of  thanks  and  con- 
gratulation on  the  brilliant  result  of  the  Big  Sandy  Cam- 
paign, which  Avould  have  turned  the  head  of  a  less  cool  and 
sensible  man  than  Garfield.  Buell  declared  that  his  ser- 
vices had  called  into  action  the  highest  qualities  of  a  soldier, 
and  President  Lincoln  supplemented  these  words  of  praise 
by  the  more  substantial  reward  of  a  Brigadier  General's 
Commission,  to  bear  date  from  the  day  of  his  decisive  victory 
over  Marshall. 

The  subsequent  military  career  of  Garfield  fully  sustained 
its  brilliant  beginning.  With  his  new  commission  he  was 
assigned  to  the  command  of  a  brigade  in  the  Army  of  the 
Ohio,  and  took  part  in  the  second  and  decisive  day's  fight 
on  the  bloody  field  of  Shiloh.  The  remainder  of  the  year 
1862  was  not  especially  eventful  to  Garfield,  as  it  was  not 
to  the  armies  with  which  he  was  serving.  His  practical 
sense  was  called  into  exercise  in  completing  the  task,  as- 
signed him  by  General  Buell,  of  reconstructing  bridges  and 


378  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

re-establishing  lines  of  railway  communication  for  the  army. 
His  occupation  in  this  useful  but  not  brilliant  field  Avas  varied 
by  service  on  courts-martial  of  importance,  in  which  depart- 
ment of  duty  he  won  a  valuable  reputation,  attracting  the 
notice  and  securing  the  approval  of  the  able  and  eminent 
Judge  Advocate  General  of  the  army.  This  of  itself  was 
warrant  to  honorable  fame  ;  for  among  the  great  men  who 
in  those  trying  days  gave  themselves,  with  entire  devotion, 
to  the  service  of  their  country,  one  Avho  brought  to  that  ser- 
vice the  ripest  learning,  the  most  fervid  eloquence,  the  most 
varied  attainments,  who  labored  with  modesty  and  shunned 
applause,  who  in  the  day  of  triumph  sat  reserved  and  silent 
and  grateful — as  Francis  Deak  in  the  hour  of  Hungary's 
deliverance — was  Joseph  Holt,  of  Kentucky,  who  in  his 
honorable  retirement  enjoys  the  respect  and  veneration  of 
all  who  love  the  Union  of  the  States. 

Early  in  1863  Garfield  was  assigned  to  the  highly  impor- 
tant and  responsible  post  of  Chief  of  Staff  to  General  Rose- 
crans,  then  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 
Perhaps  in  a  great  military  campaign  no  subordinate  officer 
requires  sounder  judgment  and  quicker  knowledge  of  men 
than  the  Chief  of  Staff  to  the  Commanding  General.  An 
indiscrete  man  in  such  a  position  can  sow  more  discord, 
breed  more  jealousy,  and  disseminate  more  strife  than  any 
other  officer  in  the  entire  organization.  When  General 
Garfield  assumed  his  new  duties  he  found  various  troubles 
already  well  developed  and  seriously  affecting  the  value  and 
efficiency  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland.  The  energy, 
the  impartiality,  and  the  tact  with  which  he  sought  to  allay 
these  dissensions,  and  to  discharge  the  duties  of  his  new 
and  trying  position,  will  always  remain  one  of  the  most 
striking  proofs  of  his  great  versatility.  His  military  duties 
closed  on  the  memorable  field  of  Chickamauga,  a  field  which, 
however  disastrous  to  the  Union  arms,  gave  to  him  the  oc- 
casion of  winning  imperishable  laurels.  The  very  rare  dis- 
tinction was  accorded  him  of  a  great  promotion  for  bravery 
on  a  field  that  was  lost.  President  Lincoln  appointed  him 
a  Major  General  in  the  Army  of  the  United  States  for  gal- 
lant and  meritorious  conduct  in  the  battle  of  Chickamauga. 

The  Army  of  the  Cumberland  was  reorganized  under  the 
command  of  General  Thomas,  who  promptly  offered  Garfield 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  379 

one  of  its  divisions.  He  was  extremely  desirous  to  accept 
the  position,  but  was  embarrassed  by  the  fact  that  lie  had,  a 
year  before,  been  elected  to  Congress,  and  the  time  when  he 
must  take  his  seat  was  drawing  near.  He  preferred  to  re- 
main in  the  military  service,  and  had  within  his  own  breast 
the  largest  confidence  of  success  in  the  wider  field  which  his 
new  rank  opened  to  him.  Balancing  the  arguments  on  the 
one  side  and  the  other,  anxious  to  determine  what  was  for 
the  best,  desirous  above  all  things  to  do  his  patriotic  duty, 
he  was  decisively  influenced  by  the  advice  of  President  Lin- 
coln and  Secretary  Stanton,  both  of  whom  assured  him  that 
he  could,  at  that  time,  be  of  especial  value  in  the  House  of 
Representatives.  He  resigned  his  commission  of  major- 
general  on  the  5th  day  of  December,  1863,  and  took  his 
seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  7th.  He  had 
served  two  years  and  four  months  in  the  army,  and  had  just 
completed  his  thirty-second  year. 

The  Thirty-eighth  Congress  is  pre-eminently  entitled  in 
history  to  the  designation  of  the  War  Congress.  It  was 
elected  while  the  war  was  flagrant,  and  every  member  was 
chosen  upon  the  issues  involved  in  the  continuance  of  the 
struggle.  The  Thirty-seventh  Congress  had,  indeed,  legis- 
lated to  a  large  extent  on  war  measures,  but  it  was  chosen 
before  any  one  believed  that  secession  of  the  States  would 
be  actually  attempted.  The  magnitude  of  the  work  which 
fell  upon  its  successor  was  unprecedented,  both  in  respect  to 
the  vast  sums  of  money  raised  for  the  support  of  the  army 
and  navy,  and  of  the  new  and  extraordinary  powers  of  leg- 
islation which  it  was  forced  to  exercise.  Only  twenty-four 
States  were  represented,  and  one  hundred  and  eighty-two 
members  were  upon  its  roll.  Among  these  were  many  dis- 
tinguished party  leaders  on  both  sides,  veterans  in  the  pub- 
lic service,  with  established  reputations  for  ability,  and  with 
that  skill  which  comes  only  from  parliamentary  experience. 
Into  this  assemblage  of  menGarfielcl  entered  without  special 
preparation,  and,  it  might  almost  be  said,  unexpectedly. 
The  question  of  taking  command  of  a  division  of  troops 
under  General  Thomas,  or  taking  his  seat  in  Congress,  was 
kept  open  till  the  last  moment,  so  late,  indeed,  that  the  res- 
ignation of  his  militaiy  commission  and  his  appearance  in 
the  House  were  almost  contemporaneous.  He  wore  the  uni- 


380  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

form  of  a  major-general  of  the  United  States  Army  on  Sat- 
urday, and  on  Monday,  in  civilian's  dress,  he  answered  to 
the  roll-call  as  a  Representative  in  Congress  from  the  State 
of  Ohio. 

He  was  especially  fortunate  in  the  constituency  which 
elected  him.  Descended  almost  entirely  from  New  England 
stock,  the  men  of  the  Ashtabula  district  were  intensely  rad- 
ical on  all  questions  relating  to  human  rights.  Well  educa- 
ted, thrifty,  thoroughly  intelligent  in  affairs,  acutely  discern- 
ing of  character,  not  quick  to  bestow  confidence,  and  slow 
to  withdraw  it,  they  were  at  once  the  most  helpful  and  most 
exacting  of  supporters.  Their  tenacious  trust  in  men  in 
whom  they  have  once  confided  is  illustrated  by  the  unparal- 
leled fact  that  Elisha  Whittlesey,  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  and 
James  A.  Garfield  represented  the  district  for  fifty-four 
years. 

There  is  no  test  of  a  man's  ability  in  any  department  of 
public  life  more  severe  than  service  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives ;  there  is  no  place  where  so  little  deference  is  paid 
to  reputation  previously  acquired,  or  to  eminence  won  out- 
side ;  no  place  where  so  little  consideration  is  shown  for  the 
feelings  or  the  failures  of  beginners.  AVhat  a  man  gains  in 
the  House  he  gains  by  sheer  force  of  his  own  character,  and 
if  he  loses  and  falls  back  he  must  expect  no  mercy,  and  will 
receive  no  sympathy.  It  is  a  field  in  which  the  survival  of 
the  strongest  is  the  recognized  rule,  and  where  no  pretense 
can  deceive  and  no  glamour  can  mislead.  The  real  man  is 
discovered,  his  worth  is  impartially  weighed,  his  rank  is  ir- 
reversibly decreed. 

With  possibly  a  single  exception,  Garfield  was  the  young- 
est member  in  the  House  when  he  entered,  and  was  but 
seven  years  from  his  college  graduation.  But  he  had  not 
been  in  his  seat  sixty  days  before  his  ability  was  recognized 
and  his  place  conceded.  He  stepped  to  the  front  with  the 
confidence  of  one  who  belonged  there.  The  house  was 
crowded  with  strong  men  of  both  parties  ;  nineteen  of  them 
have  since  been  transferred  to  the  Senate,  and  many  of  them 
have  served  with  distinction  in  the  gubernatorial  chairs  of 
their  respective  States,  and  on  foreign  missions  of  great 
consequence ;  but  among  them  all  none  grew  so  rapidly, 
none  so  firmly,  as  Garfield.  As  is  said  by  Trevelyan  of 


OP   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  381 

his  parliamentary  hero,  Garfield  succeeded  "because  all  the 
world  in  concert  could  not  have  kept  him  in  the  back- 
ground, and  because  when  once  in  the  front  he  played  his 
part  with  a  prompt  intrepidity  and  a  commanding  ease  that 
were  but  the  outward  symptoms  of  the  immense  reserves  of 
energy  on  which  it  was  in  his  power  to  draw."  Indeed, 
the  apparently  reserved  force  which  Garfield  possessed  was 
one  of  his  great  characteristics.  He  never  did  so  well  but 
that  it  seemed  he  could  easily  have  done  better.  He  never 
expended  so  much  strength  but  that  he  appeared  to  be  hold- 
ing additional  power  at  call.  This  is  one  of  the  happiest 
and  rarest  distinctions  of  an  effective  debater,  and  often 
counts  for  as  much,  in  persuading  an  assembly,  as  the  elo- 
quent and  elaborate  argument. 

The  great  measure  of  Garfield's  fame  was  filled  by  his 
service  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  His  military  life, 
illustrated  by  honorable  performance,  and  rich  in  promise, 
was,  as  he  himself  felt,  prematurely  terminated,  and  neces- 
sarily incomplete.  Speculation  as  to  what  he  might  have 
done  in  a  field  where  the  great  prizes  are  so  few,  cannot  be 
profitable.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  as  a  soldier  he  did 
his  duty  bravely  ;  he  did  it  intelligently  ;  he  won  an  envi- 
able fame,  and  he  retired  from  the  service  without  blot  or 
breath  against  him.  As  a  lawyer,  though  admirably  equip- 
ped for  the  profession,  he  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  en- 
tered on  its  practice.  The  few  efforts  he  made  at  the  bar 
were  distinguished  by  the  same  high  order  of  talent  which 
he  exhibited  on  every  field  where  he  was  put  to  the  test ; 
and,  if  a  man  may  be  accepted  as  a  competent  judge  of  his 
own  capacities  and  adaptations,  the  law  was  the  profession  to 
which  Garfield  should  have  devoted  himself.  But  fate  or- 
dained otherwise,  and  his  reputation  in  history  .will  rest 
largely  upon  his  service  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
That  service  was  exceptionally  long.  He  was  nine  times 
consecutively  chosen  to  the  House,  an  honor  enjoyed  prob- 
ably by  not  twenty  other  Representatives  of  the  more  than 
five  thousand  who  have  been  elected  from  the  organization 
of  the  government  to  this  hour. 

As  a  parliamentary  orator,  as  a  debater  on  an  issue 
squarely  joined,  where  the  position  had  been  chosen  and  the 
ground  laid  out,  Garfield  must  be  assigned  a  very  high 


382  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

rank.  More,  perhaps,  than  any  man  with  whom  he  was 
associated  in  public  life,  he  gave  careful  and  systematic 
study  to  public  questions,  and  he  came  to  every  discussion 
in  which  he  took  part  with  elaborate  and  complete  prepara- 
tion. He  was  a  steady  and  indefatigable  worker.  Those 
who  imagine  that  talent  or  genius  can  supply  the  place  or 
achieve  the  results  of  labor  will  find  no  encouragement  in 
G arneld's  life.  In  preliminary  work  he  was  apt,  rapid,  and 
skillful.  He  possessed  in  a  high  degree  the  power  of  readily 
absorbing  ideas  and  facts,  and,  like  Dr.  Johnson,  had  the  art 
of  getting  from  a  book  all  that  was  of  value  in  it  by  a  reading 
apparently  so  quick  and  cursory  that  it  seemed  like  a  mere 
glance  at  the  table  of  contents.  He  was  a  pre-eminently 
fair  and  candid  man  in  debate,  took  no  petty  advantage, 
stooped  to  no  unworthy  methods,  avoided  personal  allusions, 
rarely  appealed  to  prejudice,  did  not  seek  to  inflame  pas- 
sion. He  had  a  quicker  eye  for  the  strong  point  of  his  ad- 
versary than  for  his  weak  point,  and  on  his  own  side  he  so 
marshaled  his  weighty  arguments  as  to  make  his  hearers 
forget  any  possible  lack  in  the  complete  strength  of  his  posi- 
tion. He  had  a  habit  of  stating  his  opponent's  side  with 
such  amplitude  of  fairness  and  such  liberality  of  concession 
that  his  followers  often  complained  that  he  was  giving  his 
case  away.  But  never  in  his  prolonged  participation  in  the 
proceedings  of  the  House  did  he  give  his  case  away,  or  fail 
in  the  judgment  of  competent  and  impartial  listeners  to  gain 
the  mastery. 

These  characteristics,  which  marked  Garfield  as  a  great 
debater,  did  not,  however,  make  him  a  great  parliametary 
leader.  A  parliamentary  leader,  as  that  term  is  understood 
wherever  free  representative  government  exists,  is  neces- 
sarily and  very  strictly  the  organ  of  his  party.  An  ardent 
American  defined  the  instinctive  warmth  of  patriotism 
when  he  offered  the  toast,  "Our  country,  always  right ;  but 
right  or  wrong,  our  country."  The  parliamentary  leader 
who  has  a  body  of  followers  that  will  do  and  dare  and  die 
for  the  cause,  is  one  who  believes  his  party  always  right, 
but  right  or  wrong,  is  for  his  party.  No  more  important 
or  exacting  duty  devolves  upon  him  than  the  selection  of  the 
field  and  the  time  for  contest.  He  must  know  not  mere- 
ly how  to  strike,  but  where  to  strike  and  when  to  strike. 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  880 

He  often  skillfully  avoids  the  strength  of  his  opponent's 
position  and  scatters  confusion  in  his  ranks  by  attacking  an 
exposed  point  when  really  the  righteousness  of  the  cause  and 
the  strength  of  logical  intrenchment  are  against  him.  He 
conquers  often  both  against  the  right  and  the  heavy  battal- 
ions ;  as  when  young  Charles  Fox,  in  the  days  of  his  Tory- 
ism, carried  the  House  of  Commons  against  justice,  against 
its  immemorial  rights,  against  his  own  convictions,  if,  in- 
deed, at  that  period  Fox  had  convictions,  and,  in  the  inter- 
est of  a  corrupt  administration,  in  obedience  to  a  tyranical 
sovereign,  drove  Wilkes  from  the  seat  to  which  the  electors 
of  Middlesex  had  chosen  him,  and  installed  Luttrell,  in  de- 
fiance not  merely  of  law  but  of  public  decency.  For  an 
achievement  of  that  kind  Garfield  was  disqualified — dis- 
qualified by  the  texture  of  his  mind,  by  the  honesty  of  his 
heart,  by  his  conscience,  and  by  every  instinct  and  aspira- 
tion of  his  nature. 

The  three  most  distinguished  parliamentary  leaders  hith- 
erto developed  in  this  country  are  Mr.  Clay,  Mr.  Douglas, 
and  Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens.  They  were  all  men  of  con- 
summate ability, -of  great  earnestness,  of  intense  personality, 
differing  widely  each  from  the  others,  and  yet  with  a  signal 
trait  in  common — the  power  to  command.  In  the  give-and- 
take  of  daily  discussion,  in  the  art  of  controlling  and  con- 
solidating reluctant  and  refractory  followers,  in  the  skill  to 
overcome  all  forms  of  opposition,  and  to  meet  with  compe- 
tency and  courage  the  varying  phases  of  unlooked-for  as- 
sault or  unsuspected  defection,  it  would  be  difficult  to  rank 
with  these  a  fourth  name  in  all  our  Congressional  history. 
But  of  these  Mr.  Clay  was  the  greatest.  It  would,  perhaps, 
be  impossible  to  find  in  the  parliamentary  annals  of  the 
world  a  parallel  to  Mr.  Clay,  in  1841,  when  at  sixty-four 
years  of  age  he  took  the  control  of  the  Whig  party  from 
the  President  who  had  received  their  suffrages,  against 
the  power  of  Webster  in  the  Cabinet,  against  the  elo- 
quence of  Choate  in  the  Senate,  against  the  herculean 
efforts  of  Caleb  Gushing  and  Henry  A.  Wise  in  the  House. 
In  unshared  leadership,  in  the  pride  and  plenitude  of  power, 
he  hurled  against  John  Tyler  with  deepest  scorn  the  mass  of 
that  conquering  column  which  had  swept  over  the  land  in 
1840,  and  drove  his  administration  to  seek  shelter  behind 


384  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

the  lines  of  its  political  foes.  Mr.  Douglas  achieved  a  vic- 
tory scarcely  less  wonderful,  Avhen  in  1854,  against  the  se- 
cret desires  of  a  strong  administration,  against  the  wise 
counsel  of  the  older  chiefs,  against  the  conservative  instincts 
and  even  the  moral  sense  of  the  country,  he  forced  a  reluct- 
ant Congress  into  a  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens  in  his  contests  from  1865  to  1868 
actually  advanced  his  parliamentary  leadership  until  Con- 
gress tied  the  hands  of  the  President  and  governed  the 
country  by  its  own  will,  leaving  only  perfunctory  duties  to 
be  discharged  by  the  Executive.  With  two  hundred  millions 
of  patronage  in  his  hands  at  the  opening  of  the  contest, 
aided  by  the  active  force  of  Seward  in  the  Cabinet  and  the 
moral  power  of  Chase  on  the  bench,  Andrew  Johnson  could 
not  command  the  support  of  one-third  in  either  House 
against  the  parliamentary  uprising  of  which  Thaddeus 
Stevens  was  the  animating  spirit  and  the  unquestioned 
leader. 

From  these  three  great  men  Garfield  differed  radically, 
differed  in  the  quality  of  his  mind,  in  temperament,  in  the 
form  and  phase  of  ambition.  He  could  not  do  what  they 
did,  but  he  could  do  what  they  could  not,  and  in  the  breadth 
of  his  Congressional  work  he  left  that  which  will  longer  ex- 
ert a  potential  influence  among  men,  and  which,  measured 
by  the  severe  test  of  posthumous  criticism,  will  secure  a 
more  enduring  and  more  enviable  fame. 

Those  unfamiliar  with  Garfield's  industry,  and  ignorant 
of  the  details  of  his  work,  may,  in  some  degree  measure 
them  by  the  annals  of  Congress.  No  one  of  the  generation 
of  public  men  to  which  he  belonged  has  contributed  so  much 
that  will  prove  valuable  for  future  reference.  His  speeches 
are  numerous,  many  of  them  brilliant,  all  of  them  well 
studied,  carefully  phrased,  and  exhaustive  of  the  subject 
under  consideration.  Collected  from  the  scattered  pages  of 
ninety  royal  octavo  volumes  of  Congressional  record,  they 
would  present  an  invaluable  compendium  of  the  political 
events  of  the  most  important  era  through  which  the  Na- 
tional government  has  ever  passed.  When  the  history  of 
this  period  shall  be  impartially  written,  when  war  legisla- 
tion, measures  of  reconstruction,  protection  of  human  rights, 
amendments  to  the  Constitution,  maintenance  of  public 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  385 

credit,  steps  toward  specie  resumption,  true  theories  of  rev- 
enue, may  be  reviewed,  unsurrounded  by  prejudice  and  dis- 
connected from  partisanism,  the  speeches  of  Garfield  will 
be  estimated  at  their  true  value,  and  will  be  found  to  com- 
prise a  vast  magazine  of  fact  and  argument,  of  clear  analy- 
sis and  sound  conclusion.  Indeed,  if  no  other  authority 
were  accessible,  his  speeches  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives from  December,  1863,  to  June,  1880,  would  give  a 
well-connected  history  and  complete  defense  of  the  import- 
ant legislation  of  the  seventeen  eventful  years  that  consti- 
tute his  parliamentary  life.  Far  beyond  that,  his  speeches 
would  be  found'  to  forecast  many  great  measures  yet  to  be 
completed — measures  which  he  knew  were  beyond  the  pub- 
lic opinion  of  the  hour,  but  which  he  confidently  believed 
would  secure  popular  approval  within  the  period  of  his  own 
lifetime  and  by  the  aid  of  his  own  efforts. 

Differing  as  Garfield  does,  from  the  brilliant  parliament- 
ary leaders,  it  is  not  easy  to  find  his  counterpart  anywhere 
in  the  record  of  American  public  life.  He,  perhaps,  more 
nearly  resembles  Mr.  Seward  in  his  supreme  faith  in  the 
all-conquering  power  of  a  principle.  He  had  the  love  of 
learning,  and  the  patient  industry  of  investigation,  to  which 
John  Quincy  Adams  owes  his  prominence  and  his  Pres- 
idency. He  had  some  of  those  ponderous  elements  of  mind 
which  distinguished  Mr.  Webster,  and  which,  indeed,  in  all 
our  public  life  have  left  the  great  Massachusetts  Senator 
without  an  intellectual  peer. 

In  English  parliamentary  history,  as  in  our  own,  the 
leaders  in  the  House  of  Commons  present  points  of  essen- 
tial difference  from  Garfield.  But  some  of  his  methods  re- 
call the  best  features  in  the  strong,  independent  course  of  Sir 
Robert  Peel,  to  whom  he  had  striking  resemblances  in  the 
type  of  his  mind  and  in  the  habit  of  his  speech.  He  had 
all  of  Burke's  love  for  the  sublime  and  the  beautiful,  with  pos- 
sibly, something  of  his  superabundance.  In  his  faith  and 
his  magnanimity,  in  his  power  of  statement,  in  his  subtle 
analysis,  in  his  faultless  logic,  in  his  love  of  literature, 
in  his  wealth  and  world  of  illustration,  one  is  reminded 
of  that  great  English  statesman  of  to-day,  who,  con- 
fronted with  obstacles  that  would  daunt  any  but  the 
dauntless,  reviled  by  those  Avhom  he  would  relieve  as  bit- 


386  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

terly  as  by  those  whose  supposed  rights  he  is  forced  to  in- 
vade, still  labors  with  serene  courage  for  the  amelioration 
of  Ireland  and  for  the  honor  of  the  English  name. 

Garfield's  nomination  to  the  Presidency,  while  not  pre- 
dicted or  anticipated,  was  not  a  surprise  to  the  country. 
His  prominence  in  Congress,  his  solid  qualities,  his  wide 
reputation,  strengthened  by  his  then  recent  election  as  Sen- 
ator from  Ohio,  kept  him  in  the  public  eye  as  a  man  occu- 
pying the  very  highest  rank  among  those  entitled  to  be 
called  statesmen.  It  was  not  mere  chance  that  brought  him 
this  high  honor.  "We  must,"  says  Mr.  Emerson,  "reckon 
success  a  constitutional  trait.  If  Eric  is  in  robust  health 
and  has  slept  well  and  is  at  the  top  of  his  condition,  and 
thirty  years  old  at  his  departure  from  Greenland,  he  will 
steer  west  and  his  ships  will  reach  Newfoundland.  But 
take  Eric  out  and  put  in  a  stronger  and  bolder  man,  and 
the  ships  will  sail  six  hundred,  one  thousand,  fifteen  hun- 
dred miles  farther  and  reach  Labrador  and  New  England. 
There  is  no  chance  in  results." 

As  a  candidate,  Garfield  steadily  grew  in  popular  favor. 
He  was  met  with  a  storm  of  detraction  at  the  very  hour  of 
his  nomination,  and  it  continued  with  increasing  volume  and 
momentum  until  the  close  of  his  victorious  campaign : 

No  might  nor  greatness  in  mortality 
Can  censure- 'scape;  backgrounding  calumny 
The  whitest  virtue  strikes.     What  king  so  strong 
Can  tie  the  gall  up  in  the  slanderous  tongue? 

Under  it  all  he  was  calm,  and  strong,  and  confident ; 
never  lost  his  self-possession,  didno  unwise  act,  spokeno  hasty 
or  ill-considered  word.  Indeed,  nothing  in  his  whole  life 
is  more  remarkable  or  more  creditable  than  his  bearing 
through  those  five  full  months  of  vituperation — a  prolonged 
agony  of  trial  to  a  sensitive  man,  a  constant  and  cruel  draft 
upon  the  powers  of  moral  endurance.  The  great  mass  of 
these  unjust  imputations  passed  unnoticed,  and  with  the 
general  debris  of  the  campaign  fell  into  oblivion.  But  in  a 
few  instances  the  iron  entered  his  soul,  and  he  died  with  the 
injury  unforgotten  if  not  unforgiven. 

One  aspect  of  Garfield's  candidacy  was  unprecedented. 
Never  before,  in  the  history  of  partisan  contests  in  this 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  387 

country,  had  a  successful  Presidential  cadidate  spoken  freely 
on  passing  events  and  current  issues.  To  attempt  anything 
of  the  kind  seemed  novel,  rash,  and  even  desperate.  The 
older  class  of  voters  recalled  the  unfortunate  Alabama  letter, 
in  which  Mr.  Clay  was  supposed  to  have  signed  his  political 
death-warrant.  They  remembered  also  the  hot-tempered 
effusion  by  which  General  Scott  lost  a  large  share  of 
his  popularity  before  his  nomination,  and  the  unfortu- 
nate speeches  which  rapidly  consumed  the  remainder. 
The  younger  voters  had  seen  Mr.  Greeley,  in  a  series 
of  vigorous  and  original  addresses,  preparing  the  path- 
way for  his  own  defeat.  Unmindful  of  these  warnings,  un- 
heeding the  advice  of  friends,  Garfield  spoke  to  large  crowds 
as  he  journeyed  to  and  from  New  York  in  August,  to  a 
great  multitude  in  that  city,  to  delegations  and  deputations 
of  every  kind  that  called  at  Mentor  during  the  summer  and 
autumn.  With  innumerable  critics,  watchful  and  eager  to 
catch  a  phrase  that  might  be  turned  into  odium  or  ridicule,  or  a 
sentence  that  might  be  distorted  to  his  own  or  his  party's  injury, 
Garfield  did  not  trip  or  halt  in  any  one  of  his  seventy 
speeches.  This  seems  all  the  more  remarkable  when  it  is 
remembered  that  he  did  not  write  what  he  said,  and  yet 
spoke  with  such  logical  consecutiveness  of  thought  and  such 
admirable  precision  of  phrase  as  to  defy  the  accident  of 
misreport  and  the  malignity  of  misrepresentation. 

In  the  beginning  of  his  Presidential  life  Garfield's  ex- 
perience did  not  yield  him  pleasure  or  satisfaction.  The 
duties  that  engross  so  large  a  portion  of  the  President's 
time  were  distasteful  to  him,  and  were  unfavorably  con- 
trasted with  his  legislative  work.  "I  have  been  dealing  all 
these  years  with  ideas,"  he  impatiently  exclaimed  one  day, 
"and  here  I  am  dealing  only  with  persons.  I  have  been 
heretofore  treating  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  gov- 
ernment, and  here  I  am  considering  all  day  whether  A  or 
B  shall  be  appointed  to  this  or  that  office."  He  was  earn- 
estly seeking  some  practical  way  of  correcting  the  evils 
arising  from  the  distribution  of  overgrown  and  unwieldly 
patronage — evils  always  appreciated  and  often  discussed  by 
him,  but  whose  magnitude  had  been  more  deeply  impressed 
upon  his  mind  since  his  accession  to  the  Presidency.  Had 
he  lived,  a  comprehensive  improvement  in  the  mode  of 


388  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

appointment  and  in  the  tenure  of  office  would  have  been 
proposed  by  him,  and,  with  the  aid  of  Congress,  no  doubt 
perfected. 

But,  while  many  of  the  Executive  duties  were  not  grateful 
to  him,  he  was  assiduous  and  conscientious  in  their  dis- 
charge. From  the  very  outset  he  exhibited  administrative 
talent  of  a  high  order.  He  grasped  the  helm  of  office  with 
the  hand  of  a  master.  In  this  respect,  indeed,  he  con- 
stantly surprised  many  who  were  most  intimately  associated 
with  him  in  the  Government,  and  especially  those  who  had 
feared  that  he  might  be  lacking  in  the  executive  faculty. 
His  disposition  of  business  was  orderly  and  rapid.  His 
power  of  analysis,  and  his  skill  in  classification,  enabled  him 
to  dispatch  a  vast  mass  of  detail  with  singular  promptness 
and  ease.  His  Cabinet  meetings  were  admirably 'conducted. 
His  clear  presentation  of  official  subjects,  his  well-considered 
suggestion  of  topics  on  which  discussion  was  invited,  his 
quick  decision  when  all  had  been  heard,  combined  to  show 
a  thoroughness  of  mental  training  as  rare  as  his  natural 
ability  and  his  facile  adaptation  to  a  new  and  enlarged  field 
of  labor. 

With  perfect  comprehension  of  all  the  inheritances  of  the 
war,  with  a  cool  calculation  of  the  obstacles  in  his  way,  im- 
,pelled  always  by  a  generous  enthusiasm,  Garfield  conceived 
that  much  might  be  done  by  his  administration  towards  re- 
storing harmony  between  the  different  sections  of  the  Union. 
He  was  anxious  to  go  South  and  speak  to  the  people.  As 
early  as  April  he  had  ineffectually  endeavored  to  arrange  for 
a  trip  to  Nashville,  whither  he  had  been  cordially  invited, 
and  he  was  again  disappointed  a  few  weeks  later  to  find  that 
he  could  not  go  to  South  Carolina  to  attend  the  centennial 
celebration  of  the  victory  of  the  Cowpens.  But  for  the 
autumn  he  definitely  counted  on  being  present  at  three  mem- 
orable assemblies  in  the  South :  the  celebration  at  York- 
town,  the  opening  of  the  Cotton  Exposition  at  Atlanta,  and 
the  meeting  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  at  Chattanooga. 
He  was  already  turning  over  in  his  mind  his  address  for 
each  occasion,  and  the  three  taken  together,  he  said  to  a 
friend,  gave  him  the  exact  scope  and  verge  which  he  needed. 
At  Yorktown  he.  would  have  before  him  the  associations  of  a 
hundred  years  that  bound  the  South  and  the  North  in  the 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  389 

sacred  memory  of  a  common  danger  and  a  common  victory. 
At  Atlanta  he  would  present  the  material  interests  and  the 
industrial  development  which  appealed  to  the  thrift  and  in- 
dependence of  every  household,  and  which  should  unite  the 
two  sections  by  the  instinct  of  self-interest  and  self-defense. 
At  Chattanooga  he  would  revive  memories  of  the  war  only 
to  show  that  after  all  its  disaster  and  all  its  suffering,  the 
country  was  stronger  and  greater,  the  Union  rendered  indis- 
soluble, and  the  future,  through  the  agony  and  blood  of  one 
generation r  made  brighter  and  better  for  all. 

Garfield's  ambition  for  the  success  of  his  administration 
was  high.  With  strong  caution  and  conservatism  in  his 
nature,  he  was  in  no  danger  of  attempting  rash  experiments 
or  of  resorting  to  the  empiricism  of  statesmanship.  But  he 
believed  that  renewed  and  closer  attention  should  be  given 
to  questions  affecting  the  material  interests  and  commercial 
prospects  of  fifty  millions  of  people.  He  believed  that  our 
continental  relations,  extensive  and  undeveloped  as  they  are, 
involved  responsibility,  and  could  be  cultivated  into  profita- 
ble friendship  or  be  abandoned  to  harmful  indifference  or 
lasting  enmity.  He  believed  with  equal  confidence  that  an 
essential  forerunner  to 'a  new  era  of  national  progress  must 
be  a  feeling  of  contentment  in  every  section  of  the  Union, 
and  a  generous  belief  that  the  benefits  and  burdens  of  gov- 
ernment would  be  common  to  all.  Himself  a  conspicuous 
illustration  of  what  ability  and  ambition  may  do  under  re- 
publican institutions,  he  loved  his  country  with  a  passion  of 
patriotic  devotion,  and  every  waking  thought  was  given  to 
her  advancement.  He  was  an  American  in  all  his  aspira- 
tions, and  he  looked  to  the  destiny  and  influence  of  the 
United  States  with  the  philosophic  composure  of  Jefferson 
and  the  demonstrative  confidence  of  John  Adams. 

The  political  events  which  disturbed  the  President's  se- 
renity for  many  weeks  before  that  fateful  day  in  July  form  an 
important  chapter  in  his  career,  and,  in  his  own  judgment, 
involved  questions  of  principle  and  of  right  which  are  vitally 
essential  to  the  constitutional  administration  of  the  Federal 
Government.  It  would  be  out  of  place  here  and  now  to 
speak  the  language  of  controversy  ;  but  the  events  referred 
to,  however  they  may  continue  to  be  source  of  contention 
with  others,  have  become,  so  far  as  Garfield  is  concerned, 


390  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

as  much  a  matter  of  history  as  his  heroism  at  Chickamauga 
or  his  illustrious  service  in  the  House.  Detail  is  not  need- 
ful, and  personal  antagonism  shall  not  be  rekindled  by  any 
word  uttered  to-day.  The  motives  of  those  opposing  him 
are  not  to  be  here  adversely  interpreted  nor  their  course 
harshly  characterized.  But  of  the  dead  President  this  is  to 
be  said,  and  said  because  his  own  speech  is  forever  silenced 
and  he  can  be  no  more  heard  except  through  the  fidelity  and 
love  of  surviving  friends  :  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of 
the  controversy  he  so  much  deplored,  the  President  was 
never  for  one  moment  actuated  by  any  motive  of  gain  to 
himself  or  of  loss  to  others.  Least  of  all  men  did  he  harbor 
revenge,  rarely  did  he  even  show  resentment,  and  malice 
was  not  in  his  nature.  He  was  congenially  employed  only 
in  the  exchange  of  good  offices  and  the  doing  of  kindly  deeds. 

There  was  not  an  hour  from  the  beginning  of  the  trouble 
till  the  fatal  shot  entered  his  body,  when  the  President  would 
not  gladly,  for  the  sake  of  restoring  harmony,  have  retraced 
any  step  he  had  taken  if  such  retracing  had  merely  involved 
consequences  personal  to  himself.  The  pride  of  consisten- 
cy, or  any  supposed  sense  of  humiliation  that  might  result 
from  surrendering  his  position,  had  not  a  feather's  weight 
with  him.  No  man  was  ever  less  subject  to  such  influences 
from  within  or  from  without.  But  after  most  anxious  de- 
liberation and  the  coolest  survey  of  all  the  circumstances, 
he  solemnly  believed  that  the  true  prerogatives  of  the  Execu- 
tive were  involved  in  the  issue  which  had  been  raised,  and 
that  he  would  be  unfaithful  to  his  supreme  obligation  if  he 
failed  to  maintain,  in  all  their  vigor,  the  constitutional 
rights  and  dignities  of  his  great  office.  He  believed  this  in 
all  the  convictions  of  conscience  when  in  sound  and  vigor- 
ous health,  and  he  believed  it  in  his  suffering  and  prostra- 
tion in  the  last  conscious  thought  which  his  wearied  mind 
bestowed  on  the  transitory  struggles  of  life. 

More  than  this  need  not  be  said.  Less  than  this  could 
not  be  said.  Justice  to  the  dead,  the  highest  obligation 
that  devolves  upon  the  living,  demands  the  declaration  that 
in  all  the  bearings  of  the  subject,  actual  or  possible,  the 
President  was  content  in  his  mind,  justified  in  his  con- 
science, immovable  in  his  conclusions. 

The  religious  element  in  Garfield's  character  was  deep 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  391 

and  earnest.  In  his  early  youth  he  espoused  the  faith  of 
the  Disciples,  a  sect  of  that  great  Baptist  Communion, 
which  in  different  ecclesiastical  establishments  is  so  numer- 
ous and  so  influential  throughout  all  parts  of  the  United 
States.  But  the  broadening  tendency  of  his  mind  and  his 
active  spirit  of  inquiry  were  early  apparent,  and  carried 
him  beyond  the  dogmas  of  sect  and  the  restraints  of  asso- 
ciation. In  selecting  a  college  in  which  to  continue  his 
education  he  rejected  Bethany,  though  presided  over  by 
Alexander  Campbell,  the  greatest  preacher  of  his  church. 
His  reasons  were  characteristic :  first,  that  Bethany  leaned 
too  heavily  towards  slavery  ;  and,  second,  that  being  him- 
self a  Disciple  and  the  son  of  Disciple  parents,  he  had  little 
acquaintance  with  people  of  other  beliefs,  and  he  thought 
it  would  make  him  more  liberal,  quoting  his  own  words, 
both  in  his  religious  and  general  views,  to  go  into  a  new 
circle  and  be  under  new  influences. 

The  liberal  tendency  which  he  anticipated  as  the  result  of 
wider  culture  was  fully  realized.  He  was  emancipated  from 
mere  sectarian  belief,  and  with  eager  interest  pushed  his  in- 
vestigations in  the  direction  of  modern  progressive  thought. 
He  folloAved  with  quickening  step  in  the  paths  of  explora- 
tion and  speculation  so  fearlessly  trodden  by  Darwin,  by 
Huxley,  by  Tyndall,  and  by  other  living  scientists  of  the 
radical  and  advanced  type.  His  own  church,  binding  its 
disciples  by  no  formulated  creed,  but  accepting  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments  as  the  word  of  God,  with  unbiased  liber- 
ality of  private  interpretation,  favored,  if  it  did  not  stimu- 
late, the  spirit  of  investigation.  Its  members  profess  with 
sincerity,  and  profess  only,  to  be  of  one  mind  and  one  faith 
with  those  who  immediately  followed  the  Master,  and  who 
were  first  called  Christians  at  Antioch.  But  however  high 
Garfiehl  reasoned  of  "fixed  fate,  free  will,  foreknowledge 
absolute,"  he  was  never  separated  from  the  Church  of  the 
Disciples  in  his  affections  and  in  his  associations.  For  him 
it  hehf  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant.  To  him  it  was  the  gate 
of  Heaven.  The  world  of  religious  belief  is  full  of  solecisms 
and  contradictions.  A  philosophic  observer  declares  that 
men  by  the  thousand  will  die  in  defense  of  a  creed  whose 
doctrines  they  do  not  comprehend  and  whose  tenets  they 
habitually  violate.  It  is  equally  true  that  men  by  the  thou- 


392  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

sand  will  cling  to  church  organizations  with  instinctive  and 
undying  fidelity  when  their  belief  in  maturer  years  is  radi- 
cally different  from  that  which  inspired  them  as  neophytes. 

But  after  this  range  of  speculation,  and  this  latitude  of 
doubt,  Garfield  came  back  always  with  freshness  and  delight 
to  the  simpler  instincts  of  religious  faith,  which,  earliest  im- 
planted, longest  survive.  Not  many  weeks  before  his  as- 
sassination, walking  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac  with  a 
friend,  and  conversing  on  those  topics  of  personal  religion, 
concerning  which  noble  natures  have  an  unconquerable  re- 
serve, he  said  that  he  found  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the  simple 
petitions  learned  in  infancy  infinitely  restful  to  him,  not 
merely  in  their  stated  repetition,  but  in  their  casual  and  fre- 
quent recall  as  he  went  about  the  daily  duties  of  life.  Cer- 
tain texts  of  scripture  had  a  very  strong  hold  on  his  memory 
and  his  heart.  He  heard,  while  in  Edinburgh  some  years 
ago,  an  eminent  Scotch  preacher  who  prefaced  his  sermon 
with  reading  the  eighth  chapter  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans, 
which  book  had  been  the  subject  of  careful  study  with  Gar- 
field  during  all  his  religious  life.  He  was  greatly  impressed 
by  the  elocution  of  the  preacher,  and  declared  that  it  had 
imparted  a  new  and  deeper  meaning  to  the  majestic  utter- 
ance of  St.  Paul.  He  referred  often  in  after  years  to  that 
memorable  service,  and  dwelt  with  exaltation  of  feeling  upon 
the  radiant  promise  and  the  assured  hope  with  which  the 
great  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles  was  "persuaded  that  neither 
death,  nor  life,  nor  angels,  nor  principalities,  nor  powers, 
nor  things  present,  nor  things  to  come,  nor  height,  nor 
depth,  nor  any  other  creature,  shall  be  able  to  separate  us 
from  the  love  of  God,  which  is  in  Chi'ist  Jesus  our  Lord." 

The  crowning  characteristics  of  General  Garfield's  relig- 
ious opinions,  as,  indeed,  of  all  his  opinions,  was  his 
liberality.  In  all  things  he  had  charity.  Tolerance  was  of 
his  nature.  He  respected  in  others  the  qualities  which  he 
possessed  himself — sincerity  of  conviction  and  frankness  of 
expression.  With  him  the  inquiry  was  not  so  much  what 
a  man  believes,  but  does  he  believe  it?  The  lines  of  his 
friendship  and  his  confidence  encircled  men  of  every  creed, 
and  men  of  no  creed,  and  to  the  end  of  his  life,  on  his  ever- 
lengthening  list  of  friends,  were  to  be  found  the  names  of 
a  pious  Catholic  priest  and  of  an  honest-minded  and  gener- 


OP   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  393 

ous-hearted  free-thinker.  On  the  morning  of  Saturday,  July 
second,  the  President  was  a  contented  and  happy  man — not 
in  an  ordinary  degree,  but  joyfully ,  almost  boyishly  happy.  On 
his  way  to  the  railroad  station,  to  which  he  drove  slowly,  in 
conscious  enjoyment  of  the  beautiful  morning,  with  an  un- 
wonted sense  of  leisure  and  a  keen  anticipation  of  pleasure,  his 
talk  was  all  in  the  grateful  and  gratulatory  vein.  He  felt  that 
after  four  months  of  trial  his  administration  was  strong  in 
its  grasp  of  affairs,  strong  in  popular  favor,  and  destined  to 
grow  stronger  ;  that  grave  difficulties  confronting  him  at  his 
inauguration  had  been  safely  passed  ;  that  trouble  lay  behind 
him  and  not  before  him ;  that  he  was  soon  to  meet  the  wife 
whom  he  loved,  now  recovering  from  an  illness  which  had 
but  lately  disquieted  and  at  times  almost  unnerved  him ; 
that  he  was  going  to  his  Alma  Mater  to  renew  the  most 
cherished  associations  of  his  young  manhood,  and  to  exchange 
greetings  with  those  whose  deepening  interest  had  followed 
every  step  of  his  upward  progress  from  the  day  he  entered 
upon  his  college  course  until  he  had  attained  the  loftiest 
elevation  in  the  gift  of  his  countrymen. 

Surely,  if  happiness  can  ever  come  from  the  honors  or 
triumphs  of  this  world,  on  that  quiet  July  morning  James 
A.  Garfield  may  well  have  been  a  happy  man.  No  fore- 
boding of  evil  haunted  him ;  no  slightest  premonition  of 
danger  clouded  his  sky.  His  terrible  fate  was  upon  him  in 
an  instant.  One  moment  he  stood  erect,  strong,  confident 
in  the  years  stretching  peacefully  out  before  him.  The 
next  he  lay  wounded,  bleeding,  helpless,  doomed  to  weary 
weeks  of  torture,  to  silence,  and  the  grave. 

Great  in  life,  he  was  surpassingly  great  in  death.  For 
no  cause,  in  the  very  frenzy  of  wantonness  and  wickedness, 
by  the  red  hand  of  murder,  he  was  thrust  from  the  full  tide 
of  this  world's  interests,  from  its  hopes,  its  aspirations,  its 
victories,  into  the  visible  presence  of  death — and  he  did  not 
quail.  Not  alone  for  the  one  short  moment  in  which, 
stunned  and  dazed,  he  could  give  up  life,  hardly  aware  of 
its  relinquishment,  but  through  days  of  deadly  languor, 
through  weeks  of  agony,  that  was  not  less  agony  because 
silently  borne,  with  clear  sight  and  calm  courage,  he  looked 
into  his  open  grave.  What  blight  and  ruin  met  his  an- 
guished eyes,  whose  lips  may  tell — what  brilliant,  broken 


394  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

plans,  what  baffled,  high  ambitions,  what  sundering  of 
strong,  warm,  manhood's  friendships,  what  bitter  rending  of 
sweet  household  ties  !  Behind  him  a  proud,  expectant  na- 
tion, a  great  host  of  sustaining  friends,  a  cherished  and 
happy  mother,  wearing  the  full,  rich  honors  of  her  early 
toil  and  tears  ;  the  wife  of  his  youth,  whose  whole  life  lay 
in  his  ;  the  little  boys  not  yet  emerged  from  childhood's  day 
of  frolic;  the  fair  young  daughter;  the  sturdy  sons  just 
springing  into  closest  companionship,  claiming  every  day 
and  every  day  rewarding  a  father's  love  and  care  ;  and  in 
his  heart  the  eager,  rejoicing  power  to  meet  all  demand. 
Before  him,  desolation  and  great  darkness  !  And  his  soul 
was  not  shaken.  His  countrymen  were  thrilled  with  instant, 
profound,  and  universal  sympathy.  Masterful  in  his  mortal 
weakness,  he  became  the  center  of  a  nation's  love,  enshrined 
in  the  prayers  of  a  world.  But  all  the  love  and  all  the  sym- 
pathy could  not  share  with  him  his  suffering.  He  trod  the 
wine-press  alone.  With  unfaltering  front  he  faced  death. 
With  unfailing  tenderness  he  took  leave  of  lite.  Above  the 
demoniac  hiss  of  the  assassin's  bullet  he  heard  the  voice  of 
God.  With  simple  resignation  he  bowed  to  the  divine  decree. 
As  the  end  drew  near,  his  early  craving  for  the  sea  re- 
turned. The  stately  mansion  of  power  had  been  to  him  the 
wearisome  hospital  of  pain,  and  he  begged  to  be  taken  from 
its  prison  walls,  from  its  oppressive,  stifling  air,  from  its 
homelessness  and  its  hopelessness.  Gently,  silently,  the 
love  of  a  great  people  bore  the  pale  sufferer  to  the  longed- 
for  healing  of  the  sea,  to  live  or  to  die,  as  God  should 
will,  within  sight  of  its  heaving  billows,  within  sound  of 
its  manifold  voices.  With  wan,  fevered  face,  tenderly 
lifted  to  the  cooling  breeze,  he  looked  out  wistfully  upon 
the  ocean's  changing  wonders  ;  on  its  far  sails,  whitening 
in  the  morning  light ;  on  its  restless  waves,  rolling  shore- 
ward to  break  and  die  beneath  the  noonday  sun  ;  on  the  red 
clouds  of  evening,  arching  low  to  the  horizon  ;  on  the  se- 
rene and  shining  pathway  of  the  stars.  Let  us  think  that 
his  dying  eyes  read  a  mystic  meaning  which  only  the  rapt 
and  parting  soul  may  know.  Let  us  believe  that  in  the  si- 
lence of  the  receding  world  he  heard  the  great  waves  break- 
ing on  a  farther  shore,  and  felt  already  upon  his  wasted 
brow  the  breath  of  the  eternal  morning. 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  397 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Elaine  Resigns  his  Seat  in  the  Cabinet. — Elaine's  Literary  Work. — 
Twenty  Years  in  Congress. — Residence  in  Washington. — The 
Celebrated  "Count  Out"  in  Maine. — The  Chicago  Convention 
of  1884. — The  Enthusiasm  at  the  Mentian  of  Elaine. — The 
Platform. — Judge  West's  Speech  Placing  Elaine  in  Nomina- 
tion.— Exciting  Scenes. — The  First  Ballot. — Elaine  Nominated 
on  the  Fourth  Ballot. 

For  three  months  after  the  death  of  Garfield,  Elaine  re- 
mained in  the  Cabinet  of  President  Arthur  and  then  resigned 
his  office,  as  did  the  other  Cabinet  officials,  to  give  the  new 
President  an  opportunity  to  select  such  advisers  as  his  per- 
sonal preferences  might  dictate. 

Once  more  a  private  citizen,  he  turned  to  a  literary  task 
which  he  had  for  some  years  contemplated.  That  work 
was  the  preparation  of  an  accurate  and  comprehensive  his- 
tory of  Congress  for  the  twenty  years  from  Lincoln  to  Gar- 
field  inclusive.  To  the  arrangement  of  the  facts  and  the 
writing  of  such  a  history  he  applied  himself  with  that  ener- 
gy and  those  methodical  ways  which  characterized  him  in 
other  spheres  of  life. 

In  his  new  and  beautiful  residence  in  Washington,  which 
he  had  just  built  to  his  liking,  he  began  this  great  work. 
For  more  than  two  years  he  labored  zealously  in  the  prep- 
aration of  the  first  volume  which  was  published  in  1884, 
and  which  covered  the  history  of  the  causes  of  the  war  of 
the  rebellion  and  of  the  important  events  connected  with 
that  great  struggle. 


398  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

It  was  a  calm,  discriminating  history.  It  was  in  no 
sense  a  partizan  document.  All  parties  and  all  classes 
were  treated  Avith  a  fairness  and  a  clearness  of  insight  into 
motives  which  were  remarkable  in  view  of  his  personal 
share  in  the  most  important  of  them. 

He  avoided  with  a  personal  modesty  nearly  all  references 
to  himself  and  his  measures.  He  wrote  as  an  observer 
would  write  looking  at  those  important  historical  events 
from  without.  He  spoke  kindly  and  appreciatively  of  those 
who  had  been  his  personal  opponents,  and  was  most  discrim- 
inating in  his  judgment  of  the  men  and  the  motives  of  the 
Democratic  party.  Not  a  sign  of  party  prejudice  nor  polit- 
ical bias  appears.  Like  a  disinterested  referee  he  recorded 
the  facts  of  history  plainly,  concisely,  equitably.  It  is  a 
most  valuable  addition  to  the  literature  of  the  world.  A 
most  remarkable  book  by  a  remarkable  man.  In  that  com- 
pilation and  statement  of  valuable  information  the  genius  of 
the  author  showed  itself  in  a  surprising  degree. 

A  friend  of  the  author,  residing  in  Augusta,  and  who  was 
personally  cognizant  of  the  facts,  has  given  for  publication, 
the  following  account  of  what  was  known  as  the  Maine 
State  Steal  of  1880,  which  caused  the  most  intense  excite- 
ment throughout  the  whole  country.  Briefly  summarized, 
the  facts  are  these:  "The  returns  of  the  fall  election  of 
1879,  for  Governor,  county  officers,  Senators  and  Repre- 
sentatives, to  the  Legislature,  were  submitted  to  Governor 
Alouzo  Garcelon  (Dem.)  and  his  seven  fusion  councilors,  as 
by  law  provided.  It  was  their  duty  to  open  them,  ascer- 
tain the  result,  and  officially  make  notification  of  the  same. 
Instead  of  that,  they  inaugurated  and  partially  carried  out  a 
conspiracy  to  defeat  and  overthrow  the  will  of  the  people  as 
expressed  at  the  polls.  This  they  accomplished  by  manipu- 
lating the  returns,  changing  the  names  and  the  spelling  of 
the  names  of  the  Republican  candidates,  throwing  out  the 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  399 

entire  vote  of  strong  Republican  strongholds  on  the  strength 
of  these  manipulations  ;  by  cunningly  devised  blanks,  pre- 
pared affidavits,  secret  protests,  and  illegal  and  ex  parte 
testimony,  they  reversed  the  result  of  a  popular  election,  and 
counted  in  officers  who  had  not  been  elected.  Thus,  by 
these  processes,  eight  Republican  Senators  were  counted 
out,  and  eight  Democratic  and  Greenback  Senators  counted 
in.  The  same  axe  also  fell  on  twenty-nine  elected  Re- 
publicans in  the  House  of  Representatives.  As  elected  by 
the  people,  the  House  stood  ninety  Republicans  and  sixty- 
seven  Democrats ;  as  reversed  by  Governor  Garcelon  and 
his  Council,  it  stood  seventy-eight  Democrats,  sixty-one  Re- 
publicans, and  twelve  vacancies.  As  elected  by  the  people, 
the  Senate  stood  nineteen  Republicans  and  twelve  Fusionists  ; 
when  the  Governor  and  Council  were  through  with  the  re- 
turns, the  Senate  contained  twenty  Fusionists  and  eleven 
Republicans.  The  Fusionists  raised  recruits,  made  the 
State  House  an  arsenal,  and  determined  to  organize  their 
counted-in  government  at  all  hazards.  In  this  emergency, 
Mr.  Blaine  was  summoned  from  Washington,  and  the  con- 
duct of  the  people's  cause  was  put  into  his  hands.  Councils 
of  the  leading  men  of  the  State  were  held  at  his  house,  and 
the  result  of  those  conferences  would  fill  page  after  page  of 
this  history.  While  the  voices  of  the  many  were  for  war, 
and  for  clearing  out  the  conspirators  at  the  point  of  the  bayo- 
net, Mr.  Elaine's  was  uniformly  for  peace,  and  for  accom- 
plishing the  result  by  legal  and  legitimate  means. 

"The  Legislature  met  on  the  7th  of  January,  1880,  the 
counted-in  fusion  members,  with  two  or  three  noted  excep- 
tions, appealing  and  taking  the  seats  belonging  to  others, 
and  organized  both  branches  to  their  own  liking,  the  Repub- 
lican members  with  the  exception  of  two  (who  went  in  for 
parliamentary  purposes)  remaining  away  and  refusing  to 
participate.  The  farce  of  the  organization  and  the  subse- 


400  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

quent  inauguration  of  bogus  "Gov."  Smith,  was  allowed 
to  proceed  without  interruption,  though  there  were  loaded 
revolvers  in  the  pockets  of  more  than  two  hundred  men 
present  in  the  hall  of  the  House,  and  three  times  that  num- 
ber outside,  who  were  anxiously  awaiting  the  result. 
Conferences  of  the  Republicans  were  held  twice  a  day,  un- 
der the  direction  and  advice  of  Mr.  Blaine,  until  finally  it 
was  decided  to  take  peaceable  possession  of  the  State  House. 
This  was  accordingly  done,  on  the  evening  of  the  12th  of 
January,  at  which  time  an  organization  was  effected,  the 
regular  officers  chosen,  and  questions  which  had  been  pre- 
pared under  the  supervision  of  Mr.  Blaine,  submitted  to  the 
Supreme  Court,  inquiring  as  to  the  authority  of  the  present 
body  to  act.  They  did  not  permit  the  illegal  Legislature  to 
again  meet  in  the  State  House,  but  the  fusionists  for  a 
week  met  in  a  hall  down  town  ;  a  favorable  answer  came 
from  the  court,  declaring  the  Republican  decision  the  correct 
one  ;  Gov.  Davis  was  inaugurated  ;  the  fusion  government 
melted  away  in  disgrace ;  most  of  the  really  elected  Repre- 
sentatives and  Senators  returned  to  their  allegiance  to  order 
and  good  government ;  and  anarchy  and  bloodshed  were 
saved  by  the  wise  counsels  and  steady  hand  of  Mr.  Blaine, 
who  had  the  support  of  the  loyal  people  in  the  State.  As 
the  people  of  the  country  in  the  years  to  come,  review  the 
history  of  the  Maine  count-out,  they  will  reckon  it  worthy 
to  "belong  to  the  darkest  period  of  Southern  outrages.  In 
all, the  contests  in  this  State,  Mr.  Blaine  was  never  more 
conspicuous  in  bringing  order  out  of  chaos." 

Immediately  after  the  settlement  of  the  matter,  Blaine 
returned  to  Washington. 

During  the  years  of  devotion  to  his  book,  he  wholly  re- 
tired from  active  political  life  with  the  exception  of  that  first 
given.  It  is  apparent  that  he  considered  himself  no  longer 
in  the  field  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  That  was 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  401 

an  ambition  which  was  passed  and  buried  so  far  as  he  was 
concerned.  A  private  and  happy  domestic  and  literary  life 
was  his  only  purpose. 

But  the  people  of  the  Nation  were  not  as  forgetful  of  him 
as  Nation's  often  are  of  the  tried  and  the  great  of  their  lead- 
ers. The  Republic  was  not  ungrateful.  The  cumbersome 
machinery  which  had  interfered  with  their  wishes  steadily 
passed  into  the  control  of  the  voting  population.  The 
determination  to  have  Elaine  for  President  outliving  so 
many  defeats  and  overcoming  so  many  obstacles,  was 
one  of  the  most  surprising  things  in  the  history  of  popu- 
lar government.  Throughout  the  Nation,  North  and  South, 
East  and  West,  a  quiet  spirit  of  determination  prevailed, 
and  as  the  Spring  of  1884  came,  he  in  his  seclusion  was 
recalled  to  mind  with  no  abatement  of  the  old  enthusiasm. 

As  the  day  of  the  Republican  Convention  approached, 
the  determination  to  make  him  the  candidate  of  the  party 
grew  deeper  and  stronger.  Schemes  to  prevent  it  arose  as 
usual.  Politicial  obligations  and  friendly  alliances  often 
interfered.  But  the  great  people  Avere  determined  to  be 
heard.  They  sent  their  delegates,  some  instructed  to  vote 
only  for  him  and  some  uninstructed,  save  to  do  what  was 
best  for  the  Nation.  Yet  thousands  and  thousands  awaited 
with  trembling  anxiety  for  the  session  of  the  Convention, 
fearing  lest  some  partizan  question  or  selfish  combination 
should  again  rob  them  of  their  choice.  Other  candidates, 
and  some  of  them  most  excellent  and  gifted  men,  appeared, 
but  the  heart  of  the  Nation,  as  represented  by  the  Repub- 
lican party,  was  with  Blaine. 

In  all  the  canvassing  and  excitement  of  the  days  preced- 
ing the  Convention,  Blaine  took  no  part  whatever  in  the 
matter.  He  seemed  not  to  care  for  the  great  honor  and  did 
not  expect  it.  He  kept  at  his  work  and  in  no  way  inter- 
fered with  or  promoted  the  political  designs  of  the  people. 


402  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

He  wholly,  absolutely  abstained  from  speaking  or  acting  to 
influence  any  man  or  any  vote.  Thus  retired  and  unseen, 
in  his  quiet  mansion  at  Washington,  Elaine  worked  on  at 
his  desk  until  his  friends  had  assembled  at  Chicago  to  do 
him  a  great  honor  and  place  upon  his  shoulders  a  great 
burden. 

Startlingly  sublime  is  the  gathering  of  a  controlling  party 
representing  at  least  twenty-five  millions  of  people.  It 
would  be  a  grand  spectacle  if  it  were  only  considered  as  a 
body  of  the  most  intelligent  and  influential  men  in  a  Nation 
of  fifty  millions.  For  the  most  gifted  in  speech,  in  litera- 
ture, in  invention,  in  war,  in  adventure,  in  commerce  and 
statesmanship  gather  then  in  a  compact  body  such  as  neither 
legislative  halls  nor  public  occasions  call  together  elsewhere. 
But  when  we  reflect  that  all  this  intellect  and  enthusiasm 
constructs  or  controls  the  affairs  of  a  mighty  people,  and 
that  the  consequences  of  the  Convention's  action  goes  direct- 
ly into  every  store,  farm,  factory,  bank,  and  home,  giving 
plenty  or  producing  want,  then  every  face,  speech,  and  vote 
awakens  the  very  deepest  sensations  of  joy  or  alarm. 

The  political  conventions  which  selected  Clay,  Jackson, 
Polk,  Lincoln,  and  Grant,  were  strikingly  important  gath- 
erings. But  the  five  millions  which  were  first  represented 
by  a  National  Convention  have  been  multiplied  by  five  or  six 
since  that  day,  and  the  importance  of  the  event  has  in- 
creased in  even  a  greater  proportion. 

The  spectator  at  the  Chicago  Republican  Convention,  June 
3d,  1884,  who  realized  the  vast  interests  therein  to  be  fos- 
tered or  injured,  and  how  intimately  connected  with  its  im- 
portant action  was  the  individual  welfare  of  every  man, 
woman  and  child  of  this  vast  empire,  found  his  nerves  often 
painfully  sensitive  to  its  delays,  contests  and  uncertainty. 
But  out  of  such  gatherings,  and  out  of  such  scenes  good 
and  stable  government  has  come.  It  is  a  fierce  furnace  into 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  403 

which  the  greatest  characters  of  the  land  are  ruthlessly 
thrust  and  tested  by  the  white  heat  of  political  excitement. 
He  that  receives  the  endorsement  of  such  a  body  of  scholars 
and  successful  men,  must  be  a  man  of  unusual  greatness, 
remarkable  integrity,  or  hold  a  masterly  influence  over  the 
minds  of  an  intelligent  people. 

The  Convention  of  1884  was  the  most  notable  assembly 
which  the  Republican  party  ever  held,  in  the  high  character 
of  its  representatives.  Never  had  so  many  names  celebrated 
in  literature  been  seen  in  one  American  assembly  ;  never 
so  many  men  of  great  wealth  ;  never  so  many  philanthro- 
pists ;  never  so  many  different  nationalities,  races,  and 
colors. 

The  first  popular  Presidential  Convention  in  this  country 
which  inaugurated  the  movement  to  take  the  National  nom- 
inations out  of  the  hands  of  the  Congressional  caucuses  and 
State  legislatures,  was  held  by  the  Anti-Masons  in  1831. 
The  one  hundred  and  twelve  men  which  met  in  Baltimore 
on  that  occasion  were  like  William  Wirt,  whom  they  nom- 
inated for  President,  politically  narrow,  fanatical  and  con- 
ceited. In  fact,  only  such  a  body  could  have  burst  the  iron 
bands  of  custom  to  which  the  American  people  were  wed- 
ded. This  free  method  of  selecting  candidates  is  one  of  the 
thousand  inestimable  blessings  which  fanatics  have  given  to 
the  nation  by  their  erratic  schemes  and  actions. 

The  National  Republican  Convention  of  1831,  which 
nominated  Henry  Clay,  and  founded  in  fact  the  great  Whig 
party,  was  the  first  really  National  Convention  ever  held. 
It  was  composed  of  157  delegates,  who,  in  a  large  part, 
selected  themselves  and  represented  a  small  band  of  Clay's 
admirers. 

The  Baltimore  Convention  of  1832,  which  selected  Mar- 
tin VanBuren  for  Vice  President,  and  endorsed  the  nomina- 
tion of  Andrew  Jackson,  was  a  popular  assembly,  and  ut- 


4U4  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

tered  in  its  representative  capacity  the  voice  of  the  people. 
But  it  was  composed  almost  entirely  of  professional  politi- 
cians. 

The  Democratic  Convention  which  nominated  James  K. 
Polk,  in  1844,  was  an  inharmonious  body,  and  again  con- 
sisted of  professional  politicians. 

But  the  Whig  Convention  of  1848,  which  met  in  Philadel- 
phia and  nominated  General  Zachary  Taylor,  probably  con- 
tained a  larger  number  of  "stump  orators"  and  rough  sol- 
diers than  any  body  of  the  kind  which  ever  assembled  under 
one  roof  in  America. 

The  Democratic  Convention  of  1852  met  at  Baltimore, 
and  was  by  far  the  ablest  assembly  in  intellectual  power  and 
culture  which"  that  party  has  ever  called  together.  It  has 
often  been  misrepresented  by  prejudiced  historians,  but  the 
list  of  names  contains  a  remarkable  array  of  noble  men. 
It  was,  however,  a  very  difficult  convention  to  control  or 
lead,  and  it  took-  the  forty-ninth  ballot  to  decide  that  Frank- 
lin Pierce  should  be  their  candidate. 

The  Democratic  Convention  at  Cincinnati,  in  1856,  was 
in  most  remarkable  contrast  with  the  convention  of  1852, 
as  the  Slavery  question  called  out  a  class  of  politicians  more 
fierce  and  less  moral.  James  Buchanan  of  Pennsylvania 
was  nominated. 

The  National  Republican  Convention  of  I860,  was  a  rep- 
resentative assembly  of  the  elements  in  the  Nation  opposed 
to  slavery,  and  was  largely  composed  of  great-hearted 
philanthropists,  with  some  narrow-minded  fanatics,  and 
a  few  broad  and  experienced  statesmen.  Such  men  as 
Seward,  Lincoln,  Chase,  Cameron,  Fremont,  and  Sum- 
ner,  have  given  the  Convention  a  name  in  history  such  as 
few  will  ever  again  equal,  but  the  mass  of  the  assembly  were 
selected  for  their  fiery  arid  often  inconsiderate  opposition  to 
slavery,  and  were  imitators  in  speech,  of  John  Brown  in 


OF  JAMES   G.    ELAINE.  405 

action.  Good  men  they  were,  but  wild,  and  often  wholly 
reckless.  Now  that  we  calmly  view  them  through  a  quarter 
of  a  century  of  bitter  experience,  we  see  that  all  the  blood- 
shed and  waste  of  capital  might  have  been  saved  and  slavery 
abolished  with  better  effect  upon  the  negroes  themselves,  had 
men  been  less  excitable,  better  informed,  and  more  gener- 
ous. 

The  nominating  Convention  of  1864,  which  renominated 
Abraham  Lincoln,  had  in  its  ranks  more  of  the  mechanics, 
farmers,  and  working  classes,  than  any  previous  convention, 
and  was  the  best  representation  of  the  actual  wants  of  the 
constituency  than  any  previous  convention.  Every  citizen 
was  then  interested  in  politics,  and  made  his  influence  felt. 

In  1868  and  1872,  the  Conventions  which  nominated  Gen- 
eral Grant,  were,  in  a  great  part,  composed  of  Union  sol- 
diers, and  everywhere  in  the  Republican  councils,  the  influ- 
ence of  the  soldiers  prevailed.  This  was  especially  the  case 
in  the  Southern  States,  where  many  of  the  whites  were  dis- 
franchised, and  negroes  voted  in  caucuses  as  their  liberators 
desired.  The  Convention  of  1876,  which  nominated  Ruth- 
erford B.  Hayes,  was  marked  as  a  gathering  of  politicians, 
and  called  together  three  remarkable  factions,  adhering  re- 
spectively to  James  G.  Elaine,  Oliver  P.  Morton,  and  Ben- 
jamin H.  Bristow.  The  primary  caucuses  were  manipu- 
lated and  controlled  by  one  faction  or  the  other,  and  so  bitter 
was  their  opposition  to  each  other  that  a  compromise  on  R. 
B.  Hayes  was  the  only  expedient  course.  The  Convention 
of  1880,  was  much  like  its  predecessor  in  the  attendance  of 
professional  caucus  managers  and  politicians,  called  out  by  the 
excitement  over  the  attempt  of  one  faction  to  nominate  Gen- 
eral U.  S.  Grant  for  a  third  term,  and  of  another  faction  to 
nominate  James  G.  Blaine.  It  was  a  misfortune  to  both  of 
these  great  men  that  they  were  supported  by  such  excitable 
politicians.  They  were  both  beloved  and  honored  by  the 


406  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

people  of  the  country,  and  either,  if  nominated,  would  have 
been  triumphantly  elected.  But  a  weary  convention  on  the 
thirty-sixth  ballot  compromised  upon  that  second  of  our 
presidential  martyrs,  James  A.  Garfield. 

But  the  Convention  of  1884  was  the  most  complete  repre- 
sentation of  the  best  men  of  the  Nation  which  have  been 
found  in  any  such  gathering.  The  most  stable  and  honored 
of  the  men  of  1860,  the  bravest  soldiers,  the  ablest  states- 
men, the  keenest  thinkers,  and  the  most  cultivated  scholars 
were  brought  to  the  front,  because  of  the  absence  of  any 
unusual  factional  strife,  and  a  general  determination  through- 
out the  country  to  deliberately  do  that  which  was  for  the 
best  of  the  Nation,  without  regard  to  personal  friendship 
or  local  pride. 

There  was  much  enthusiasm,  but  scarce  a  trace  of  bitter- 
ness, or  of  that  reckless  determination  to  win  or  to  destroy, 
which  has  been  often  displayed  in  nominating  conventions. 
It  was  a  sublime  thing  to  see  the  great  Exposition  Build- 
ing crowded  in  every  nook  with  men  and  women,  watching, 
with  almost  breathless  anxiety,  every  movement,  and  rising 
into  wild  excitement,  or  settling  into  oppressive  stillness,  at 
those  moments  big  with  fate,  when  the  weal  or  woe  of  so 
many  people  trembled  in  the  balance. 

Senator  Edmunds  of  Vermont,  Senator  Logan  of  Illinois, 
General  Hawley  of  Connecticut,  each  had  their  vigorous  ad- 
herents. But  the  principal  candidates  were  James  G. 
Blaine  and  President  Arthur.  Between  the  followers  of 
these  two  men  there  was  a  most  exciting  rivalry.  The  sus- 
pense was  so  great  that  some  persons  fainted  at  the  critical 
moments  during  the  speaking  and  the  balloting. 

The  Convention  met  in  the  Exposition  building  at  Chicago, 
June  3d,  and  organized  by  the  election  of  Hon.  John  R. 
Lynch  of  Mississippi,  a  colored  man,  for  temporary  chair- 
man, and  after  the  usual  opening  reports  of  committees, 


OF   JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  407 

adopted  the  platform  and  elected  Hon.  John  B.  Henderson 
of  Missouri,  as  permanent  chairman.  The  platform  adopt- 
ed contained  the  following  articles  : 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  in  Convention 
assembled,  renew  their  allegiance  to  the  principles  upon 
which  they  have  triumphed  in  six  successive  presidential 
elections,  and  congratulate  the  American  people  on  the 
attainment  of  so  many  results  in  legislation  and  administra- 
tion by  which  the  Republican  party  has,  after  saving  the 
Union,  done  so  much  to  render  its  institutions  just,  equal, 
and  beneficent — the  safeguard  of  liberty  and  the  embodi- 
ment of  the  best  thought  and  highest  purposes  of  our  citi- 
zens. The  Republican  party  has  gained  its  strength  by 
quick  and  faithful  response  to  the  demands  of  the  people 
for  the  freedom  and  the  equality  of  all  men  ;  for  a  united 
nation  assuring  the  rights  of  all  citizens  ;  for  the  elevation 
of  labor  ;  for  an  honest  currency  ;  for  purity  in  legislation, 
and  for  integrity  and  accountability  in  all  departments  of 
the  government,  and  it  accepts  anew  the  duty  of  leading  in 
the  work  of  progress  and  reform. 

We  lament  the  death  of  President  Garfield,  whose  sound 
statesmanship,  long  conspicuous  in  Congress,  gave  promise 
of  a  strong  and  successful  administration,  a  promise  fully 
realized  during  the  short  period  of  his  office  as  President  of 
the  United  States.  His  distinguished  success  in  war  and  in 
peace  has  endeared  him  to  the  hearts  of  the  American 
people. 

In  the  administration  of  President  Arthur  we  recognize 
a  wise,  conservative  and  patriotic  policy,  under  which  the 
country  has  been  blessed  with  remarkable  prosperity,  and 
we  believe  his  eminent  services  are  entitled  to  and  will 
receive  the  hearty  approval  of  every  citizen.  It  is  the  first 
duty  of  a  good  government  to  protect  the  rights  and  pro- 
mote the  interests  of  its  own  people  ;  the  largest  diversity 
of  industry  is  most  productive  of  general  prosperity  and  of 
the  comfort  and  independence  of  the  people. 

THE    TARIFF    PLANK. 

We,  therefore,  demand  that  the  imposition  of  duties  on 
foreign  imports  shall  be  made,  not  for  "revenue  only"  but 


408  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

that,  in  raising  the  requisite  revenues  for  the  government, 
such  duties  shall  be  so  levied  as  to  afford  security  to  our 
diversified  industries  and  protection  to  the  rights  and  wages 
of  the  laborer,  to  the  end  that  active  and  intelligent  labor 
as  well  as  capital,  may  have  its  just  reward,  and  the  labor- 
ing man  his  full  share  in  the  national  prosperity. 

Against  the  so-called  economical  system  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  which  would  degrade  our  labor  to  the  foreign 
standard,  we  enter  our  earnest  protest ;  the  Democratic 
party  has  failed  completely  to  relieve  the  people  of  the  burden 
of  unnecessary  taxation  by  a  wise  reduction  of  the  surplus. 

The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  correct  the  ine- 
qualities of  the  tariff  and  to  reduce  the  surplus,  not  by  the 
vicious  and  indiscriminate  process  of  horizontal  reduction, 
but  by  such  methods  as  will  relieve  the  taxpayer  without 
injuring  the  laborer  or  the  great,  productive  interests  of  the 
country. 

We  recognize  the  importance  of  sheep  husbandry  in  the 
United  States,  the  serious  depression  which  it  is  now  expe- 
riencing and  the  danger  threatening  its  future  prosperity ; 
and  we,  therefore,  respect  the  demands  of  the  representa- 
tives of  this  important  agricultural  interest  for  a  readjust- 
ment of  duty  upon  foreign  wool,  in  view  that  such  industry 
shall  have  full  and  adequate  protection. 

We  have  always  recommended  the  best  money  known  to 
the  civilized  world,  and  we  urge  that  an  effort  be  made  to 
unite  all  commercial  nations  in  the  establishment  of  the 
international  standard,  which  shall  fix  for  all,  the  relative 
value  of  gold  and  silver  coinage. 

The  regulation  of  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  be- 
tween the  states,  is  one  of  the  most  important  prerogatives 
of  the  general  Government,  and  the  Republican  party  dis- 
tinctly announces  its  purpose  to  support  such  legislation  as 
will  fully  and  efficiently  carry  out  the  constitutional  power 
of  Congress  over  inter-state  commerce.  The  principle  of 
the  public  regulation  of  railway  corporations  is  a  wise  and 
salutary  one  for  the  protection  of  all  classes  of  the  people, 
and  we  favor  legislation  that  shall  prevent  unjust  discrimi- 
nation and  excessive  charges  for  transportation,  and  that 
shall  secure  to  the  people  and  to  the  railroads  alike  the  fair 
and  equal  protection  of  the  laws. 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  409 

PROTECTION   TO    LABOR. 

We  favor  the  establishment  of  a  national  bureau  of  labor, 
the  enforcement  of  the  eight-hour  law,  a  wise  and  judicious 
system  of  general  education  by  adequate  appropriation  from 
the  national  revenues  wherever  the  same  is  needed. 

We  believe  that  everywhere  the  protection  to  a  citizen  of 
American  birth  must  be  secured  to  citizens  by  American 
adoption,  and  we  favor  the  settlement  of  national  differences 
by  international  arbitration. 

The  Republican  party,  having  its  birth  in  a  hatred  of 
slave  labor  and  in  a  desire  that  all  men  may  be  free  and 
equal,  is  unalterably  opposed  to  placing  our  working  men  in 
competition  with  any  form  of  servile  labor,  whether  at  home 
or  abroad.  In  this  spirit  we  denounce  the  importation  of 
contract  labor,  whether  from  Europe  or  Asia,  as  an  offense 
against  the  spirit  of  American  institutions,  and  we  pledge 
ourselves  to  sustain  the  present  law  restricting  Chinese  im- 
migration, and  to  provide  such  further  legislation  as  is 
necessary  to  carry  out  its  purposes. 

CIVIL    SERVICE    REFORM. 

The  reform  of  the  civil  service,  auspiciously  begun  under 
Republican  administration,  should  be  completed  by  the  fur- 
ther extension  of  the  reform  system  already  established  by 
law — to  all  the  grades  of  the  service  to  which  it  is  applica- 
ble. The  spirit  and  purpose  of  the  reform  should  be  ob- 
served in  all  executive  appointments,  and  all  laws  at  vari- 
ance with  the  objects  of  existing  reformed  legislation  should 
be  repealed,  to  the  end  that  the  dangers  of  free  institutions 
which  lurk  in  the  power  of  official  patronage  may  be  wisely 
and  effectively  avoided. 

The  public  lands  are  a  heritage  of  the  people  of  the  Unit- 
ed States  and  should  be  reserved  a's  far  as  possible  for  small 
holdings  by  actual  settlers.  We  are  opposed  to  the  acquisi- 
tion of  large  tracts  of  these  lands  by  corporations  or  indi- 
viduals, especially  where  such  holdings  are  in  the  hands  of 
non-resident  aliens,  and  we  will  endeavor  to  obtain  such 
legislation  as  will  tend  to  correct  this  evil. 

We  demand  of  Congress  the  speedy  forfeiture  of  all  laud 
grants  which  have  lapsed  by  reason  of  non-compliance  with 
acts  of  incorporation,  in  all  cases  where  there  has  been  no 


410  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

attempt    in   good  faith  to  perform  the  conditions  of  such 
grants. 

The  grateful  thanks  of  the  American  people  are  due  to 
the  Union  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  late  Avar,  and  the  Re- 
publican party  stands  pledged  to  suitable  pensions  to  all  who 
were  disabled  and  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who 
died  in  the  war.  The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  the 
repeal  of  the  limitation  contained  in  the  Arrears  act  of 
1879,  so  that  all  invalid  soldiers  shall  share  alike,  and  their 
pensions  shall  begin  with  the  date  of  disability  or  discharge 
and  not  with  the  date  of  the  application. 

REGARDING    A    FOREIGN    POLICY. 

The  Republican  party  favors  a  policy  which  shall  keep  us 
from  entangling  alliances  with  foreign  nations,  and  which 
shall  give  the  right  to  expect  that  foreign  nations  shall  re- 
frain from  meddling  in  America,  and  the  policy  which  seeks 
peace  can  trade  with  all  powers,  but  especially  with  those 
of  the  Western  Hemisphere.  We  demand  the  restoration 
of  our  navy  to  its  old-time  strength  and  efficiency,  that  it 
may  in  any  sea  protect  the  rights  of  American  citizens  and 
the  interests  of  American  commerce,  and  we  call  upon  Con- 
gress to  remove  the  burdens  under  which  American  ship- 
ping has  been  depressed,  so  that  it  may  again  be  true  that 
we  have  a  commerce  which  leaves  no  sea  unexplored,  and  a 
navy  which  takes  no  law  from  superior  force. 

Resolved,  That  appointments  by  the  President  to  offices  in 
the  territories  should  be  made  from  the  bona  fide  citizens 
and  residents  of  the  territories  wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  enact  such 
laws  as  shall  promptly  and  effectually  suppress  the  system  of 
polygamy  within  our  territory  and  divorce  the  political  from 
the  ecclesiastical  power  of  the  so-called  Mormon  Church 
and  that  the  law  so  enacted  should  be  rigidly  enforced  by 
the  civil  authorities  if  possible,  and  by  the  military  if  need  be. 

DENOUNCING  SOUTHERN  OUTRAGES. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  in  their  organized  capaci- 
ty constitute  a  nation  and  not  a  mere  confederacy  of  states. 
The  National  government  is  supreme  in  the  sphere  of  its 
national  duty,  but  the  states  have  reserved  rights  which 
should  be  faithfully  maintained  ;  each  should  be  guarded 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  411 

with  jealous  care  so  that  the  harmony  of  our  system  of  gov- 
ernment may  be  preserved  and  the  Union  kept  inviolate. 
The  perpetuity  of  our  institutions  rests  upon  the  mainte- 
nance of  a  froe  ballot,"  an  honest  count  and  a  correct  return. 
We  denounce  the  fraud  and  violence  practiced  by  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  in  Southern  States,  by  which  the  will  of  the 
voter  is  defeated,  as  dangerous  to  the  preservation  of  free 
institutions,  and  we  solemnly  arraign  the  Democratic  party 
as  being  the  guilty  recipient  of  the  fruit  of  such  fraud  and 
violence. 

We  extend  to  the  Republicans  of  the  South,  regardless 
of  their  former  party  affiliations,  our  cordial  sympathy,  and 
pledge  to  them  our  most  earnest,  efforts  to  promote  the  pas- 
sage of  such  legislation  as  will  secure  to  every  citizen,  of 
whatever  race  and  color,  the  full  and  complete  recognition, 
possession  and  exercise  of  all  civil  and  political  rights. 

When  chairman  Henderson,  during  his  address  on  taking 
the  chair,  made  a  casual  reference  to  Blaine,  although  he 
did  not  use  his  name,  the  feeling  of  the  people  was  at  once 
displayed  by  the  most  extravagant  demonstrations.  One 
who  was  present  published  a  description  of  the  scene  in  the 
Daily  Press  of  Philadelphia,  in  which  he  said : 

The  chairman  said:  ''Maine  has  her  honored  favorite, 
whose  splendid  abilities  and  personal  qualities  have  endeared 
him  to  the  hearts  of  his  friends  and  the  brilliancy  of  whose 
genius  challenges  the  admiration  of  all." 

Before  the  words  were  fairly  out  of  the  chairman's  mouth 
the  Pennsylvanians  on  the  front  row  began  to  cheer.  The 
faint  opening  applause  extended  and  swelled  until,  from  the 
rear  of  the  stage  to  the  end  of  the  hall,  a  hoarse  reverber- 
ating roar  arose  and  echoed  from  end  to  end  of  the  building 
and  outside,  until  the  noise  was  audible  above  the  bustle 
of  street  traffic  two  blocks  away. 

The  first  wild  burst  of  enthusiasm  only  added  fuel  to  the 
flame,  and  a  second  great,  spontaneous,  full-hearted  cheer 
rose  from  the  floor  to  the  rafters  and  fairly  shook  the  structure. 


412  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Then  followed  a  scene  seldom  witnessed  in  any  public  body, 
and  never  equaled  in  National  Conventions  of  late  years. 
The  delegates,  alternates  and  spectators  rose  to  their  feet  as 
by  a  common  impulse  and  testified  their  admiration  of  the 
people's  candidate.  Cheers,  shouts,  sharp  screams  and 
animated  howling  broke  upon  the  Convention  with  apalling 
force. 

Men  tossed  their  hats  in  the  air,  waved  pocket-handker- 
chiefs, shook  their  canes,  mounted  chairs,  leaped  back  and 
forth  in  the  aisles,  and  acted  like  madmen.  The  New  York 
delegation,  excepting  a  few  Edmunds  men,  was  on  its  feet, 
screaming  as  loudly  as  the  Pennsylvanians,  while  Ohio  and 
Illinois  contributed  liberally  to  the  racket. 

The  tremendous  burst  of  enthusiasm  carried  away  the 
colored  brethren,  and  they  screamed  with  true  Methodistic 
camp-meeting  fervor.  Exhausted  at  last,  the  noise  abated 
only  to  be  again  renewed  with  fresh  force.  Four  times  the 
Convention  rose  to  its  feet,  and  four  times  did  the  vast 
assemblage  exhaust  itself  in  noise. 

When  the  hour  came  at  the  evening  session  of  June  5th 
for  the  nomination  of  candidates,  Judge  West  of  Ohio,  an 
eloquent  but  blind  old  man,  was  led  to  the  stand  amid  in- 
describable applause.  His  speech,  like  that  of  Col.  Inger- 
soll,  will  outlive  the  occasion  as  a  specimen  of  America's 
finest  oratory.  Judge  West  said  : 

As  a  delegate  in  the  Chicago  Convention  of  1860  the 
proudest  service  of  my  life  was  performed  by  voting  for  the 
nomination  of  that  inspired  emancipator,  the  first  Repub- 
lican President  of  the  United  States.  [Applause.]  Four 
and  twenty  years  of  the  grandest  history  in  recorded  times 
have  distinguished  the  ascendancy  of  the  Republican  party. 
The  skies  have  lowered  and  reverses  have  threatened,  but 
our  flag  is  still  there,  waving  above  the  mansion  of  the 
Presidency,  not  a  stain  on  its  folds,  not  a  cloud  on  its  glory. 
Whether  it  shall  maintain  that  grand  ascendency  depends 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  413 

upon  the  action  of  this  great  council.  With  bated  breath  a 
nation  awaits  the  result.  On  it  are  fixed  the  eyes  of  twenty 
millions  of  Republican  freemen  in  the  North.  On  it,  or  to 
it,  rather,  are  stretched  forth  the  imploring  hands  of  ten 
millions  of  political  bondmen  of  the  South,  [applause] 
while  above,  from  the  portals  of  light,  is  looking  down  the 
spirit  of  the  immortal  martyr  who  first  bore  it  to  victory, 
bidding  to  us  hail  and  God  speed.  [Applause.]  Six  times, 
in  six  campaigns,  has  that  symbol  of  union,  freedom,  hu- 
manity, and  progress,  been  borne  in  triumph  ;  sometime  by 
that  silent  man  of  destiny,  the  Wellington  of  American 
arms,  Ulyses  the  Great ;  last  by  that  soldier  statesman  at 
whose  untimely  taking  off  a  nation  swelled  the  funeral  cries 
and  wept  above  great  Garfield's  grave. 

Shall  that  banner  triumph  again  ?  Commit  it  to  the  bear- 
ing of  that  chief  [a  voice — "James  G.  Elaine  of  Maine," 
cheers]  commit  it  to  the  bearing  of  that  chief,  the  inspira- 
tion of  whose  illustrious  character  and  great  name  will  fire 
the  hearts  of  our  young  men,  stir  the  blood  of  our  manhood, 
and  rekindle  the  fervor  of  the  veterans,  and  the  closing  of 
the  seventh  campaign  will  see  that  holy  ensign  spanning  the 
sky  like  a  bow  of  promise.  [Cheers.]  Political  conditions 
are  changed  since  the  accession  of  the  Republican  party 
to  power.  The  mighty  issues  of  the  freed  and  bleeding 
humanity  which  convulsed  the  continent  and  rocked  the 
Republic,  rallied,  united,  and  inspired  the  forces  of  patriot- 
ism and  philanthropy  in  one  consolidated  phalanx — these 
great  issues  have  ceased  their  contentions.  The  subordi- 
nate issues  resulting  therefrom  are  settled  and  buried  away 
with  the  dead  issues  of  the  past.  The  arms  of  the  solid 
South  are  against  us.  Not  an  Electoral  gun  can  be  ex- 
pected from  that  section.  If  triumph  comes,  the  Republican 
Stutes  of  the  North  must  furnish  the  conquering  battalions. 
From  the  farm,  the  anvil,  the  loom,  from  the  mines,  the 
workshop  and  the  desk,  from  the  hut  of  the  trapper  on  the 
snowy  Sierras,  from  the  hut  of  the  fisherman  on  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson,  must  these  forces  be  drawn. 

Does  not  sound  political  wisdom  dictate  and  demand  that 
a  leader  shall  be  given  to  them  whom  our  people  will  follow, 
not  as  conscripts  advancing  by  funeral  marches  to  certain 
defeat,  but  a  grand  civic  hero,  whom  the  souls  of  the  peo- 


414  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

pie  desire,  and  whom  they  will  follow  with  all  the  enthusi- 
asm of  volunteers  as  they  sweep  on  and  onward  to  certain 
victory — [cheers] — a  representative  of  American  manhood 
— [applause] — a  representative  of  that  living  Republican- 
ism that  demands  the  amplest,  industrial  protection  and  op- 
portunity whereby  labor  shall  be  enabled  to  earn  and  eat 
the  bread  of  independent  employment,  relieved  of  mendi- 
cant competition  with  pauper  Europe  or  pagan  China? 
[Loud  applause.] 

In  this  contention  of  forces  for  political  dominion,  to 
whom  as  a  candidate  shall  be  intrusted  the  bearing  of  our 
battle  flag?  Citizens,  I  am  not  here  to  do  it,  and  may  my 
tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth  if  I  do  abate  one 
tithe  from  the  just  fame,  integrity,  and  public  honor  of 
Chester  A.  Arthur,  our  President.  [Applause.]  I  abate 
not  one  tithe  from  the  just  fame  and  public  integrity  of 
George  F.  Edmunds,  [applause]  of  Joseph  R.  Hawley, 
[applause]  of  John  Sherman,  [applause]  of  that  grand,  old, 
black  eagle  of  Illinois,  [here  the  speaker  was  interrupted 
several  moments  by  prolonged  applause]  and  I  am  proud 
to  know  that  these  distinguished  senators  whom  I  have 
named  have  borne  like  testimony  to  the  public  life,  the  pub- 
lic character,  and  the  public  integrity  of  him  whose  con-  - 
firmation  by  their  votes  elevated  him  to  the  highest  office — 
second  in  dignity  only  to  the  office  of  the  President  him- 
self— the  first  Premiership  in  the  Administration  of  James 
A.  Garfield.  [Applause]  A  man  who  was  good  enough  for 
these  great  senatorial  rivals  to  confirm  in  the  high  office  of 
the  first  Premiership  of  the  Republic  is  good  enough  for  the 
support  of  a  plain,  flesh-and-blood  God's  people  for  Presi- 
dent. [Loud  applause.]  Who  shall  be  our  candidate?  [Cries 
of  "Elaine,"  "Arthur,"  and  "Logan."  A  loud  voice  yelled 
above  the  tumult:  "Give  us  Black  Jack  and  we  will  elect 
him."]  Not  the  representative  of  a  particular  interest  or  a 
particular  class.  Send  the  great  apostle  to  the  country 
labeled  the  doctors'  candidate,  the  lawyers'  candidate,  the 
Wall-street  candidate,  and  the  hand  of  resurrection  would 
not  fathom  his  November  grave.  [Applause.] 

Gentlemen,  he  must  be  a  representative  of  that  Republi- 
canism that  demands  the  absolute  political  as  well  as  per- 
sonal emancipation  and  disenthrallment  of  mankind — a  rep- 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINK.  415 

resentative  of  that  Republicanism  which  recognizes  the  stamp 
of  American  citizenship  as  the  passport  to  every  right,  priv- 
ilege, and  consideration  at  home  or  abroad,  whether  under 
the  sky  of  Bismarck,  under  the  palmetto,  under  the  pelican 
or  on  the  banks  of  the  Mohawk — that  Republicanism  that 
regards  with  dissatisfaction  a  despotism  which  under  the  sic 
semper  tyrannis  of  the  Old  Dominion  annihilates  by  slaugh- 
ter popular  majorities  in  the  name  of  Democracy — a  Re- 
publicanism which  while  avoiding  entangling  alliances  with 
foreign  powers,  will  accept  insult  and  humiliation  from  no 
Prince,  State,  Potentate  or  Sovereignty  on  earth — a  Re- 
publicanism as  embodied  and  stated  in  the  platform  of  prin- 
ciples this  day  adopted  by  your  Convention.  Gentlemen, 
such  a  representative  Republican,  enthroned  in  the  hearts 
and  affections  of  the  people,  is  James  G.  Elaine  of  Maine. 
His  campaign  would  commence  to-morrow,  and  continue 
until  victory  is  assured.  [Cheers.]  There  would  be  no 
powder  burned  to  fire  into  the  back  of  leaders.  It  would 
only  be  exploded  to  illuminate  the  inauguration.  The  brazen 
throats  of  cannon  in  yonder  square,  waiting  to  herald  the 
result  of  this  Convention,  would  not  have  time  to  cool  be- 
fore his  name  would  be  caught  up  on  ten  thousand  tongues 
of  electric  flame.  It  would  sweep  down  from  the  old  Pine 
Tree  State.  It  would  go  over  the  hills  and  valleys  of  New 
England.  It  would  insure  you  Connecticut  by  10,000  ma- 
jority. [Applause.]  It  would  weld  together  with  fervent 
heat  the  dissensions  in  New  York.  [Applause.]  It  would 
blaze  through  the  State  of  Garfield,  that  daughter  of  Con- 
necticut, more  beautiful  than  her  mother.  [Applause.] 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  it  has  been  said  that  in 
making  this  nomination  every  other  consideration  should 
merge,  every  other  interest  be  sacrificed,  in  order  and  with 
a  view  exclusively  to  secure  the  Republican  vote  and  carry 
the  State  of  New  York.  Gentlemen,  the  Republican  party 
demands  of  this  Convention  a  nominee  whose  inspiration 
and  glorious  prestige  shall  carry  the  Presidency  with  or 
without  the  State  of  New  York  [applause] — that  will  carry 
the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  and  avert  the  sacrifice 
of  the  United  States  Senate;  that  shall  sweep  into  the  tide 
sufficient  Congressional  districts  to  redeem  the  House  of 
Representatives  and  restore  it  to  the  Republican  party. 


416  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Gentlemen,  three  millions  of  Republicans  believe  that  the 
man  to  accomplish  this  is  the  Ajax  Telamon  of  our  party, 
who  made  and  whose  life  is  a  conspicuous  part  of  its  glori- 
ous history.  Through  all  the  conflicts  of  its  progress,  from 
the  baptism  of  blood  on  the  plains  of  Kansas  to  the  fall  of 
the  immortal  Garfield,  whenever  humanity  needed  succor 
or  freedom  needed  protection  or  country  a  champion,  wher- 
ever blows  fell  thickest  and  fastest,  there,  in  the  fore  front 
of  the  battle,  was  seen  to  wave  the  white  plume  of  James 
G.  Blaine,  our  Henry  of  Navarre.  Nominate  him  and  the 
shouts  of  September  victory  in  Maine  will  be  re-echoed  back 
by  the  thunders  of  the  October  victory  in  Ohio.  Nominate 
him,  and  the  camp-fires  and  beacon-lights  will  illuminate 
the  continent  from  the  Golden  Gate  to  Cleopatra's  needle. 
Nominate  him,  and  the  millions  who  are  now  in  waiting 
will  rally  to  swell  the  column  of  victory  that  is  sweeping  on. 
In  the  name  of  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from  the  Repub- 
lican States  and  their  glorious  constituencies  who  must  fight 
this  battle,  I  nominate  James  G.  Blaine  of  Maine.  [Wild 
applause.] 

The  most  extraordinary  scenes  followed  the  delivery  of 
the  words  which  placed  Mr.  Blaine  in  nomination.  The 
audience  and  the  Convention  caught  up  the  magic  word, 
Blaine.  The  applause  rose  and  fell  like  the  breakers  rush- 
ing up  on  the  sands.  Again  and  again  it  subsided  only  to 
burst  forth  again  with  increasing  strength.  A  garlanded 
helmet,  with  its  snow-white  plume,  was  raised  from  the  plat- 
form upon  the  point  of  a  color-standard.  A  long,  loud  shout 
signaled  its  recognition.  Flag  after  flag  was  stripped  from 
the  decorations  of  the  galleries  and  waved  in  the  air.  One 
of  them  slipped  from  the  fingers  of  its  holder,  and  its  heavy 
standard  carried  it  with  crushing  effect  upon  the  crowd  be- 
low. A  Republican  was  struck  down  in  its  flight,  and  was 
carried  unconscious  out  of  the  hall. 

On  Thursday  evening,  June  5th,  the  great  Convention 
was  prepared  to  receive  the  nomination  of  candidates  by 
the  different  delegations,  and  as  the  different  States  were 
called,  the  names  of  President  Arthur,  James  G.  Blaine, 
John  Sherman,  George  F.  Edmunds,  John  A.  Logan  and 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  417 

Joseph  R.  Hawley  were  presented  by  orators  especially 
selected  for  that  purpose  by  the  friends  of  each  candidate. 

The  scene  during  the  proceedings  whenever  Elaine's 
name  was  mentioned  or  suggested,  has  been  graphically 
described  by  an  eye-witness,  but  the  reality  is  said  to  have 
been  beyond  description.  When  the  delegations  were  being 
called  for  nominations,  State  by  State,  the  Clerk  called  out 
"Maine,"  and  sank  back  into  his  seat,  knowing  full  well 
the  response  that  would  follow.  There  was  an  instant, 
clear,  loud,  wild  burst  of  applause  that  seemed  to  come 
from  the  throat  of  every  man  in  the  hall.  To  describe,  in 
its  fullness  of  enthusiasm,  in  its  •  spontaneity  of  sentiment, 
in  its  fervor  of  devotion,  the  scene  that  followed — a  scene 
such  as  was  never  before  witnessed  in  a  National  Conven- 
tion— is  well-nigh  impossible. 

First  came  the  cheer  rattling  through  the  hall  like  a  volley 
of  infantry  ;  then  deepening  as  it  grew  in  force,  like  the 
roar  of  cannon,  and  swelling  as  it  progressed,  like  the  crash 
of  a  thunderbolt  across  the  skies.  From  the  stage  to  the 
end  of  the  hall,  a  distance  of  the  eighth  of  a  mile,  the 
cheering,  rolling  in  dense  waves  of  sound,  hoarse  and  shrill, 
sharp  and  clear,  commingling  in  a  wild  tumult  of  applause, 
which,  in  the  minds  of  all  who  heard  it  and  of  those  who 
witnessed  the  great  scene,  meant  the  nomination  of  James 
G.  Elaine. 

AVith  common  impulse  the  audience,  delegates  and  spec- 
tators, jumped  to  their  feet.  Staid  old  politicians  on  the 
platform,  venerable  Senators  and  Representatives,  long  tried 
in  Congress,  new  delegates,  who  were  never  before  in  a 
National  Convention,  were  drawn  into  the  whirlpool  of 
excitement,  as  straws  are  sucked  into  the  eddies  of  the 
Delaware.  Every  delegate,  save  a  bare  patch  here  and  there 
on  the  floor,  where  the  friends  of  Arthur  and  Edmunds 
sat,  mounted  his  chair  and  took  part  in  the  demonstration. 


418  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Looking  over  the  human  sea  from  the  stage  to  the  bal- 
conies, there  was  a  surging  mob  of  men  and  women  waving 
hats,  umbrellas,  parasols  and  flags.  Against  the  dark  back- 
ground a  thousand  white  handkerchiefs  swung  over  the 
heads  of  the  excited  audience,  dotted  the  hall  with  specks 
of  white,  like  the  caps  of  the  breakers  on  a  stormy  sea. 
Men  put  their  hats  on  the  tops  of  canes  and  waved  them 
high  over  their  heads.  Women  tore  their  bright  fichues  and 
laces  from  around  their  snowy  necks,  and,  leaning  far  forward 
over  the  galleries,  frantically  swung  them  to  and  fro,  to  give 
emphasis  to  their  shrill  screams  of  joy. 

From  outside  the  glass  windows  under  the  dome  of  the 
hall,  where  an  adventurous  crowd  of  men  and  boys  had 
gathered  to  witness  the  proceedings,  loud  cat-calls  and 
screams  were  heard  above  the  roar  beneath.  Men  hung 
dangerously  over  the  front  of  the  galleries  and  waved  the 
ends  of  the  banners  that  had  been  fastened  there  as  decora- 
tions to  the  hall. 

The  same  graphic  writer  whose  description  was  published 
in  the  Philadelphia  Press,  portrayed  the  scene  when  Judge 
West,  of  Ohio,  made  his  speech  in  nominating  Elaine.  He 
said : 

The  man  selected  to  present  Elaine's  name  to  the  Con- 
vention is  blind.  He  was  helped  to  the  platform  by  two 
sturdy  young  men,  who  carefully  guarded  his  progress  up 
the  steep  steps  and  along  the  tortuous  aisles  to  the  seat  pro- 
vided for  him  on  the  left  of  the  presiding  officer's  chair. 

Judge  West  seems  to  be  nearing  the  goal  of  three-score 
and  ten.  His  silver-gray  hair  was  smoothly  brushed  away 
from  a  noble  forehead.  Time  has  implanted  deep  wrinkles 
and  furrows  around  the  sharp  features  of  an  intelligent  face. 
White  chin  whiskers  and  a  white,  close-cut  mustache  hide 
his  mouth  and  resolute,  square-cut  chin.  A  prominent  nose 
and  bushy  eyebrows  give  character  if  they  do  not  add  beau- 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  419 

ty  to  his  countenance.  Dressed  plainly  in  black,  wearing 
no  ornament  save  a  blue  Elaine  badge  on  the  lapel  of  his 
coat  and  a  small  watch  chain,  the  old  man  leaned  back  in 
his  arm-chair  and  faced  the  surging  mob,  as,  though  blind, 
he  felt  himself  its  master. 

For  the  last  time  the  applause  rolled  through  the  hall  and 
ended  in  a  wild  roar  as  the  Ohio  orator  rose  to  his  feet  and, 
lifting  his  right  hand  above  his  head,  by  gesture  compelled 
silence.  Ten  minutes  of  uproar  and  storm  was  followed  by 
stillness  in  which  a  whisper  could  be  heard  as  the  first  clear, 
distinct,  sharp  tones  of  the  speaker  rolled  through  the  build- 
ing. The  clean-cut  sentences,  brilliant  delivery  and  confi- 
dent manner  of  the  speaker  captivated  the  crowd.  They 
were  in  sympathy  with  him  from  the  start,  and  he  retained 
his  grasp  upon  their  feelings  to  the  finish. 

As  he  made  point  after  point  in  the  opening  of  his  speech, 
roar  after  roar  of  applause  echoed  through  the  hall.  "Shall 
the  Republican  party  triumph  again  ?"  exclaimed  the  orator 
after  alluding  to  its  victories  in  the  past.  "Yes,  with  James 
G.  Elaine,"  yelled  one  of  the  delegates  on  the  front  row, 
and  the  audience  again  leaped  forward  and  gave  a  tremen- 
dous cheer. 

"Who  shall  be  our  candidate?"  shouted  Judge  West,  as 
leaning  back  in  the  chair  from  which  he  delivered  the  great- 
est part  of  his  speech,  he  brought  a  big  palm-leaf  fan  high 
above  his  head  and  seemingly  awaited  a  reply.  "Elaine  !" 
"Elaine  !"  "Elaine  !"  was  the  stentorian  reply,  and  another 
burst  of  applause  put  a  temporary  end  to  Judge  West's  speech. 

At  last  the  supreme  moment  came.  When  Judge  West 
formally  put  Elaine  in  nomination  a  scene  followed  of  a 
description  never  equalled  and  utterly  indescribable.  Com- 
pared to  the  first  outburst,  the  second  ovation  to  Elaine  was 
as  the  full  burst  of  a  storm  after  the  grumblings  of  early 
thunder  have  passed. 


420  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

The  audience  rose  to  their  feet,  impelled  by  an  irresistible 
impulse  to  testify  their  admiration  for  the  great  Republican 
candidate.  Grave  men  acted  as  though  mad.  Newspapers 
were  torn  into  bits  and  scattered  high  in  the  air ;  active 
boys  clambered  along  the  high  rafters  over  the  hall  and,  de- 
taching the  flags,  passed  them  down  to  men  in  the  front  row 
of  the  galleries,  who  waved  them  frantically  over  the  heads 
of  those  below,  and  the  bands  three  times  essayed  to  drown 
the  noise  by  playing  their  loudest  air. 

It  was  futile.  Men  drew  off  their  coats  and  shook  them 
in  the  air.  Umbrellas  were  hoisted  and  waved  over  the 
heads  of  their  owners.  Again  handkerchiefs  were  brought 
forth  and  swung  to  and  fro  like  snowflakes  in  a  hurricane. 
Those  too  tired  to  shout  gave  shrill  whistles,  and  pandemo- 
nium universal  and  all-pervading  seemed  to  have  broken 
forth. 

The  most  delightful  picture  of  the  evening,  and  one  ob- 
served by  few,  occurred  on  the  stage  when  Mr.  Elkins, 
Elaine's  life-long  friend,  and  Senator  Tom  Cooper,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, embraced,  each  trying  to  out-tire  the  other  in  their 
mutual  contributions  to  the  common  din.  The  California 
delegation,  which  has  done  some  of  Elaine's  best  work  here, 
was  on  its  feet  cheering  as  loudly  as  Rocky  Mountain  throats 
could  swell.  The  negroes  from  the  South  joined  in  the  furor, 
and  were  the  noisest  of  the  delegates. 

When  at  last  there  seemed  a  prospect  that  the  cheering 
would  end,  some  enthusiastic  friend  of  Elaine  brought  into 
the  hall,  before  the  chairman's  desk,  a  huge  American  flag, 
and  placed  upon  the  top  of  the  staff  a  helmet  of  flowers, 
surmounted  by  a  long  white  plume,  the  helmet  of  Navarre. 
Again  did  the  audience  cheer,  until  it  seemed  as  though  the 
throats  of  men  would  burst.  The  flag  and  helmet  were 
raised  to  the  stage,  and  again  a  deeper,  longer,  louder  cheer 
arose.  Ladies  took  flowers  from  their  belts  and  threw  them 


OF   JAMKS    G.    BLAINE.  423 

in  the  air.     The  atmosphere  was  fanned  by  the  waving  of 
innumerable  banners. 

The  decorations  were  stripped  from  the  wall  by  the  ex- 
cited audience  and  shook  madly  in  the  air.  Full  fifteen  min- 
utes, that  seemed  like  hours,  were  consumed  in  this  unpre- 
cedented demonstration. 

"James  G.  Blaine,"  closed  Judge  "West,  and  another 
great  roar  went  up  like  the  noise  of  many  waters,  sweeping 
in  great  waves  of  sound  around  the  hall,  and  the  crowd 
without,  by  this  time  aware  of  what  was  under  way,  an- 
swered in  a  muffled  roar,  which  echoed  within.  The  old 
man  ceased,  with  the  echo  of  his  eloquence  still  filling  all 
the  air,  ten  thousand  people  swaying  like  reeds  in  the  wind 
under  his  voice,  and  feebly  groped  to  leave  the  platform. 
A  friend  was  at  his  side  in  an  instant,  and  Edward  McPher- 
son  laid  about  the  old  man's  shoulders  his  long  blue,  old- 
fashioned  cloak,  and,  drawing  it  closer  to  him,  its  folds  fall- 
ing straight,  the  speaker  took  a  seat  behind. 

When  the  session  came  for  balloting,  the  anxiety  was  in- 
tense, both  in  the  hall  and  throughout  the  country.  The 
result  of  the  first  ballot  was  as  follows  :  Blaine  334  1-2, 
Arthur  278,  Edmunds93,  Logan  63  1-2,  John  Sherman  30, 
Hawley  13,  Lincoln  4,  W.  T.  Sherman  2.  The  vote  stood 
nearly  the  same  on  the  second  and  third  ballots.  But  the 
fourth  ballot,  on  which  Blaine  was  nominated,  stood  :  Blaine 
544,  Arthur  207,  Edmunds  41,  Logan  7,  Hawley  15,  and 
Lincoln  2. 

General  Logan,  by  telegraph,  especially  requested  his 
friends  to  vote  for  Blaine,  and  their  votes  and  example  se- 
cured the  victory  to  Elaine's  friends. 

The  Convention,  on  the  announcement  of  Elaine's  nom- 
ination, was  a  scene  of  almost  insane  excitement.  Men 
wept,  and  screamed,  and  leaped,  and  wildly  waved  flags, 
handkerchiefs,  coats  and  seats,  in  the  most  frantic  manner. 


424  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Elaine  at  home. — Keceiving  the  News  of  his  Nomination. — His 
House  in  Augusta. — His  Mother's  Death. — His  Hospitality. — 
Personal  Description. — Mrs.  Blaine. — His  Children. — Receiv- 
ing the  California  Delegation. — Official  Notification  of  his 
Nomination. 

When  Blaine  received  the  news  of  his  nomination,  he  was 
at  his  home  in  Augusta,  Maine.  Early  in  the  week  he  left 
his  Washington  residence,  with  his  family,  for  his  home  in 
Augusta.  When  the  important  dispatch  was  handed  to  him 
he  was  resting  in  a  hammock,  which  was  stretched  between 
two  interlacing  apple-trees,  on 'the  lawn  before  his  door. 
Surprised  he  certainly  was  by  the  news,  but  all  strong  emo- 
tion was  suppressed,  and  he  talked  coolly  and  cheerfully 
about  that  and  other  matters,  with  the  neighbors  who  came 
freely  into  his  yard  to  congratulate  him. 

Elaine's  home  in  Augusta,  where  for  so  many  years  he 
has  resided,  is  composed  of  two  commodious  square  build- 
ings, with  a  narrower  structure  between  them,  connecting 
them  together.  The  home  is  not  extravagantly  furnished, 
but  has  all  the  modern  luxuries  which  make  a  home  really 
comfortable.  Delicate  specimens  of  embroidery,  and  choice 
selections  of  pictures,  and  works  of  art,  show  a  refinement 
and  culture,  but  there  is  no  apparent  attempt  at  display, 
either  of  wealth  or  taste.  The  house  and  enclosed  grounds 
are  richly  shaded  with  maple-trees,  and  all  the  surroundings 
are  after  the  neat,  but  unostentatious  New  England  style. 


OF   JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  427 

His  home  is  always  open  to  his  neighbors  and  friends, 
and  they  walk  into  his  doors,  and  intrude  upon  his  time, 
without  restraint.  He  has  been  so  long  in  public  life,  that 
he  seems  to  regard  his  possessions  as  something  to  be  shared 
with  his  friends,  and  has  long  ago  ceased  to  hope  for  pri- 
vacy, such  as  less-known  citizens  enjoy. 

He  has  six  children,  viz  :  Walker  Elaine,  of  Washington, 
D.  C.  ;  Emmons  Elaine,  of  Colorado  ;  Alice  Elaine,  now 
the  wife  of  Col.  Coppinger ;  Margaret  Isabella  Elaine ; 
James  G.  Elaine,  Jr.,  and  Harriet  S.  Elaine.  The  last 
three  named  were  living  at  home,  with  their  father  and 
mother,  at  the  time  of  Elaine's  nomination. 
'  Elaine's  mother  never  made  her  home  with  him,  but 
after  the  breaking  up  of  her  home  at  Brownsville,  she  went 
to  reside  with  her  daughter,  in  the  West,  where  she  died  May 
5th,  1871.  Her  remains  were  brought  back  to  Brownsville, 
and  buried  beside  her  husband.  A  few  years  ago  Elaine 
erected  a  substantial  granite  monument  over  their  graves, 
in  the  old  Catholic  churchyard,  and  had  this  inscription 
wrought  on  one  side  of  the  shaft : 

EPHRAIM  LYON  ELAINE, 
Born  Feb.  28th,  1795, 
Died  June  28th,  1850. 
MARIE  GILLESPIE,   - 

Wife  of 

EPHRAIM  LYON  ELAINE, 

Born  May  22d,  1801. 

Died  May  5th,  1871. 

Requescat  in  pace. 

Elaine  is  a  most  social  man,  and  has  the  dignified,  yet 
agreeable,  manner  of  the  good,  old,  hospitable  days  among 
the  gentry  of  Scotland  and  early  New  England.  Of  his 


428  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

manners  and  peculiarities,  one  who  knew  him,  long  and  well 
(Mr.  Randall),  gave  a  written  sketch  in  1880,  and  it  ap- 
plies equally  well  now.  He  said  :  "Mr.  Elaine  is  the  most 
popular  of  men.  The  charm  of  his  manner  is  beyond  ex- 
pression, and  nobody  comes  within  the  circle  of  his  presence 
that  is  not  overcome  with  his  fascinations.  With  his  great 
brilliancy  he  has  that  exquisite  show  of  deference  to  his 
companions,  a  sort  of  appeal  to  them  to  verify  or  deny  his 
words,  that  is  very  taking.  He  is  also  a  very  good  listener, 
and  has  a  familiar  way  of  speaking  one's  name,  and  of 
placing  his  hand  on  one's  knee,  that  is  an  agreeable  salve  to 
one's  vanity.  There  is  no  acting  in  the  heartiness  of  his 
manner.  He  is  an  impulsive  man,  with  a  very  warm  heart, 
kindly  instincts  and  a  generous  nature. 

One  element  in  his  nature  impresses  itself  upon  my  mind 
in  the  most  emphatic  manner,  and  that  is  his  coolness  and 
self-possession  at  the  most  exciting  periods.  I  happened  to 
be  in  his  library  in  Washington  when  the  balloting  was  going 
on  in  Cincinnati,  on  that  hot  July  day  in  187G.  A  tele- 
graph instrument  Avas  on  his  library  table,  and  Mr.  Sher- 
man, his  private  secretary,  a  deft  operator,  was  manipulat- 
ing its  key.  Dispatches  came  from  dozens  of  friends,  giving 
the  last  votes,  which  only  lacked  a  few  of  a  nomination,  and 
everybody  predicted  the  success  of  Blaine  on  the  next  bal- 
lot. Only  four  persons  besides  Mr.  Sherman  were  in  the 
room.  It  was  a  moment  of  great  excitement.  The  next 
vote  was  quietly  ticked  over  the  wire,  and  the  next  an- 
nounced the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hayes.  Mr.  Blaine  was 
the  only  cool  person  in  the  apartment. 

It  was  such  a  reversal  of  all  anticipations  and  assurances 
that  self-possession  was  out  of  the  question,  except  with 
Mr.  Blaine.  He  had  just  left  his  bed  after  two  days  of  un- 
consciousness from  sunstroke,  but  he  was  as  self-possessed  as 
the  portraits  upon  the  wall.  He  merely  gave  a  murmur  of 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  429 

surprise,  and  before  anybody  had  recovered  from  the  shock 
he  had  written  in  his  firm,  plain,  fluent  hand,  three  dis- 
patches— one  to  Mr.  Hayes,  of  congratulations  ;  one  to  the 
Maine  delegates,  thanking  them  for  their  devotion ;  and 
another  to  Eugene  Hale  and  Mr.  Frye,  asking  them  to  go 
personally  to  Columbus  and  present  his  good  will  to  Mr. 
Hayes,  with  promises  of  hearty  aid  in  the  campaign.  The 
occasion  affected  him  no  more  than  the  news  of  a  servant 
quitting  his  employ  would  have  done.  Half  an  hour  after- 
wards he  was  out  with  Secretary  Fish  in  an  open  carriage, 
receiving  the  cheers  of  the  thousands  of  people  who  gath- 
ered about  the  telegraph  bulletins. 

Mr.  Elaine's  knowledge  of  facts,  dates,  events,  men  in 
our  history,  is  not  only  remarkable,  but  almost  unprece- 
dented. In  his  college  days  he  was  noted  for  his  early  love 
of  American  history,  and  for  his  intimate  knowledge  of  its 
details.  That  field  of  reading  has  been  enlarged  and  culti- 
vated in  all  his  subsequent  years,  until  it  would  be  difficult 
to  find  a  man  in  the  United  States  who  can,  on  the  instant, 
without  reference  to  book  or  note,  give  so  many  facts  and 
statistics  relating  to  current  interests,  to  our  financial  and 
revenue  system,  to  our  manufacturing  industries  of  all  kinds, 
to  our  river  and  harbor  improvements,  to  our  public  lands, 
to  our  railway  system,  to  our  mines  and  minerals,  to  our 
agricultural  interests — in  fact,  to  everything  that  constitutes 
and  includes  the  development,  achievement,  and  success  of 
the  United  States.  This  has  been  the  study  of  his  life,  and 
his  memory  is  an  encyclopedia.  He  remembers  because  it 
is  easier  than  to  forget." 

When  he  was  a  member  of  Congress  a  correspondent 
wrote  as  follows  of  Mr.  Elaine  :  '  'He  has  grown  gray,  but  he 
is  physically  but  slightly  touched  by  the  passing  years.  He 
looks  surcharged  with  tremendous  nervous  energy,  so  irre- 
sistibly impelling  him  that  the  steam-brakes  couldn't  slow 


430  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

him  down  to  three  hundred  revolutions  per  minute.  When 
there  is  nothing  to  work  it  off  it  seems  to  effervesce  in  boy- 
ish exuberance  of  spirits,  or  he  darts  hither  and  thither 
across  the  hall,  up  and  down  the  aisles,  or  through  the  lobby 
with  incessant  activity.  His  habitual  air  is  that  jof  a  man 
intent  upon  overtaking  to-morrow,  and  driving  ahead  at 
such  tremendous  speed  that  nobody  would  be  surprised  if  he 
did  it.  Physically  he  is  a  splendid  type  of  manhood ;  of 
commanding  stature,  straight  as  a  Maine  pine,  broad- 
shouldered  and  of  stalwart,  muscular  frame,  a  trifle  stout, 
but  with  step  quick  as  a  boy's,  and  every  movement  as  free 
and  supple  as  that  of  a  trained  athlete.  He  has  a  full,  high 
forehead  ;  large,  keen,  observant  eyes ;  nose  slightly  aqui- 
line, and  of  the  sort  that  adds  to  the  look  of  a  'push-ahead- 
ativeness'  that  is  imprinted  on  his  every  feature.  His  short, 
cropped  beard,  which  half  conceals  his  lower  face,  gives 
him  an  air  of  military  precision.  In  speech  he  is  rapid, 
but  distinct  in  utterance  and  clear  cut  in  expression  ;  makes 
no  apparent  attempt  at  rhetorical  graces,  but  is  forcible, 
pungent,  and  at  times  stirringly  eloquent,  while  always 
terse  and  pointed  and  marvelously  quick  at  repartees,  and 
when  most  intense  is  most  master  of  himself  and  thoroughly 
self-poised.  He  does  not  seek  occasion  to  speak,  but  as 
often  as  he  takes  the  floor  letter-writing  and  conversation 
cease  and  everybody  listens,  for  it  is  expected  he  will  say 
something,  which  expectation  he  has  thus  far  been  very  far 
from  disappointing  at  this  session." 

Mrs.  Elaine  is  a  woman  of  striking  appearance,  being  as 
easy  yet  dignified  in  manner  as  her  husband.  She  is  tall, 
graceful  and  strong,  a  fit  type  of  a  cultured  American  lady. 

Elaine  was  the  recipient  of  congratulatory  dispatches 
from  President  Arthur,  General  Logan,  General  Long- 
street,  and  thousands  of  other  citizens  of  the  Nation,  and 
for  a  time  the  facilities  of  the  telegraph  office  at  Augusta 


OF    JAMES    G.    ELAINE.  433 

could  not  care  for  the  dispatches  which  were  addressed  to 
him  only. 

The  following  was  also  received  : 

"CLEVELAND,  OHIO,  June  8,  1884. 
MRS.  JAMES  G.  ELAINE  :  TKe  household  joins  in  one 
great  thanksgiving.  From  the  quiet  of  our  home  we  send 
a  most  earnest  wish  that  through  the  turbulent  months  to 
follow,  and  in  the  day  of  victory,  you  all  may  be  guarded 
and  kept. 

"LUCRETIA  R.  GARFIELD." 

A  cordial  dispatch  was  also  sent  by  General  Garfield's 
sons. 

The  citizens  of  Augusta  and  the  neighboring  cities  came 
to  his  house  by  the  hundreds  when  they  heard  of  his 
nomination,  and  a  flood  of  congratulations  in  every  shape 
for  many  days  rolled  in  upon  the  family. 

At  the  adjournment  of  the  Chicago  Convention  the  Cali- 
fornia delegation,  which  had  been  among  the  leading  pro- 
moters of  Elaine's  nomination,  determined  to  go  all  the 
way  to  Augusta  and  congratulate  Elaine  in  person. 

All  along  their  route,  from  Illinois  to  Maine,  they  were 
received  with  enthusiasm,  and  the  press  recorded  their 
progress  from  city  to  city  with  the  attention  granted  to 
princes.  When  they  arrived  in  Maine  the  enthusiasm  in- 
creased, and  at  every  station  where  the  special  train  stopped 
crowds  of  men  and  enthusiastic  shouts  bade  them  welcome. 
At  Augusta  they  were  met  at  the  station  by  a  throng  of 
people,  although  the  day  was  rainy,  and  after  being  joined 
by  long  processions  from  Lewiston  and  Bangor  the  people 
of  Augusta  escorted  the  Californians  to  Elaine's  residence, 
with  bauds  playing  and  banners  flying.  They  were  re- 
ceived by  Mr.  Elaine,  after  an  introduction  by  Congress- 
man Boutelle,  and  were  entertained  in  that  simple,  gentle- 
manly, hearty  manner  which  is  an  indescribable  charm  with 
him. 


434  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES 

A  few  clays  later  the  Committee  of  the  Convention,  con- 
sisting of  one  delegate  from  each  State,  with  General  Hen- 
derson as  Chairman,  made  their  official  visit.  Blaine 
received  them  on  the  lawn  in  front  of  his  house,  the  day 
being  fine,  and  there  General  Henderson  officially  ten- 
dered the  nomination  of  the  Republican  party  for  President 
of  the  United  States.  It  was  a  delightful  scene  to  witness, 
and  once  seen  will  not  be  forgotten. 

General  Henderson  read  the  letter  of  notification  aloud, 
which  read  as  follows  : 

Mu.  BLAIXE  : — Your  nomination  for  the  office  of  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  by  the  National  Republican  Con- 
vention, recently  assembled  at  Chicago,  is  already  known 
to  you. 

The  gentlemen  before  you,  constituting  a  committee 
composed  of  one  member  from  each  State  and  Territory  of 
the  country,  and  also  one  from  the  District  of  Columbia, 
now  come,  as  the  accredited  organ  of  that  Convention,  to 
give  you  formal  notice  of  that  nomination,  and  to  request 
your  acceptance  thereof. 

It  is  of  course  known  to  you  that,  beside  your  own, 
several  other  names,  among  the  most  honored  in  the  coun- 
cils of  the  Republican  party,  were  presented  by  their 
friends  as  candidates  for  this  nomination.  Between  your 
friends  and  the  friends  of  gentlemen,  so  justly  entitled  to 
the  respect  and  confidence  of  their  political  associates,  the 
contest  was  one  of  generous  rivalry,  free  from  the  taint  of 
bitterness,  and  eqxially  free  from  the  reproach  of  injustice. 

At  an  early  stage  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention 
it  became  manifest  that  the  Republican  States,  the  States 
whose  aid  must  be  invoked  at  last  to  insure  success  to  the 
ticket,  earnestly  desired  your  nomination.  It  was  equally 
manifest  that  the  desire,  so  earnestly  expressed  by  the  dele- 
gates from  these  States,  was  but  the  truthful  reflection  of  an 


OF    JAMES    G.    BLAINE.  437 

irresistible  popular  demand.  It  was  not  thought  nor  pre- 
tended that  this  demand  had  its  origin  in  any  ambitious  de- 
sires of  your  own,  or  in  the  organized  work  of  your 
friends  ;  but  it  was  recognized  to  be,  what  it  truthfully  is, 
the  spontaneous  expression,  by  a  free  people  of  their  love 
and  admiration  of  a  chosen  leader. 

No  nomination  would  have  given  satisfaction  to  every 
member  of  the  party.  This  is  not  to  be  expected  in  a 
country  so  extended  in  area  and  so  varied  in  its  interests. 
The  nomination  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  1860  disappointed  so 
many  fond  hopes  and  overthrew  so  many  cherished  am- 
bitions that,  for  a  short  time,  disaffection  threatened  to 
ripen  into  open  revolt. 

In  1872  the  discontents  was  so  pronounced  as  to  impel 
large  masses  of  the  party  into  organized  opposition  to  its 
nominees.  For  many  weeks  after  the  nomination  of  Gen- 
eral Garfield  in  1880  defeat  seemed  to  be  almost  inevitable. 
In  each  case  the  shock  of  disappointment  was  followed  by 
the  "sober  second  thought."  Individual  preferences  gen- 
erally yielded  to  convictions  of  public  duty.  The  prompt- 
ings of  patriotism  finally  rose  superior  to  the  irritations  and 
animosities  of  the  hour.  The  party  in  every  trial  has 
grown  stronger  in  the  face  of  threatened  danger. 

In  tendering  you  this  nomination  it  gives  us  pleasure  to 
remember  that  those  great  measures  which  furnish  the 
causes  for  party  congratulation  by  the  late  Convention  at 
Chicago  and  which  are  now  crystallized  into  the  legisla- 
tion of  the  country — measures  which  have  strengthened  and 
dignified  the  Nation,  while  they  have  elevated  and  advanced 
the  people — at  all  times  and  on  all  proper  occasions  re- 
ceived your  earnest  and  valuable  support. 

It  was  your  good  fortune  to  aid  in  protecting  the  Nation 
against  the  assaults  of  armed  treason.  You  were  present 
and  helped  to  unloose  the  shackles  of  the  slave.  You  as- 


438  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

sisted  in  placing  the  new  guarantees  of  freedom  in  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution.  Your  voice  was  potent  in  preserving  the 
National  faith.  When  false  theories  of  finance  would  have 
blasted  National  and  individual  prosperity,  we  kindly  re- 
member you  as  a  fast  friend  of  honest  money  and  commer- 
cial integrity.  In  all  that  pertains  to  the  security  and  repose 
of  capital,  the  dignity  of  labor,  the  manhood,  elevation  and 
freedom  of  the  people,  the  right  of  the  oppressed  to  demand, 
and  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  afford  protection,  your 
public  acts  have  received  the  unqualified  endorsement  of 
popular  approval. 

But  we  are  not  unmindful  of  the  fact  that  parties,  like 
individuals,  cannot  live  entirely  on  the  past,  however  splen- 
did the  record.  The  present  is  ever  charged  with  its  imme- 
diate cares  ;  the  future  presses  on  with  its  new  duties,  its 
perplexing  responsibilities.  Parties,  like  individuals,  how- 
ever, that  are  free  from  the  stain  of  violated  faith  in  the 
past,  are  fairly  entitled  to  the  presumption  of  sincerity  in 
their  promises  for  the  future. 

Among  the  promises  made  by  the  party  in  its  late  Con- 
vention at  Chicago  are :  Economy  and  purity  of  adminis- 
tration ;  the  protection  of  the  citizen,  native  and  naturalized, 
at  home  and  abroad  ;  the  prompt  restoration  of  the  navy  ; 
a  wise  reduction  of  surplus  revenues,  "relieving  the  tax- 
payer without  injuring  the  laborer ;"  the  preservation  of 
the  public  lands  for  actual  settlers  ;  impost  duties,  when 
necessary  at  all,  to  be  levied,  not  for  "revenue  only,"  but 
for  the  double  purpose  of  revenue  and  protection  ;  the  regu- 
lation of  internal  commerce  ;  the  settlement  of  international 
differences  by  peaceful  arbitration,  but  coupled  with  the 
reassertion  and  maintenance  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  as 
interpreted  by  the  Father  of  the  Republic  ;  perseverance  in 
the  good  work  of  civil  service  reform,  "to  the  end  that  the 
dangers  to  free  institutions  which  lurk  in  the  power  of  offi- 


OF   JAMES    G.    BI.AIXE.  439 

cial  patronage  may  be  wisely  and  effectively  avoided  ;"  hon- 
est currency,  based  on  coin  of  intrinsic  value,  adding 
strength  to  public  credit,  and  giving  renewed  vitality 'to 
every  branch  of  American  industry. 

Mr.  Blaine,  during  the  last  twenty-three  years  the  Re- 
publican party  has  builded  a  new  Republic — a  Republic  far 
more  splendid  than  that  originally  designed  by  our  fathers. 
Its  proportions  already  grand  may  yet  be  enlarged.  Its 
foundations  may  yet  be  strengthened,  and  its  columns  be 
adorned  with  a  beauty  more  resplendent  still.  To  you  as 
its  architect-in-chief  will  soon  be  assigned  this  grateful  work. 

Blaine  responded  as  follows  : 
Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  National  Committee. 

I  receive  not  without  deep  sensibility  your  official  notice 
of  the  action  of  the  National  Convention  already  brought  to 
my  knowledge  through  the  public  press.  I  appreciate  more 
profoundly  than  I  can  express  the  honor  which  is  implied  in 
a  nomination  for  the  Presidency  by  the  Republican  party  of 
the  Nation — speaking  through  the  authoritative  voice  of  duly 
accredited  delegates.  To  be  selected  as  a  candidate  by  such 
an  assemblage  from  the  list  of  eminent  statesmen  whose 
names  were  presented,  fills  me  with  embarrassment.  I  can 
only  Express  my  gratitude  for  so  signal  an  honor,  and  my 
earnest  desire  to  prove  worthy  of  the  great  trust  reposed  in 
me. 

In  accepting  the  nomination,  as  I  now  do,  I  am  im- 
pressed, I  might  almost  say  oppressed,  with  a  sense  of  the  la- 
bor and  responsibility  which  attach  to  my  position.  The  bur- 
den is  lightened,  however,  by  the  hosts  of  earnest  men  who 
support  my  candidacy,  many  of  whom  add — as  does  your 
honorable  committee — the  cheer  of  personal  friendship  to 
the  pledge  of  political  fealty. 

A  more  formal  acceptance  will  naturally  be  expected  and 


440  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

will  in-  due  season  be  communicated.  It  may,  however,  not 
be  inappropriate  at  this  time  to  say  that  I  have  already  made 
careful  study  of  the  principles  announced  by  the  National 
Convention,  and  that  in  the  whole  and  in  detail  they  have 
my  heartiest  sympathy  and  meet  my  unqualified  approval. 

Apart  from  your  official  errand,  gentlemen,  I  am  extreme- 
ly happy  to  welcome  you  all  to  my  home.  With  many  of 
you  I  have  already  shared  the  duties  of  the  public  service 
and  have  enjoyed  the  most  cordial  friendship.  I  trust  your 
journey  from  all  parts  of  the  great  Republic  has  been  agree- 
able, and  that  during  your  stay  in  Maine  you  will  feel  that 
you  are  not  among  strangers  but  with  friends.  Invoking 
the  blessing  of  God  upon  the  great  cause  which  we  jointly 
represent,  let  us  turn  to  the  future  without  fear  and  with 
manly  hearts. 

Mr.  Elaine  concluding,  Chairman  Henderson  took  a  step 
forward  and  said  "to  one  and  all  of  you  I  introduce  the 
next  President  of  the  United  States." 


BIOGRAPHY 


OF 


•ENERAL  f OHN  |f.  §OGAN 


OF    ILLINOIS, 


IN  CHILDHOOD,  MANHOOD,  PEACE,  AND  WAR. 


I      I  iJIJLUIJl 


BY 

RUSSELL  H.  CONWELL. 


ILLUSTRATED. 


1884. 


INTRODUCTION 


The  first  time  the  writer  saw  Gen.  Logan,  that  chieftain 
was  riding  at  a  wild  rate  across  the  fields  at  Dallas,  Ga., 
May  28th,  1864.  A  fierce  battle  was  raging  with  Har- 
dee's  battalion  of  infantry.  In  smoke  and  dust,  in  brush 
and  plowed  field,  his  swiftly  passing  form  appeared  and 
disappeared  like  an  eagle  flying  low.  When  the  battle  was 
over,  wounded  and  begrimed,  he  appeared  at  headquar- 
ters, the  fiercest  and  wildest  human  figure  on  which  the 
writer  ever  looked. 

The  second  time  the  writer  saw  him  was  when  the  noble 
McPherson  lay  dead  by  the  breastworks  before  Atlanta. 

The  last  time  the  writer  saw  him  was  in  June,  1884, 
after  the  Republican  Convention  of  1884. 

When  comfortably  seated  in  an  easy-chair  on  the  lawn 
before  Elaine's  house  in  Augusta,  he  talked  of  the  nomina- 
tions, What  a  history  these  intervening  twenty  years 
contain. 

No  other  man  from  all  those  terrible  fields,  except  Gen. 
Grant,  remains  so  conspicuously  before  the  country,  and 
has  so  continuously  supported  and  strengthened  the  Nation 
in  the  equally  trying  fields  of  peace. 

Gen.  Logan's  life  has  been  one  of  such  activity  in  youth, 
in  wars,  in  political  campaigns  and  congressional  debate, 
that  it  is  full  of  most  romantic  situations  and  daring  deeds. 
As  a  lawyer,  as  a  private  soldier,  as  a  colonel,  as  a  briga- 
dier-general, as  a  major-general,  as  a  commandant  of  an 


446  INTRODUCTION. 

army,  as  a  congressman,  as  a  senator,  and  as  a  popular 
orator,  Gen.  Logan  has  had  few  equals  in  the  history  of 
the  Nation.  He  has  spared  no  pains,  nor  hesitated  to  im- 
peril his  life,  whenever  and  wherever  the  country  he  loved 
would  be  made  safer  or  more  prosperous.  Of  him  it  can 
be  said  by  the  most  conservative  citizen,  that  he  is  a  noble 
patriot,  a  wise  statesman,  and  one  of  the  greatest  battle 
heroes  of  history. 

For  much  of  the  information  contained  in  the  following 
pages,  and  for  some  of  the  most  important  descriptions,  the 
writer  is  indebted  to  intimate  friends  of  General  Logan. 


TIKE 
LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 

OF 

JOHN     A.    LOGAN. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Logan's  Parents. — His  Early  Years. — The  Farm. — The  old  Mill. — 
School. — Habits  and  Peculiarities. — The  Squirrels. — Knights  of 
the  Golden  Circle. — College  Life. — Enlists  in  the  United  States 
.  Army. — The  War  with  Mexico. 

John  A.  Logan's  life  presents  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
examples  of  America's  many  "self-made"  men,  and  must 
serve  as  an  incentive  and  encouragement  to  the  great  num- 
ber of  young  men  in  the  Nation  whose  success  in  letters, 
influence,  or  wealth,  depends  upon  their  own  energy  and  skill. 
His  father,  Dr.  John  Logan,  came  to  this  country  from 
the  North  of  Ireland  in  the  year  1818,  and  penetrated  into 
the  interior  of  the  "wild  West"  until  he  made  his  settlement 
in  Missouri  where  he  married  a  French  lady.  She  was  a 
daughter  of  a  wealthy  planter  and  by  her  he  had  one 
daughter,  still  living.  But  his  wife  died  about  a  year  after 
their  marriage  and  Dr.  Logan  removed  to  Southern  Illinois. 
He  took  up  his  abode  at  what  was  then  called  Brownsville. 
Brownsville  was  afterwards  the  county  seat  of  Jackson 
County.  Lieut-Governor  A.  M.  Jenkins  was  also  a  resi- 


448  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 

dent  of  Brownsville  and  with  him  lived  his  sister  Miss 
Elizabeth  Jenkins.  It  was  at  the  home  of  Governor 
Jenkins  that  Dr.  Logan  first  met  Elizabeth  and  the  acquaint- 
ance thus  made  was  shortly  after  followed  by  marriage.  The 
doctor  took  his  bride  to  reside  on  a  large  farm  a  short  dis- 
tance ou,t  of  Brownsville.  But  those  acres  are  now  hidden 
by  the  prosperous  town  of  Murphysboro,  Illinois. 

The  rude  log  cabin,  which  was  made  more  comfortable 
and  more  ornamental  by  weather  boarding,  stood  then 
almost  alone  on  the  prairie,  but  compared  with  some  habi- 
tations of  that  time  and  place  would  be  called  a  mansion. 
It  was  destroyed  by  fire  two  years  ago. 

On  the  9th  of  February,  1824,  and  on  a  night,  it  is  said, 
when  nature  was  in  its  wildest  mood,  John  A.  Logan  was 
born.  Some  few  of  the  distant  neighbors  heard  of  the 
event  and  took  occasion  to  joke  the  doctor  about  his  Irish- 
American  heir,  but  outside  the  little  household  it  was  an 
event  of  no  moment,  and  about  which  none  seemed  especial- 
ly to  care.  The  contrast  between  the  birth  of  European- 
titled  rulers,  surrounded  by  the  pomp,  the  music,  the  parade, 
the  congratulations  of  kings,  and  the  birth  of  America's 
greatest  rulers,  in  the  obscurity  of  the  wilderness,  or  in  the 
rude  habitation  of  a  wood-chopper,  furnishes  themes  for 
constant  study  either  to  the  philosopher  or  statesman. 
Logan's  birth,  childhood,  and  occupation,  his  opportunities 
and  his  appearance  gave  no  special  evidence  of  future  great- 
ness. Many  children  in  his  own  county  had  better  training 
and  far  more  years  of  education.  But  out  of  the  thousands 
who  dwelt  around  him,  the  whirl  of  providential  events 
brought  but  two  or  three  to  the  surface.  A  child  of  the 
prairies,  a  daring,  lively  playmate  and  a  faithful  friend,  he 
is  said  to  have  had  no  especial  desire  or  aptitude  for 
educational  acquirements. 

John  was   the   eldest  of   eleven   children  born  to  Dr. 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  449 

Logan  in  that  old,  log  farmhouse.  Dr.  Logan  was  a  most 
skillful  physician  and  surgeon.  Calls  for  his  services  came 
from  far  and  near.  In  all  kinds  of  weather,  and  at  all 
hours,  he  was  called  to  visit  the  settlers  far  and  near.  He 
often  traveled  so  constantly  for  weeks  that  all  the  sleep  he 
secured  was  in  his  stout  wagon,  behind  his  wonderfully  in- 
telligent horse.  He  had  but  little  time  to  work  at  or  to 
oversee  the  farm.  He  was  too  busy  to  take  upon  himself 
the  education  of  his  children,  although  Dr.  Logan  was  a 
man  of  superior  educational  attainments.  Hence  his  farm 
was  placed  under  the  charge  of  a  hired  superintendent, 
under  whom,  in  his  young  days,  John  found  his  first  em- 
ployment. The  doctor  also  employed  a  tutor  to  give  the 
children  lessons,  as  the  only  means  then  known  to  give 
them  an  education.  The  schools  were  distant  and  exceed- 
ingly rudimentary,  and  never  taught  the  higher  branches  of 
mathematics — Greek  or  Latin.  In  this  way  John  obtained 
an  unusually  thorough  and  advanced  education  for  a  boy  of 
that  wild  country.  Latin  was  a  favorite  study  with  John, 
and  when  in  after  years  he  came  in  contact  with  the  Span- 
ish tongue  in  Mexico  he  was  able,  from  his  knowledge  of 
Latin,  to  acquire  the  language  in  a  wonderfully  short* 
period.  Dr.  Logan  was  noted  as  a  man  and  physician  of 
remarkable  ability,  and  one  who — being  descended  from 
the  best  of  the  old  country  stock  himself — was  exceedingly 
democratic  and  impartial  in  all  his  habits  and  social  be- 
havior. He  hated  aristocracy.  The  rich  and  the  poor 
were  treated  alike  in  his  hands.  Honesty  and  uprightness 
were  the  only  badges  of  nobility  which  he  recognized. 

He  was  honored  by  all,  and  he  was  loved  by  many.  He 
never  went  into  dissipation  and  never  used  profane  lan- 
guage. He  loved  blooded  stock ;  he  enjoyed  hunting  and 
all  the  oldtime  sports  of  his  own  native  land.  His  house 
was  always  open  to  friends  and  to  traveling  preachers, 


450  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

without  pay  or  obligation  so  far  as  he  was  concerned.  He 
died  in  1851,  from  an  abscess  on  the  liver. 

Dr.  Logan's  wife,  and  the  mother  of  John,  was  of 
Scotch  extraction,  and  had  the  decided,  and  yet  generous, 
Scotch  character.  She  was  a  tall  and  stately  woman  of 
modest  demeanor,  and  very  self-possessed  in  all  circum- 
stances. She  was  a  thorough  disciplinarian  and  most  de- 
voted mother.  She  died  in  1877,  after  seeing  her  son 
sitting  in  the  "high  places"  of  the  land. 

John  was  not  afraid  of  work  in  his  boyhood,  and  as  the 
eldest  son,  and  in  the  frequent  absence  of  his  father,  was 
often  placed  in  positions  of  responsibility  connected  with 
the  farm  or  the  house  far  beyond  those  usually  borne  by 
children  of  his  age.  The  groceries  were  purchased  at  & 
distant  store ;  the  farm  produce  was  sold  •  in  a  market 
several  miles  away  ;  and  the  grist-mill,  the  most  important 
establishment  connected  with  a  new  civilization,  was  so  far 
away  that  when  John  was  sent  with  bags  of  corn  for 
grinding  he  was  often  obliged  to  stop  all  night  at  the  mill. 

One  incident  connected  with  his  experience  in  carrying 
corn  to  mill  has  found  its  way  into  the  public  prints,  which 
illustrates  the  hard  and  awkward  way  men  lived  and 
labored  in  those  days  : 

John,  with  one  of  the  slave  boys  which  the  doctor  then 
owned,  and  afterwards  gave  his  freedom,  went  on  a  jour- 
ney to  the  mill.  They  arrived  at  the  mill  in  a  terrible 
storm,  and  were  obliged  to  spend  the  night  in  an  open 
shed.  The  mill  was  run  by  horse-power,  with  the  animal 
traveling  in  a  circle  at  the  end  of  a  pole.  The  belting 
became  soaked,  and  fell  down  in  the  night,  where  the 
hungry  dogs  found  it  and  ate  it.  So  John  and  the  slave 
boy  had  to  stay  for  three  or  four  days  at  the  mill  while  the 
miller  killed  an  ox,  tanned  the  hide,  and  made  a  new  belt. 

John  was  by  nature  energetic  and  active,  and  by  train- 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  451 

ing,  as  the  eldest  boy  of  a  large  family,  was  not  afraid  of 
taking  responsibility.  So  he  was  always  a  leader  among 
the  boys,  and  even  among  the  older,  white  farm-hands.  For 
a  few  months  John  attended  the  district  school,  and  while 
there  was  the  universally  acknowledged  head  in  all  their 
sports  and  youthful  enterprises.  He  read  much  and  stored 
away  in  his  retentive  memory,  many  an  interesting  or  humor- 
ous story,  which  he  often  reproduced  to  an  admiring  crowd 
of  listeners,  with  brilliant  additions  and  observations  of  his 
own.  He  was  esteemed  to  be  an  excellent  performer  on 
the  violin,  and  for  this  accomplishment  was  sought  and 
courted  by  all  the  young  people  within  his  social  territory. 

A  good  story  is  told  of  John's  characteristics  while  a  boy, 
which  illustrates  well  one  phase  of  his  character.  The 
doctor  had  a  field  of  corn  in  which  the  squirrels  made 
great  havoc.  When  the  doctor  ordered  John  to  kill  the 
squirrels,  the  boy  gave  the  unfortunate  animals  one  more 
chance,  by  posting  for  twenty-four  hours,  on  a  tree,  this 
placard : 

"I  give  notice  to  all  the  squirrels  to  keep  out  of  this  corn- 
field. If  they  don't,  they  will  be  shot. 

"JoiiN  A.  LOGAN." 

John's  mother  was  reminded  of  that  notice  by  the  similar 
one  which,  years  later,  he  sent  to  the  Knights  of  the 
Golden  Circle,  who  had  threatened  his  life.  The  letter 
read  about  as  follows : 

"If  you  don't  keep  out  of  the  Golden  Circle,  some  of  you 

will  be  strung  up. 

"JoiiN  A.  LOGAN." 

Professor  Thomas,  of  the  Smithsonian  Institute,  at 
Washington,  who  was  a  playmate  of  John's,  and  who  after- 
wards married  one  of  John's  sisters,  says  that  "when 
John  was  fifteen  years  old,  he  took  into  his  head  to  build 


452  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

a  flat-boat  for  the  muddy  river  which  ran  near  the 
homestead.  The  boat  was  duly  built  and  launched  on  a 
creek.  But  the  river  wras  at  that  time  a  rapid  and  danger- 
ous stream,  and  who  would  pilot  it  out?  All  were  afraid 
to  venture  upon  it.  But  John,  who  never  hesitated  to  ac-. 
cept  such  responsibility,  jumped  aboard  and  steered  her 
out  in  triumph." 

Of  John's  college  life,  which  he  entered  upon  when  but 
seventeen  years  of  age,  there  was  nothing  remarkable,  ex- 
cept that  same  characteristic  adaptability  for  leadership  and 
an  indomitable  perseverance  in  whatever  task  he  wished  to 
perform. 

At  Shiloh  College,  then  in  its  infancy,  John  remained 
three  years.  The  last  year  of  his  stay  at  college  the  coun- 
try was  greatly  agitated  over  the  boundary  questions,  and 
other  matters  which  disturbed  the  relations  of  our  country 
with  Mexico.  John  took  a  decided  interest  in  the  discus- 
sions, and  displayed  a  warlike  spirit  which  some  were  in- 
clined to  ridicule.  But  they  laugh  best  who  laugh  last. 

He  volunteered  in  the- first  regiment  raised  in  the  State, 
being  himself  then  but  twenty-one  years  of  age.  He  was 
at  once  appointed  Second  Lieutenant  of  Company  H.,  First 
Illinois  Volunteers.  He  entered  the  war  at  its  very  begin- 
ning, and  remained  until  it  was  finished,  being  twice  de- 
tached for  important  service.  When  the  regiment  returned 
from  their  victorious  campaign,  John  was  acting  quarter- 
master of  the  regiment.  He  was  a  brave  and  obedient 
officer,  and  had  the  respect  and  love  of  those  who  served 
under  him. 


OF  JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  453 


CHAPTER  H. 

Selects  the  Law  for  a  Profession. — His  First  Public  Office. — Resig- 
nation.— Study  of  Law. — Louisville  University. — His  Practice. 
— Personal  Courage. — Elected  to  the  State  Legislature. — Dis- 
trict Attorney. — His  Legal  Ability. — Marriage  with  Miss  Cun- 
ningham.— Re-election  to  Legislature. — The  "Black  Eagle." 

As  far  back  as  his  college  days,  Logan  had  selected  the 
law  for  a  profession,  and  looked  forward  with  eagerness  to 
the  time  when  he  could  enter  fully  into  the  work.  He  was 
interested  in  all  the  important  cases  and  decisions,  and 
eagerly  perused  such  law  books  as  he  could  secure.  On  his 
return  to  Illinois  from  Mexico,  the  popular  young  lieutenant 
was  elected  forthwith  to  the  office  of  Clerk  for  Jackson. 
County. 

But  his  great  desire  to  enter  the  legal  profession  was 
fanned  into  uncontrollable  flame  by  being  in  the  courts,  and 
so  intimately  connected  with  the  lawyers  and  their  cases. 

In  1850,  less  than  a  year  after  his  election  as  Clerk, 
he  resigned  the  office,  and  entered  the  Law  Department  of 
Louisville  University.  In  his  legal  studies  he  made  re- 
markable progress,  and  graduated  with  the  honors  of  his 
class.  Then  his  uncle,  ex-Governor  Jenkins,  invited  him 
to  go  into  partnership,  which  he  gladly  accepted,  as  it  gave 
him  at  once  a  profitable  and  prominent  place  in  the  profes- 
sion. He  had  an  excellent  adviser  in  Governor  Jenkins, 
and  the  most  severe  training  in  the  courts  with  those  law- 
yers which  have  since  become  great  jurists  or  great  states- 
men. 


454  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES 

During  this  early  period  of  his  legal  career,  the  farmers 
of  Southern  Illinois  lost  great  numbers  of  valuable  horses, 
through  the  incursions  of  gangs  of  desperate  horse  thieves, 
•who  came  over  from  the  wilds  of  Missouri.  No  one  of  the 
farmers  dared  to  pursue  the  villains,  and  hideous  tales  were 
current  with  regard  to  their  numbers  and  blood-thirsty  char- 
acter. 

But  none  of  these  things  daunted  young  Logan,  who  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  following  the  horde,  and  retaking  their 
booty.  The  next  foray  which  they  made  was  into  his  own 
county,  and  Logan  at  once  took  his  gun  to  follow  them  into 
their  haunts.  He  could  get  but  two  men  to  go  with  him. 
The  three,  under  Logan's  lead,  entered  the  dismal  swamps 
of  Southeastern  Missouri,  and  so  hotly  and  closely  pursued 
the  thieves  that  they  abandoned  their  stolen  gains  and  fled 
into  the  wilds.  Logan  brought  back  eighteen  of  the  horses 
with  him. 

When  the  people  elected  Logan  to  the  Legislature,  two 
counties  were  in  his  district,  viz  :  Jackson  and  Franklin. 
Dr.  Logan  was  once  a  Representative  from  the  same  district. 

After  the  expiration  of  his  term  in  the  Legislature,  he 
was  elected  prosecuting  attorney  for  the  Third  Judicial  Dis- 
trict of  Illinois.  In  that  position  he  Avas  an  unflinching 
public  servant,  and  the  guilty  criminals  felt  the  weight  of 
the  law. 

Yet  he  was  a  faithful  and  vigilant  counsel  as  an  attorney, 
and  could  use  anything  of  every-day  life  to  influence  the 
jury.  His  arguments  and  illustrations  were  practical,  and  in 
accordance  with  good  common  sense. 

Once  a  frightened  lamb,  fleeing  from  voracious  dogs,  took 
refuge  by  the  judge's  bench  in  the  courthouse,  where  Logan 
was  defending  a  man  accused  of  manslaughter,  and  Logan 
so  aptly  used  the  event,  a,s  an  illustration  of  his  innocent 
client,  crouching  before  the  jury,  asking  protection  from  his 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  455 

inhuman  persecutors,  that  the  effect  was  a  verdict  of  "not 
guilty." 

On  the  27th  of  November  1855,  Logan  married  Miss 
Mary  S.  Cunningham.  She  was  the  daughter  of  an  old 
friend  in  the  Mexican  War,  Captain  J.  M.  Cunningham  of 
Marion,  111.  She  was  then  but  sixteen  years  of  age  but  as 
gifted  and  noble  as  a  girl,  as  she  has  been  since  as  a  woman. 
The  Philadelphia  Times  published  a  sketch  of  her  eventful 
life  which  said  that  "the  American  ancestry  of  Mrs.  Logan 
goes  back  to  a  sturdy  Irish  settler  of  Virginia  and  a  French 
pioneer  of  Louisiana.  Her  great-grandfather,  Robert  Cun- 
ningham, of  Virginia,  was  a  soldier  of  the  war  for  Indepen- 
dence, after  which  he  removed  to  Tennessee,  thence  to  Ala- 
bama, and  thence  to  Illinois,  when  still  a  Territory,  and 
there  manumitted  his  slaves.  Her  father,  Captain  John  M. 
Cunningham,  served  in  the  fierce  Black  Hawk  war.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  Legislature  of  Illinois  in  1845  and  '46 
and  served  in  the  Mexican  war.  Her  mother  was  Miss 
Elizabeth  Fontaine,  of  a  distinguished  family  of  that  name 
which  had  arrived  in  Louisiana  during  the  French  occu- 
pancy of  that  country  and  had  thence  journeyed  up  the 
Mississippi  River  and  settled  in  Missouri.  It  was  here  that 
John  Cunningham  met  his  bride  and  it  was  near  the  present 
village  of  Sturgeon,  then  known  as  Petersburg,  in  Boone 
County,  Mo.,  that  Mary  Simmerson  Logan  was  born,  on 
August  15,  1838.  When  she  was  one  year  old  her  parents 
removed  to  Illinois  and  settled  at  Marion,  in  Williamson 
County.  It  was  here  that  the  mother  and  her  oldest  daugh- 
ter, then  but  nine  years  old,  shared  the  dangers  of  a  frontier 
home  and  the  cares  and  solitude  of  a  growing  family,  when 
the  husband  and  father  went  forth  to  fight  the  battles  of  his 
country  upon  the  parched  plains  of  Mexico  and  braved  the 
trials  and  privations  of  a  miner's  life  in  the  Sierras  of  Cali- 
fornia. 


456  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

"This  courageous  and  dutiful  little  girl  relieved  her  mother, 
who  was  not  strong,  of  most  of  the  household  work,  and 
still  found  time  to  attend  the  primitive  school  of  the  neigh- 
borhood and  train  herself  in  useful  needlework. 

"The  father  felt  a  just  pride  in  his  eldest  daughter.  The 
assistance  which  she  had  rendered  her  mother  during  his 
long  absence  in  Mexico  and  California  had  even  more  close- 
ly endeared  her  to  his  heart,  and  her  love  of  study  had 
prompted  him  to  give  part  of  his  income  to  her  proper  edu- 
cation. Accordingly,  in  1853  the  daughter  was  sent  to  the 
Convent  of  St.  Vincent,  near  Morganfield,  Ky.,  a  branch  of 
the  Nazareth  Institute,  the  oldest  institution  of  the  kind  in 
the  country.  This  was  the  nearest  educational  establish- 
ment of  sufficient  advancement  in  the  higher  branches  of 
knowledge.  The  young  lady  was  reared  a  Baptist ;  after 
her  marriage  she  joined  the  Methodist  Church,  the  Church 
of  the  Logan  family." 

Having  graduated  in  1855,  Miss  Cunningham  returned 
to  her  father's  home  at  Shawneetown.  In  her  younger 
days,  when  a  mere  child,  she  had  aided  her  father  as  Sheriff 
of  the  County,  Clerk  of  the  Court,  and  Register  of  the  Land 
Office  in  preparing  his  papers.  Those  were  not  the  days  of 
blank  forms  for  legal  documents.  Accordingly  the  father 
depended  upon  the  daughter  to  make  copies  for  him.  While 
Mary  Cunningham  was  thus  aiding  her  father  in  his  official 
duties  John  Logan  was  Prosecuting  Attorney  of  the  district. 
He  had  known  Father  Cunningham  and  was  his  warm 
friend.  He  had  known  the  daughter  as  a  little  girl.  In 
1855  they  were  married  and  at  once  went  to  the  young  at- 
torney's home  at  Benton,  Franklin  County. 

The  young  wife  immediately  installed  herself  in  the  place 
of  companion  and  helpmeet  to  her  husband.  She  accom- 
panied him  on  all  his  professional  journeys,  an  undertaking 
in  those  days  of  wildernesses  and  no  roads,  often  requiring 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  457 

great  endurance  and  privation.  In  1856  the  devoted  wife 
saw  her  husband  triumphantly  elected  a  member  of  the 
Legislature,  and  in  the  famous  Douglas  and  Lincoln  Sena- 
torial contest  he  was  elected  as  a  Douglas  Democrat  to 
Congress.  In  all  these  hard-fought  political  campaigns  the 
noble  wife  went  with  her  husband,  assisting  in  much  of  his 
work  of  correspondence  and  copying,  and  frequently  receiv- 
ing his  friends  and  conferring  with  them  on  the  details  of  the 
campaign.  When  Mr.  Logan  came  to  Congress  as  a  Rep- 
resentative Mrs.  Logan  came  with  him.  She  remained 
with  him  in  Washington  until  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion, 
when  he  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress  to  return  to  Illinois 
to  go  into  the  service  of  his  country. 

The  war  having  commenced  and  Mr.  Logan  having 
raised  and  been  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Thirty -first 
Illinois  Volunteers,  Mrs.  Logan,  with  her  only  living  child, 
(now  Mrs.  Tucker)  then  three  years  old,  returned  to  her 
father's  home  at  Marion.  The  Illinois  troops  having  been 
ordered  into  camp  at  Cairo,  Mrs.  Logan  joined  her  hus- 
band there.  During  the  fierce  battle  of  Belmont,  Mrs. 
Logan  heard  the  booming  of  the  guns  across  the  turgid 
flood  of  the  Mississippi.  In  the  midst  of  painful  and 
anxious  suspense  for  the  safety  of  her  own,  of  whom  she 
felt  that  he  was  in  the  thickest  of  the  conflict,  she  gave  a 
helping  hand  to  the  care  of  the  wounded  and  suffering  sol- 
diers as  they  were  brought  back  from  that  bloody  field. 

When  the  army  entered  upon  the  Tennessee  River  cam- 
paign Mrs.  Logan  again  returned  to  her  home,  but  was  soon 
shocked  by  the  news  from  Donelson  that  her  husband  had 
fallen  at  the  head  of  his  charging  columns,  dangerously 
wounded.  She  hastened  to  the  scene  to  care  for  her  hus- 
band. For  days  it  was  a  struggle  between  life  and  death. 

At  Memphis,  in  the  winter  of  1862-3,  Mrs.  Logan  again 
joined  her  husband,  now  a  general,  and  remained  there  un- 


458  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

til  he  led  his  troops  in  the  campaign  which  ended  in  the 
surrender  of  Vicksburg. 

During  this  time,  and  to  the  end  of  the  war,  Mrs.  Logan 
remained  at  Carbondale,  where,  out  of  the  General's  salary, 
they  had  bought  an  unpretentious  home.  Upon  his  return 
from  the  war  General  Logan  was  nominated  by  acclama- 
tion for  Congressman-at-large.  After  his  election  Mrs. 
Logan  returned  to  Washington  and  has  been  one  of  the 
prominent  figures  in  Washington  society  ever  since. 

After  his  marriage  Logan  removed  at  once  to  Benton, 
Illinois,  where  he  opened  a  law  office.  He  was  elected 
again  to  the  Legislature  in  1856,  as  a  Democrat,  in  the  cele- 
brated Fremont  campaign.  During  this  term  in  the  Leg- 
islature he  became  quite  prominent  through  his  advocacy  of 
very  important  measures,  and  as  early  as  1857,  was  called 
by  a  colleague  in  the  Legislature  the  "Black  Eagle  of  the 
South."  The  title  being  suggested  by  his  vigor  and  inde- 
pendence and  very  dark  complexion. 


OF  JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  459 


CHAPTER  III. 

Elected  to  Congress. — A  Delegate  to  the  Charleston  Democratic 
Convention  of  1860. — Views  of  Slavery. — Trying  to  Stem  the 
Tide  of  Secession. — His  own  Account  of  his  Action. — Hasty 
Return  to  Illinois. — The  Secession  Sentiment  about  his  Home. 
— His  Speeches. — His  Personal  Influence. — Raising  Troops. — 
Colonel  of  the  31st  Illinois. — Departure  for  the  Field. 

In  1858  he  was  nominated  and  elected  to  Congress  from 
the  Ninth  Congressional  District  of  Illinois.  He  was  so 
popular  that  his  majority  is  said  to  have  been  the  largest 
ever  given  to  a  candidate  in  that  district  up  to  that  time. 
He  was  then  an  Independent  Democrat  and  received  a  great 
many  votes  from  the  Whig  party.  He  was  not  fanatical  or 
a  partizan  in  the  narrow  sense  in  which  those  terms  are 
usually  spoken.  He  was  larger  than  party  and  looked  first 
for  the  good  of  the  entire  Nation. 

He  was  a  friend  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  and  did  what 
he  could  for  Douglas'  advancement  to  the  highest  place  in 
the  Nation.  In  I860  he  was  elected  to  the  Thirty-seventh 
Congress  with  even  greater  enthusiasm  than  at  first.  He 
was  also  elected  a  Delegate  to  the  Democratic  Convention 
held  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  in  1860.  That  Convention  and 
what  he  observed  of  slavery  in  other  places  while  on  that 
trip,  decided  the  question  in  his  mind  that  the  curse  of  sla- 
very was  too  great  to  be  upheld  or  countenanced  in  a  land 
that  claimed  to  be  free. 

In  December  of  1860,  soon  after  Congress  met  he  em- 
phatically declared  that  "slavery  was  an  evil  which  none 


460  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

could  reasonably  deny."  On  the  7th  of  January  he  voted 
for  the  resolution  then  before  Congress  approving  the  action 
taken  by  the  President  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union, 
and  said  that  it  had  his  unqualified  approbation.  He  open- 
•  ly,  in  public  speech  and  private  counsel,  opposed  secession. 

When  the  news  came  that  the  rebels  had  fired  on  Fort 
Sumpter,  it  was  the  end  of  all  thoughts  of  compromise  with 
him. 

When  the  troops  so  hastily  collected  crossed  the  Potomac 
into  Virginia,  he  decided  to  go  with  them,  and  although  but 
a  private  citizen  he  took  a  soldier's  part  in  the  battle  of 
Bull  Run  and  fought  till  he  was  left  alone. 

Of  that  battle  of  Bull  Run,  it  borders  on  the  ludicrous 
to  read  how  Logan  in  a  black  suit  and  tall  silk  hat,  went 
into  the  fight  utterly  unconscious  of  anything  but  that  his 
Nation's  flag  was  in  danger.  He  went  over  into  Virginia  as 
an  anxious  spectator,  but  when  he  saw  the  troops  were 
giving  way,  he  could  not  resist  the  old  warlike  desire  in  his 
breast,  and  seizing  a  musket  which  some  flying  coward  had 
thrown  away,  he  rushed  into  the  fight  and  bravely  covered 
the  retreat  of  many  uniformed  soldiers  after  the  field  was 
hopelessly  lost. 

As  soon  as  Logan  reached  Washington,  after  the  battle 
of  Bull  Run,  he  set  himself  eagerly  at  the  task  of  awaken- 
ing loyalty  to  the  Union  among  the  people  of  Southern  Il- 
linois. He  wrote  to  many  of  his  friends,  urging  them  to 
raise  troops  for  the  war. 

As  the  end  of  the  Congressional  session  approached,  he 
determined  to  go  himself  and  do  what  he  could  to  stay  the 
storm  which  was  setting  in  against  the  Union  in  Southern 
Illinois.  At  the  adjournment  of  Congress  Logan  went 
directly  to  his  home  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  raising 
troops  for  the  war.  His  constituents  had  almost  unani- 
mously passed  resolutions  in  favor  of  Secession.  All  his 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  461 

old  friends  were  active  sympathizers  with  the  Rebellion. 
He  seemed  to  stand  alone.  On  reaching  home  there  seemed 
"none  so  poor  as  to  do  him  reverence."  His  bold  stand  for 
the  Nation  had  ostracised  him  almost  completely.  In  his 
energetic  and  patriotic  wife,  only,  did  he  seem  to  find  sym- 
pathy in  his  patriotism. 

A  trustworthy  writer,  who  was  personally  acquainted  with 
the  people  at  that  time,  says  that  "the  tide  of  public  opinion 
among  his  constituency  was  overwhelmingly  against  him. 
Those  who  had  been  his  closest  political  and  personal  friends 
turned  against  him  with  a  keen  hatred.  The  bitterness  of 
the  feeling  cannot  at  this  day  be  appreciated.  They  threat- 
ened to  mob  and  kill  him  when  he  should  return." 

His  home  was  at  that  time  at  Marion,  Williamson  County, 
and  almost  every  one  there  was  an  open  secessionist  at  that 
time.  But  Logan  seemed  all  the  more  anxious  to  go  back 
and  to  face  them  all.  He  was  greeted  sullenly,  and  treated 
at  first  with  contempt  and  scorn.  But  when  he  mounted  the 
rostrum  and  spoke  of  his  devotion  to  the  Union,  his  auditors 
began  to  waver.  When  he  called  on  his  old  Mexican  com- 
rades to  once  more  fight  under  the  flag,  some  of  them  were 
won  completely  over.  They  secured  a  fife  and  a  drum,  and 
with  "Yankee  Doodle"  and  the  "Star  Spangled  Banner," 
they  began  recruiting  "for  the  Nation  and  for  Logan." 
With  a  nucleus  of  a  half-dozen  old  soldiers,  the  actual  en- 
listment of  troops  began.  Soon  Logan's  eloquence  and 
earnest  example  began  to  tell  more  powerfully.  Soon  some 
influential  men  joined  his  recruits.  Then  came  a  general 
break  of  the  secession  ranks,  and  Southern  Illinois  was 
wholly  saved  to  the  Union. 

Logan  soon  had  a  regiment  enlisted,  of  which  he  was  ap- 
pointed colonel,  and  it  was  numbered  the  31st  of  the  Illi- 
nois Infantry.  Three  other  regiments  were  organized  with- 
in three  months,  and  all  four  became  a  brigade,  commanded 


462  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES 

by  General  McClernand,  and  in  General  Grant's  Depart- 
ment. 

Colonel  Logan's  services  to  the  Nation  were  but  little  ap- 
preciated by  the  Government,  owing  to  the  great  dangers 
which  pressed  more  immediately  but  not  more  threateningly 
upon  it.  Colonel  Logan's  regiment,  when  it  left  its  native 
county, was  made  the  recipient  of  a  beautiful  flag,  and  in  the 
speech  which  Colonel  Logan  made  on  that  occasion  he  said  : 

"Should  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River  be 
obstructed  by  force,  the  men  of  the  West  will  hew  their 
way  through  human  gore  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico." 


OF  JOHN  A.    LOGAN.  463 


CHAPTER    IV. 

Logan's  First  Charge  with  His  Regiment. — Horse  Shot  Under  Him. 
— Fort  Henry. — Fort  Donelson. — Dangerously  Wounded. — 
A  Brigadier-General.  —  New  Command.  —  Before  Corinth.  — 
In  Command  at  Jackson. — His  Celebrated  Reply  to  His  Con- 
stituents.— No  Politics,  but  Love  for  the  Union. — The  North- 
ern Mississippi  Campaign. — Feats  of  Logan  and  His  Men.  — 
The  Battle  of  Jackson  and  Champion's  Hill. 

The  first  battle  in  which  Logan  and  his  regiment  was 
engaged  was  at  the  town  of  Belmont,  in  Missouri.  It  was 
not  more  than  five  weeks  after  the  regiment  left  Williamson 
County  before  they  were  under  a  severe  fire,  being  placed 
on  the  left  wing  of  Grant's  forces.  It  was  a  wonderfully 
contested  engagement,  considering  the  freshness  of  all  the 
troops  engaged  on  both  sides.  Hand-to-hand  conflict  was 
frequent,  and  charge  after  charge  was  made.  But  the 
Union  troops  made  no  substantial  advance,  being  obliged 
to  fall  back  at  last  to  the  cover  of  the  gunboats  "Tyler" 
and  "Lexington,"  stationed  at  the  river's  bank.  It  appears 
that  the  troops  would  have  met  with  a  most  disastrous 
defeat  if  Logan  had  not  been  on  the  alert.  For  once, 
when  the  enemy  had  fled,  the  whole  force  gave  up  pursuing, 
and  broke  up  in  disorder  to  congratulate  one  another  on 
their  first  victory.  But  the  enemy  rallied,  and  had  not 
their  advance  been  detected  by  the  alertness  of  Col.  Logan, 
an  ignominious  and  bloody  rout  must  have  been  the  end. 
As  it  was  he  saved  the  field,  and  was  thanked  for  it  in  the 
official  report. 


464  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 

In  one  of  the  charges  of  that  bloody  day  Col.  Logan's 
horse  was  killed  under  him,  and  the  Colonel's  belt  cut  from 
his  waist  by  another  ball.  The  withdrawal  of  the  troops 
after  the  battle  being  a  part  of  the  original  plan  and 
instructions,  it  was  not  considered  in  any  sense  a  defeat. 

The  next  movement  in  which  Col.  Logan  was  engaged 
was  against  Fort  Henry,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tennessee 
River.  Col.  Logan  was  the  first  to  enter  the  fort  after  its 
abandonment,  and  with  some  cavalry  companies  he  suc- 
ceeded in  capturing  several  of  the  retreating  enemy's  guns. 

Then  followed  the  siege  of  Fort  Donelson,  with  its 
tedious  marches,  its  cold,  its  mud  and  rain,  its  snow  and 
ice,  its  fearful  hardships,  and  its  splendid  victory.  The 
soldiers  suffered  for  food,  for  fire,  and  for  drink  during 
those  days  of  battle,  and  Col.  Logan's  regiment  were  com- 
pelled for  a  long  time  to  stand  under  fire,  with  no  ammuni- 
tion with  which  to  defend  themselves.  That  is  the  severest 
trial  to  which  soldiers  are  ever  put.  Col.  Logan  was 
severely  wounded,  and  his  Lieutenant-Colonel  killed. 
Three  hundred  of  his  men  were  killed  or  wounded. 
Gen.  McClernand,  in  his  official  report,  mentioned  the 
bravery  of  Col.  Logan  and  the  noble  behavior  of  his  men. 
Gen.  Grant  noticed  it  in  particular,  and  recommended  to  the 
War  Department  that  Col.  Logan  be  appointed  a  Briga- 
dier-General. 

For  two  months  after  the  surrender  of  Fort  Donelson, 
Col.  Logan  was  confined  to  his  bed  by  his  wounds.  But 
so  impatient  was  he  to  get  back  to  his  troops,  that  he  went 
to  them  before  he  could  wear  his  coat. 

Col.  Logan's  first  command  as  a  Brigadier-General  was 
the  Third  Division  of  the  Seventeenth  Army  Corps.  His 
brigade  was  not  severely  engaged  in  any  open  fight  in  the 
campaign  about  Corinth  which  followed,  but  it  was  called 
upon  to  make  some  of  the  most  severe  forced  marches  of 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  465 

the  campaign.  On  the  capture  of  Corinth,  Col.  Logan  was 
placed  in  command  of  the  post  at  Jackson,  and  his  brigade 
were  employed  in  rebuilding  the  railroad  from  Jackson  to 
Columbus. 

Gen.  Sherman,  in  his  official  report  of  the  siege  of 
Corinth,  said : 

"I  feel  under  special  obligation  to  this  officer,  Gen. 
Logan,  who,  during  the  two  days  he  served  under  me, 
held  critical  ground  on  my  right,  extending  down  to  the 
railroad.  All  that  time  he  had  in  his  front  a  large  force  of 
the  enemy,  but  so  dense  was  the  foliage  that  he  could  not 
reconnoiter  their  strength,  save  from  what  he  could  see  on 
the  railroad  track." 

While  General  Logan  was  in  command  at  Jackson,  some 
of  his  old  friends  wrote  to  him,  urging  him  to  be  a  candi- 
date for  Congress  from  the  Fourteenth  District.  His  reply 
was  so  vigorous  as  to  seem  half  indignant  at  the  proposed 
honor.  In  the  letter  he  said  :  "I  express  all  my  views  and 
politics  when  I  assert  my  attachment  for  the  Union.  I  have 
no  other  politics  now,  and,  consequently,  no  aspiration  for 
civil  place  and  power."  *  *  "This  Government  must  be 
preserved  for  future  generations  in  the  same  mould  in  which 
it  was  transmitted  to  us,  if  it  takes  the  last  man  and  the 
last  dollar  of  the  present  generation  within  its  borders  to 
accomplish  it." 

In  the  campaign  in  Northern  Mississippi,  General  Logan 
was  promoted  to  Major-General.  He  was  commissioned 
November  29th,  1862.  In  that  severe  march  and  siege, 
General  Logan  commanded  the  First  Division  of  the  13th 
Corps,  under  General  Grant.  In  January,  1863,  when  the 
Seventeenth  Corps  was  organized,  General  Logan  was 
placed  in  command  of  the  Third  Division.  It  was  com- 
posed of  some  of  the  best  troops  in  the  service.  Yet,  at 
one  time,  in  1863,  there  was  created  considerable  discon- 


466  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

tent  and  some  few  desertions,  by  the  criticisms  of  Northern 
newspapers  on  the  Government  and  the  disheartening  effects 
of  some  defeats  of  the  Eastern  Army.  General  Logan 
drove  that  feeling  out  of  his  camp  by  one  bold  and  stirring 
address.  He  told  his  men  that  "upon  your  faithfulness  and 
devotion,  heroism  and  gallantry  depends  the  perpetuity  of 
the  Nation.  Let  us  stand  firm  at  our  posts  of  duty  and 
of  honor,  yielding  a  cheerful  obedience  to  all  orders  frcun 
our  superiors  until  by  our  united  efforts  the  stars  and  stripes 
shall  be  planted  in  every  city,  town  and  hamlet  of  the  re- 
bellious States."  In  the  winter  of  1863,  Logan's  division 
was  sent  on  transports  to  the  great  bend  in  the  river  near 
Vicksburg,  and  directed  to  dig  the  proposed  canal  through 
the  peninsula  via.  Lake  Providence.  When  the  Govern- 
ment abandoned  the  project,  on  General  Logan's  recom- 
mendation, a  large  detail  of  Logan's  men  were  placed  on 
the  cotton-padded  transports  and  successfully  ran  the  gaunt- 
let of  the  terrible  Vicksburg  batteries.  The  transports  thus 
obtained  were  used  by  General  Logan  to  cross  the  river 
for  the  capture  of  Port  Gibson.  General  McPherson,  then 
in  command  of  the  Seventeenth  Corps,  and  General  Logan, 
planned  the  order  of  march,  and,  according  to  the  official 
report,  Logan  and  his  men  carried  the  day  in  the  victory 
which  followed.  The  enemy  retreated  precipitately  before 
his  division,  and  the  next  day  evacuated  Port  Gibson  alto- 
gether. 

On  the  second  week  in  May,  General  Logan  and  his  men 
bore  the  principal  part  in  the  battle  of  Raymond.  It  was 
said  by  those  who  witnessed  that  contest,  that  it  was  one 
of  the  most  daring  and  desperately  fought  battles  of  the 
war. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  May  came  the  battle  of  Jackson,  in 
which  General  Johnson,  of  the  Confederate  Army,  was 
defeated  by  the  Seventeenth  Corps,  under  McPherson.  In 


OF   JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  467 

that  battle,  Logan  led  his  men,  and,  in  the  engagement, 
captured  several  cannon  and  many  men. 

Again,  on  the  sixteenth  the  same  corps  was  desperately 
engaged  at  Champion's  Hill.  The  charge  up  that  hill  to 
the  deep  cut  made  by  the  highway,  was  one  of  those  steady 
but  sure  advances  seldom  seen  in  war.  Many  soldiers  can 
charge  and  rush  who  could  not  coolly,  step  by  step,  mount 
a  hill  with  the  enemy  at  the  top  pouring  volley  after  volley 
down  upon  them.  It  was  a  fearful  battle.  There  were 
over  three  thousand  of  the  rebels  left  on  the  field.  In 
Badeau's  History  of  the  War,  he  describes  with  minute- 
ness the  charges  and  counter-charges,  the  flanking  and  the 
firing  of  that  fearful  day  wherein  Logan  and  his  division 
had  a  most  conspicuous  and  sadly  deadly  part.  The  same 
historian,  speaking  of  the  close  of  the  battle,  says : 

"Before  the  result  of  the  final  charge  was  known,  Logan 
rode  eagerly  up  to  Grant,  declaring  that  if  one  more  dash  be 
made  in  front,  he  would  advance  in  the  rear,  and  complete 
the  capture  of  the  rebel  army.  Grant  at  once  rode  forward 
in  person,  and  found  the  troops  that  had  been  so  gallantly 
engaged  for  hours  withdrawn  from  their  most  advanced 
position,  and  refilling  their  cartridge-boxes.  Explaining 
the  position  of  Logan's  force,  he  directed  them  to  use  all 
dispatch  and  push  forward  as  rapidly  as  possible.  He  pro- 
ceeded himself  in  haste  to  what  had  been  Pember ton's  line, 
expecting  every  moment  to  come  up  with  the  enemy,  but 
found  the  rebels  had  already  broken  and  fled  from  the  field. 
Logan's  attack  had  precipitated  the  rout,  and  the  battle  of 
Champton's  Hill  was  won."  General  Grant,  in  his  official 
report  of  that  battle,  said  that  "Logan  rode  up  at  this  time, 
and  told  me  that  if  Hovey  could  make  another  dash  at  the 
enemy,  he  could  come  up  from,  where  he  then  ivas  and  capture 
the  greater  part  of  their  force;  which  suggestions  were  acted 
upon  and  fully  realized."  "The  Comte  de  Paris  in  his  His- 


468  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

tory  said  of  Logan's  victory  that  "This  battle  was  the  crown- 
ing work  of  the  operations  conducted  by  Grant  with  equal 
audacity  and  skill  since  his  landing  at  Bruinsburg.  In  out- 
flanking Pemberton's  left  along  the  slopes  of  Champion's 
Hill  he  had  completely  cut  off  the  latter  from  all  retreat 
North.  Notwithstanding  the  very  excusable  error  he  had 
committed  in  stopping  Logan's  movement  for  a  short  time, 
the  latter  had  through  this  manoeuvre  secured  victory  to 
the  Federal  army." 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  469 


CHAPTER  V. 

Siege  of  Vicksburg. — Logan's  Division  before  Fort  Hill. — Three 
Bloody  Assaults. — The  Explosion. — Logan's  Division  the  first 
to  Enter  the  Town. — Logan  Made  Military  Governor. — A  Gold 
Medal. — General  Logan  as  an  Orator. — Placed  in  Command 
of  the  Fifteenth  Corps. — The  Atlanta  Campaign. — Battles  of 
Reseca,  Dallas,  and  Kenesaw  Moutain. — Enters  Marietta. 

In  the  renowned  siege  of  Vicksburg,  General  Logan  was 
a  conspicuous  figure.  No  other  place  in  all  the  South  dur- 
ing the  war,  with  the  exception  perhaps  of  Richmond,  was 
so  heavily  armed  and  so  completely  defended  as  Vicksburg. 
It  was  the  stronghold  of  the  Confederacy  on  the  Mississippi 
River.  The  approaches  to  it  were  through  deep  swamps, 
overgrown  and  undergrown  with  vines  and  stout  tropical 
vegetation,  deep,  and  thick,  and  dark.  The  fortifications 
were  planned  by  the  highest  military  skill,  and  aided  by  the 
river,  the  bluffs,  and  the  deep  ravines,  made  a  natural  fortress 
stronger  than  anything  man  could  build.  In  this  city  so 
grandly  fortified,  were  thirty  thousand  experienced  troops 
under  one  of  the  ablest  generals  of  the  Confederacy, — Gen- 
eral Pemberton.  General  Grant's  army,  when  it  reached 
the  swamps  and  ravines,  did  not  number  over  forty  thousand 
men,  and  they  were  worn  and  sick  with  long  and  difficult 
inarching.  From  the  nineteenth  of  June  to  the  Fourth  of 
July  the  siege  was  pressed  with  determination,  and  every 
approach  to  the  city  had  to  be  gained  by  the  severest  fight- 
ing, or  by  the  slow  process  of  mining.  General  Logan 
commanded  the  center  of  the  seventeenth  corps  which  was 


470  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

stationed  opposite  Fort  Hill,  the  strongest  citadel  of  all  the 
fortresses  about  the  city.  Logan  took  part  in  the  two  ter- 
rible and  general  assaults  which  failed,  and  then  began 
mining  under  Fort  Hill.  He  was  often  consulted  by  Gen- 
eral Grant,  and  after  General  Logan  had  blown  up  Fort 
Hill  and  pressed  his  men  forward  into  the  crater  of  the  ex- 
plosion, he  advised  the  general  assault  which  would  have 
been  again  made  on  July  6th,  if  the  enemy  had  not  sur- 
rendered as  he  did,  July  4th.  The  great  French  historian 
says,  that  "Logan's  Division  was  the  first  to  enter  Vicks- 
burg.  It  had  deserved  that  honor.  General  Grant  rode  at 
the  head." 

It  appears  that  the  Forty-fifth  Illinois  Infantry  of  Logan's 
Division  was  the  first  to  enter  Vicksburg,  and  they  placed 
their  flag  on  the  courthouse.  General  Logan  had  been  so 
heroic  personally,  and  his  military  ability  was  so  strikingly 
shown  in  the  fearful  daily  battles  of  the  siege,  that  General 
Grant  gave  him  the  place  of  honor  as  Military  Governor  of 
the  town  after  its  surrender.  His  bravery  and  conspicuous 
valor  as  a  warrior  was  recognized  by  a  gold  medal,  struck 
in  his  honor  and  presented  by  the  1  7th  corps  at  Vicksburg. 

Following  the  capture  of  Vicksburg,  General  Logan  and 
his  men  had  a  respite  of  a  few  months  from  the  trials  of 
actual  battle.  There  was  a  lull  all  along  the  border,  owing 
to  the  extensive  preparations  necessary  to  the  great  campaign 
of  1864,  in  which  the  question  was  the  support  of  Lincoln's 
official  acts.  General  Logan  being  then  so  noted  a  warrior, 
and  such  an  acknowledged  orator,  he  was  urged  by  his  superior 
officers  to  go  North  and  speak  in  the  campaign.  This  he 
did,  and  seldom,  if  ever,  in  the  history  of  the  Nation  has 
a  political  speaker  received  such  honor  and  created  such 
patriotic  fervor.  The  great  issue  was  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  and  it  received  his  hearty  support. 

In  one  of  the  most  remarkable  speeches  of  our  time,  which 


OF  JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  471 

General  Logan  made  at  Chicago,  and  from  which  extracts 
have  found  their  way  into  school  books  as  examples  of 
oratory,  he  used  the  following  strong  language  : 

"My  countrymen,  let  us  look  back  for  a  few  years  and 
view  the  prosperity  and  happiness  that  blessed  all  our  land  ; 
and  then  cast  your  eyes  around  and  see  the  condition  of 
our  country  now.  Do  not  ask  yourselves  who  is  Presi- 
dent, or  what  may  be  his  politics  ;  but  ask,  have  we  not 
hitherto  had  a  good  and  beneficent  Government  ?  And  if 
so,  have  we  not  the  same  Government  yet?  Your  answer 
must  be  in  the  affirmative  ;  and,  my  friends,  if  we  are  but 
true  to  ourselves,  true  to  our  cause,  true  to  the  principles 
we  have  been  educated  in  from  our  earliest  infancy,  we  shall 
have  that  Government  still. 

"How  is  it  possible  for  any  man  in  a  country  like  this  to 
be  disloyal  to  his  Government?  How  is  it  possible  for  any 
man  in  this  country  to  conceive  the  thought  or  idea  of  sym- 
pathizing with  rebellion  against  such  a  Government  as  this  ? 
*  *  *  Where  is  the  caqse  for  it?  Where  is  the  reason 
of  it?  Where  the  justification  ?  There  is  none  to  be  found, 
not  one ;  and  if  any  man  becomes  disloyal,  it  is  because 
there  are  devilish  designs  and  corruptions  at  his  heart. 

*  'I  am  taunted  about  being  an  Abolitionist.  If  every  man 
in  this  country  is  called  an  Abolitionist,  that  is  willing  to 
fight  for  and  sustain  his  Government,  let  him  be  called  so. 
If,  belonging  to  the  United  States,  and  being  true  and  val- 
iant soldiers,  meeting  the  steel  of  Southern  revolutionists, 
marching  to  the  music  of  this  Union,  loving  the  flag  of  our 
country,  and  standing  by  it  in  its  severest  struggles — if  that 
makes  us  Abolitionists,  let  all  of  us  be  Abolitionists.  If  it 
makes  a  man  an  Abolitionist  to  love  his  country,  then  I 
love  my  country,  am  willing  to  live  for  it,  and  willing  to  die 
for  it.  If  it  makes  a  man  an  Abolitionist  to  love  to  hear  the 
Star  Spangled  Banner  sung,  and  be  proud  to  hear  that  such 


472  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

words  were  ever  penned,  or  could  ever  be  sung  upon  the  bat- 
tle-field by  our  soldiers,  then  I  am  proud  to  be  an  Abolition- 
ist, and  I  wish  to  high  heaven  that  we  had  a  million  more ; 
then  our  rebellion  would  be  at  an  end,  and  peace  would 
again  fold  her  gentle  wings  over  a  united  people,  and  the 
old  Union,  the  old  friendship  again  make  happy  the  land 
where  now  the  rebel  flag  flaunts  dismally  in  the  sultry 
Southern  air. 

***** 

"See what  it  cost  our  sires  to  establish  this  Government! 
Did  they  not  pour  out  their  blood  freely  as  water  to  accom- 
plish this,  to  give  us  their  priceless  heritage  of  National 
liberty  and  independence,  under  a  form  of  Government  that 
should  exist  forever?  Consider  those  sacred  remembrances 
of  those  illustrious  men,  and  then  tell  me — whether  it  is 
worth  preserving,  tell  me  whether  this  rebellion,  begun  in 
infamy,  perjury  and  crime,  carried  on  by  crime,  carried  on 
by  blood,  pillage  and  treason,  and  to  the  end,  if  success- 
ful, in  destroying  forever  the  last  hope  of  mankind,  tell  me 
if  this  shall  succeed?  [Cries  of  no,  never!] 

"In  all  these  facts  we  may  realize  a  lesson  clearly  point- 
ing out  our  duty.  It  is  to  lay  fast  hold  of  that  old  flag,  keep 
step  to  the  music  of  the  Union,  unfurl  its  ample  folds,  and 
with  a  heart  of  couragef  a  will  that  knows  no  faltering  or 
dismay,  let  it  flutter  over  every  burg,  and  wave  over  every 
town  and  hamlet,  until  all  traitors,  like  the  wicked  prince  of 
Babyltfn,  shall  smite  their  knees  in  terror  and  dismay,  as  if 
the  handwriting  was  upon  the  wall.  Let  them  know  that 
they  must  bow  before  it,  or  kiss  its  untarnished  folds,  and 
swear  by  all  that  is  great  and  good  never  to  violate  its  sanc- 
tity or  infringe  a  right  it  represents,  let  this  be  done  and  all 
will  be  well.  And  I  appeal  to,  and  entreat  you  all,  my 
countrymen,  by  all  that  you  hold  sacred,  by  the  glorious 
.memories  of  the  past,  the  once  bright  hopes  of  the  future, 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN,  473 

by  the  memory  of  the  gallant  ones  who  have  fallen  on  the 
gory  fields  of  the  South ;  by  the  wounded  and  suffering  who 
still  languish  in  our  midst ;  by  the  sorrow  and  mourning 
that  this  wicked  rebellion  has  brought  upon  our  once  happy 
and  favored  land,  to  be  faithful,  vigilant,  untiring,  unswerv- 
ing, determined,  come  what  may,  dare  to  be  men  and  do 
what  is  right.  Stand  by  your  country  in  all  her  trials,  at 
«very  hazard  or  at  any  cost. 

"Let  it  not  be  said  that  those  glorious  boys  who  now 
sleep  beneath  the  red  clay  of  the  South,  or  the  green  sod  of 
our  own  loved  State,  have  died  in  vain.  Let  those  who  are 
traducing  the  soldiers  of  the  Government  know  the  enor- 
mity of  their  crimes  and  their  error  ;  try  to  reclaim  them, 
and  bring  them  back  to  duty  and  to  honor.  If  they  heed 
not  your  appeals,  if  they  still  persist  in  their  error  and  her- 
esies, if  they  will  not  aid  in  maintaining  the  Government 
and  laws  that  protect  them,  and  continue  in  their  wicked  aid 
and  encouragement  to  this  rebellion,  send  them  to  the  other 
side  where  they  belong,  for  the  man  who  can  live  in  this 
peaceful,  happy,  and  prosperous  land,  and  not  be  loyal  and 
true  to  it,  ought,  like  Cain,  to  be  branded  by  an  indelible 
mark,  and  banished  forever  from  his  native  paradise.  No 
traitor,  no  sympathizer,  no  man  who  can  lisp  a  word  in 
favor  of  this  rebellion,  or  impair  the  chances  of  the  Union 
cause,  is  fit  for  any  other  ruler  than  Jeff  Davis.  He  should 
be  put  in  front  of  the  Union  army,  where  he  will  get  jus- 
tice." 

Immediately  after  the  election,  General  Logan  was  placed 
in  command  of  General  Grant's  old  soldiers — the  Fifteenth 
Army  Corps,  General  Sherman  its  last  General  being  pro- 
moted to  the  command  of  the  Western  Army  and  given  the 
duty  to  capture  Atlanta.  "  In  the  spring  of  1864,  after  a 
winter  of  preparatory  marching  and  gathering  of  supplies, 
the  campaign  from  Tennessee  to  Georgia  begau.  General 


474  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 

Logan's  corps  with  the  16th  and  17th  corps  formed  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee,  under  command  of  McPherson. 
The  first  great  battle  was  fought  at  Resaca.  In  that  bat- 
tle Logan's  Corps  withstood  three  terrific  charges  and  won 
the  final  victory  after  dark.  The  storm  of  shot  and  shell 
was  fearful  and  the  heroic  conduct  of  the  enemy  called  out 
the  admiration  of  all  who  saw  the  fearful  slaughter  and  the 
determined  rallies.  General  Logan  was  wounded  in  that 
battle  and  it  seems  a  marvel  that  he  could  have  escaped 
with  his  life  after  riding  for  hours  along  a  field  plowed  with 
shell,  and  being  so  conspicuous  a  figure  for  the  enemy's 
skirmish  line.  He  never  asked  a  soldier  to  go  into  any 
place  of  danger  where  he  would  not  go  himself. 

On  the  28th  of  May  came  the  battle  of  Dallas.  On  that 
day  General  Logan  again  came  face  to  face  with  General 
Hardee.  The  charges  by  the  rebels  were  most  astonishingly 
heroic.  The  charge  upon  Logan's  Corps  was  so  sudden  and 
so  desperate  that  he  could  not  get  time  to  arrange  for  artil- 
lery or  cavalry,  but  rode  along  in  the  very  front  of  battle, 
shouting  to  the  men  to  be  strong,  and  keeping  them  in  place 
and  in  courage  by  the  inspiration  of  his  personal  presence. 
Over  three  hundred  dead  Confederates  were  buried  along 
one  line  of  battle,  and  General  Logan  was  again  wounded. 
It  was  a  frequent  prediction  among  the  soldiers  that  "Black 
Jack  will  go  under  one  of  these  times.  He  gets  a  loud 
call  about  every  day." 

On  the  morning  of  the  15th  of  June,  the  writer  saw 
General  Logan  in  consultation  with  McPherson  at  Big 
Shanty,  and  when  he  left,  the  officers  remarked  that 
"something  was  going  to  happen,  for  Logan  rides  like  it." 
Something  did  happen  and  it  was  one  of  the  severest  and 
bloodiest  charges  of  the  campaign.  It  cleared  the  ravines 
of  the  stubborn  rebel  hosts  and  drove  them  back  upon  Big 
Kenesaw  Mountain.  For  two  weeks  there  was  not  a  day 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAK.  475 

when  Logan  did  not  find  himself  under  fire.  The  roar  of 
cannon  was  continuous,  and  the  little  clouds  of  powder 
smoke  could  be  seen  incessantly  arising  in  every  southern 
direction.  A  continual  battle  day  and  night  went  on  for 
many  days,  and  the  enemy  were  driven  but  a  few  yards  at 
a  time,  save  in  some  such  desperate  and  deadly  charge  as 
Logan  made  on  the  15th  of  June. 

On  the  27th,  Logan  and  his  men  charged  up  Little  Ken- 
esaw  Mountain.  The  mountain  is  most  precipitous  and 
was  covered  with  a  rough  growth  of  trees  and  brush,  and 
ragged  piles  of  shelving  rocks,  and  perpendicular  ledges 
barred  the  way.  Through  these  woods,  rushing  through 
thickets  of  brush,  climbing  the  cliffs,  and  clambering  over 
rocks,  the  Fifteenth  Corps  passed  up  the  mountain.  The 
enemy  on  the  top  of  this  natural  fortress  hurled  down 
lighted  shells  and  rocks,  and  kept  up  a  constant  discharge 
of  musketry.  All  the  way  for  half  a  mile  up  the  moun- 
tain, by  every  exposed  rock,  and  along  the  edge  of  every 
prominent  ledge,  lay  scores  of  soldiers,  bleeding,  dying,  or 
dead. 

When  the  scaling  columns  reached  a  space  near  the  top, 
and  within  sight  of  the  enemy's  cannon,  a  perpendicular 
wall  of  smooth  rock,  thirty  or  forty  feet  in  height,  stopped 
their  further  progress.  There  was  no  means  of  scaling  it, 
while  from  the  edge  above  them  the  rebels  poured  down 
upon  them  a  constant  shower  of  bullets  and  ignited  shell. 
But  Logan's  men  bravely  held  their  own  until  night  set  in 
and  the  movement  of  the  Union  troops  on  the  right  com- 
pelled the  rebels  to  abandon  the  mountain  altogether. 

Logan's  loss  that  day  was  sixty  officers  and  four  hundred 
men.  On  July  4th,  Logan  entered  Marietta  and  celebrated 
Independence  Day,  as  did  Dodge's,  and  Blair's,  and  Hooker's 
old  corps,  in  following  close  upon  the  retreating  columns  of  the 
enemy,  and  firing  after  them  whenever  they  could  be  seen. 


476  THE   LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Siege  of  Atlanta.— The  Battle  of  Jonesville. — Evacuation  of 
Atlanta. — Return  to  speak  in  Presidential  campaign. — Refuses 
to  supersede  Gen.  Thomas. — Joins  his  corps  for  the  Carolina 
campaign.  —  Surrender  of  Lee.  —  Farewell  address  to  his 
troops. 

The  last  of  July  came  the  siege  and  battles  of  Atlanta  and 
the  death  of  General  McPherson,  the  gallant  commander  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  At  the  time  of  McPherson's 
death  there  was  no  man  but  Logan  who  could  have  saved 
the  army  from  a  fearful  defeat.  It  is  almost  sure  to  cause 
a  panic  in  any  army  to  let  it  go  from  mouth  to  mouth,  amid 
the  shriek  of  shells  and  the  crack  of  musketry,  the  deep 
boom  of  a  thousand  cannon,  and  the  yells  of  charging  col- 
umns, that  "the  General  is  dead."  Never  was  there  a  more 
trying  minute  than  when,  in  the  heat  of  one  of  the  mightiest 
conflicts  of  the  war,  the  cry  went  forth  "McPherson  is 
killed  !  McPherson  is  shot !"  Its  effect  could  be  seen  in 
the  cessation  of  firing,  the  dying  out  of  the  fierce  yells,  and 
the  clearing  of  the  long  line  of  battle  from  the  smoke  that 
enveloped  it.  The  strange  action  puzzled  the  enemy,  fortu- 
nately, and  led  General  Hood  to  expect  some  change  in  the 
attack, — or  he  would  have  charged  surely  on  to  victory. 
But  as  soon  as  General  Sherman  heard  of  McPherson's 
death,  he  ordered  Logan  to  assume  command  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee.  No  sooner  did  General  Logan  get  the 
order  than  he  rode  swiftly  along  the  sad  lines  and  urged  the 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  477 

men  to  take  vengeance  on  the  enemy  for  the  death  of  Mc- 
Pherson. 

He  faced  every  danger  and  appeared  in  the  most  exposed 
places  along  the  line,  and  soon  the  sadness  of  the  troops 
P--V"  way  to  indignation  and  they  fought  with  even  greater 
i!  •-••irrji:  ion  than  before  their  beloved  leader's  death.  Logan's 
tact  and  bravery  saved  the  day. 

General  Logan's  official  report  of  the  battle,  although 
modestly  omitting  his  own  share  in  the  greatest  victory  of 
the  campaign,  yet  shows  by  its  figures  how  fearful  and  fatal 
was  the  conflict. 

HEADQUARTERS  DEP'T  OF  ARMY  OF  THE  TENNESSEE  ) 
BEFORE  ATLANTA,  GA.,  July  24,  1862.          j 
General: 

I  have  the  honor  to  report  the  following  summary  of  the 
result  of  the  battle  of  the  22d  inst.  :  Total  loss  in  killed, 
wounded  and  missing,  three  thousand  five  hundred  and 
twenty-one  (3,521),  and  ten  pieces  (10)  of  artillery. 

We  have  buried  and  delivered  to  the  enemy,  under  a 
flag  of  truce  sent  in  by  them,  in  front  of  the  Seventeenth 
Corps,  one  thousand  (1,000)  of  their  killed;  the  number 
of  the  dead  in  front  of  the  Fourth  Division  of  the  same 
corps,  including  those  on  ground  not  now  occupied  by  our 
troops,  General  Blair  reports,  will  swell  the  number  of 
their  dead  on  his  front  to  two  thousand  (2,000).  The 
number  of  dead  buried  in  front  of  the  Ffteenth  Corps  up  to 
this  hour,  is  three  hundred  and  sixty  (360) ,  and  the  com- 
manding officer  reports  at  least  as  many  more  unburied. 
The  number  of  dead  buried  in  front  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps 
was  four  hundred  and  twenty-two  (422). 

We  have  one  thousand  (1,000)  of  their  wounded  in  our 
hands,  a  large  number  of  wounded  having  been  carried  off 
by  them  during  the  night  after  the  engagement. 


478  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

We  captured  eighteen  stands  of  colors  and  have  them 
now  ;  also  captured  five  thousand  (5,000)  stands  of  arms. 

The  attack  Avas  made  on  our  line  seven  times,  and  was 
seven  times  repulsed.  Hood's,  Hardee's  and  Wheeler's 
cavalry  engaged  us.  We  have  sent  to  the  rear  one  thou- 
sand (1,000)  prisoners,  including  thirty-seven  (37)  com- 
missioned officers  of  high  rank.  We  still  occupy  the  field 
and  the  troops  are  in  fine  spirits. 

Our  total  loss  is  three  thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty- 
one  (3,521)  ;  the  enemy's  dead,  thus  far  reported  buried  or 
delivered  to  them,  is  three  thousand  two  hundred  and 
twenty  (3,220)  ;  total  prisoners  sent  North,  one  thousand 
and  seventeen  (1,017)  ;  total  prisoners  wounded  in  our 
hands,  one  thousand  (1,000)  ;  estimated  loss  of  the  enemy, 
over  ten  thousand  (10,000). 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obed't  servant, 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 

Major-  General. 

MAJOR-GENERAL  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

General  Grant,  in  his  official  report  of  the  battle  of 
Atlanta,  said  that  "about  one  P.  M.  of  this  day  (July 
22d),  the  brave,  accomplished,  and  noble-hearted  McPher- 
son  was  killed.  General  Logan  succeeded  him  and  com- 
manded the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  through  this  desperate 
battle  and  until  he  was  superseded  by  Major-General  How- 
ard on  the  27th,  with  the  same  success  and  ability  that  had 
characterized  him  in  the  command  of  a  corps  or  division." 

On  the  22d  of  July  was  fought  the  battle  of  Ezra  Chapel 
by  Logan's  corps  alone.  Six  times  did  the  Rebels  charge 
his  lines  and  as  many  times  were  they  repulsed.  It  will 
ever  be  a  surprise  that  General  Logan  was  not  continued  in 
the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  instead  of  being 


OF   JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  479 

returned  to  the  command  of  his  corps,  superseded  by 
General  Howard.  It  is  almost  as  great  a  mystery  as  it  has 
ever  been  to  the  writer  how  it  could  be  that  the  conserva- 
tive, careful,  and  cautious  McPherson  should  be  killed,  while 
Logan  who  pushed  into  danger  anywhere  and  hesitated  not 
at  any  personal  risk  should  outlive  his  many  wounds  and 
survive  to  deliver  the  oration  at  the  unveiling  of  McPher- 
son's  statue.  The  battle  of  Ezra  Chapel  was  fought  after 
General  Logan  returned  to  the  command  of  the  15th  corps 
and  the  following  is  his  official  report : 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTEENTH  ARMY  CORPS,  ~\ 
BEFORE  ATLANTA,  GA., 

July  29,  1864.  j 

Colonel :  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  in  pursuance  of 
orders  I  moved  my  command  in  position  on  the  right  of  the 
Seventeenth  Army  corps,  which  was  the  extreme  right  of 
the  Army  in  the  field,  on  the  night  and  morning  of  the  27th 
and  28th  instant,  and  during  my  advance  to  a  more  desira- 
ble position  we  were  met  by  the  rebel  infantry  from  Hood's 
and  Lee's  corps,  who  made  a  desperate  and  determined  at- 
tack at  half-past  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  28th. 

My  lines  were  protected  only  by  logs  and  rails  hastily 
thrown  in  front  of  them.  The  first  onset  was  received  and 
checked,  and  the  battle  commenced,  lasting  until  about 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  During  that  time  six  suc- 
cessive charges  were  made,  which  were  six  times  gallantly 
repulsed,  each  time  with  fearful  loss  to  the  enemy.  Later 
in  the  evening  my  lines  were  several  times  assaulted  vigor- 
ously, but  terminated  with  like  result.  The  most  of  the 
fighting  occurred  on  Generals  Harrow's  and  Smith's  fronts, 
which  formed  the  center  and  right  of  the  line.  The  troops 
could  not  have  displayed  more  courage,  nor  greater  deter- 
mination not  to  yield. 


480  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

Had  they  shown  less  they  would  have  been  driven  from 
their  position.  Brigadier-Generals  Wood's,  Harrow's,  and 
Smith's  division  commands  are  entitled  to  great  credit  for 
gallant  conduct  and  skill  in  repelling  the  assaults.  My 
thanks  are  due  to  Major-Generals  Blair  and  Dodge  for  sending 
me  reinforcements  at  a  time  when  they  were  much  needed. 

My  losses  are  50  killed,  439  wounded,  and  83  missing  ; 
aggregate  572. 

The  division  of  General  Harrow  captured  five  battle- 
flags.  There  were  about  fifteen  hundred  or  two  thousand 
muskets  captured  ;  10G  prisoners  were  captured  exclusive  of 
73  wounded  who  have  been  removed  to  hospitals  and  are 
being  taken  care  of  by  our  surgeons  ;  565  rebels  up  to  this 
time  have  been  buried,  and  about  200  supposed  to  be  yet 
unburied.  Large  numbers  were  undoubtedly  carried  away 
during  the  night  as  the  enemy  did  not  withdraw  until  nearly 
daylight.  The  enemy's  loss  could  not  have  been,  in  my 
judgment,  less  than  six  or  seven  thousand. 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN,  Major-General, 
Commanding  Fifteenth  Army  Corps. 
LIEUT.-COL.  W.  T.  CLARK, 

Asst.  Adjutant-General. 

On  the  foregoing  report  General  Howard  added  the  fol- 
lowing endorsement : 

HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  "i 

ARMY  OF  THE  TENNESSEE  BEFORE  ATLANTA,  GA.,  '- 

July  28,  1864.      ) 

In  forwarding  the  within  report  I  wish  to  express  my 
high  gratification  with  the  conduct  of  the  troops  engaged. 
I  never  saw  better  conduct  in  battle. 

The  General  commanding  the  Fifteenth  Army  Corps, 
though  ill  and  much  worn  out,  was  indefatigable,  and  the 


OF  JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  481 

success  of  the  day  is  as  much  attributable  to  him  as  to  any 
one  man.  His  officers,  and  in  fact  all  the  officers  of  his 
army  that  commanded  my  observation,  co-operated  prompt- 
ly and  heartily  with  him. 

On  the  26th  of  August,  after  continuous  daily  battle, 
Howard's  Command  was  ordered  to  move  around  to  Jones- 
boro',  and  destroy  the  evening's  communications  with  Atlanta. 
There  a  desperate  engagement  was  fought  between  Logan's 
corps  and  a  large  force  of  the  enemy.  But  General  Logan 
repulsed  their  attacks  three  times  when  they  retired  leaving 
over  two  thousand  dead  on  the  field.  That  battle  decided 
the  fate  of  Atlanta,  and  the  following  night  it  was  evacuated. 

On  the  llth  of  September,  when  the  15th  corps  went  into 
camp  for  rest,  General  Logan  issued  the  following  congrat- 
ulatory order  to  his  command.  It  is  a  most  characteristic 
document  and  is  given  entire  ; 

HEADQUARTERS  FIFTEENTH  ARMY  CORPS,  ") 
EAST  POINT,  GA,,  Sept.  11,  1864.  J 
Officers"  and  Soldiers  Fifteenth  Army  Corps  : 

You  have  borne  your  part  in  the  accomplishment  of  the 
object  of  this  campaign,  a  part  well  and  faithfully  done. 

On  the  first  day  of  May,  1864,  from  Huntsville,  Alabama, 
and  its  vicinity  you  commenced  the  march.  The  marches 
and  labors  performed  by  you  during  this  campaign  will 
hardly  find  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  the  war.  The  proud 
name  heretofore  acquired  by  the  Fifteenth  Corps  for  soldier- 
ly bearing  and  daring  deeds  remains  untarnished — its  luster 
undiimned.  During  the  campaign  you  constituted  the  main 
portion  of  the  flanking  column  of  the  whole  army.  Your 
first  move  against  the  enemy  was  around  the  right  of  the 
army  at  Resaca,  where  by  your  gallantry,  the  enemy  were 
driven  from  the  hills  and  his  works  on  the  main  road  from 
Vilanow  to  Resaca.  On  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  you 

Vfl 


482  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

moved  on  the  right  flank  of  the  army  by  a  circuitous  route 
to  Adairsville,  in  the  same  manner  from  there  to  Kingston 
and  Dallas,  where,  on  the  28th  day  of  May,  you  met  the 
veteran  corps  of  Hardee,  and  in  severe  and  bloody  contest 
you  hurled  him  back,  killing  and  wounding  over  two  thou- 
sand, besides  capturing  a  large  number  of  prisoners.  You 
then  moved  around  to  the  left  of  the  army,  by  way  of 
Acworth  to  Kenesaw  Mountain,  where  again  you  met  the 
enemy,  driving  him  from  three  lines  of  works,  capturing 
over  three  hundred  prisoners.  During  your  stay  in  front 
of  Kenesaw  Mountain,  on  the  27th  of  June,  you  made 
one  of  the  most  daring,  bold,  and  heroic  charges  of  the  war, 
against  the  almost  impregnable  position  of  the  enemy  on 
Little  Kenesaw.  You  were  then  moved  by  way  of  Marietta 
to  Nickajack  Creek,  on  the  right  of  the  enemy ;  thence  back 
to  the  extreme  left,  by  way  of  Marietta  and  Roswell,  to  the 
Augusta  railroad,  near  Stone  Mountain,  a  distance  of  fifty 
miles,  and  after  effectually  destroying  the  railroad  at  this 
point  you  moved  by  way  of  Decatur  to  the  immediate  front 
of  the  rebel  stronghold,  Atlanta.  Here,  on  the  22d  day  of 
July,  you  again  performed  your  duty  nobly  "as  patriots 
and  soldiers"  in  one  of  the  most  severe  and  sanguinary  con- 
flicts of  the  campaign.  With  hardly  time  to  recover  your 
almost  exhausted  energies,  you  were  moved  again  around 
to  the  right  of  the  army,  only  to  encounter  the  same  troops 
against  whom  you  had  so  recently  contended,  and  the  bat- 
tle of  the  28th  of  July,  at  Ezra  Chapel,  will  long  be  remem- 
bered by  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  this  command.  On  that 
day  it  was  the  15th  corps  that,  almost  unaided  and  alone, 
for  four  hours  contested  the  field  against  the  corps  of  Har- 
dee and  Lee.  You  drove  them  discomfited  from  the  field, 
causing  them  to  leave  their  dead  and  many  of  their  wounded 
in  your  hands.  The  many  noble  and  gallant  deeds  per- 
formed by  you  on  that  day  will  be  remembered  among  the 


OF   JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  483 

proudest  acts  of  our  Nation's  history.  After  pressing  the  en- 
emy closely  for  several  days,  you  again  moved  to  the  right  of 
the  army,  to  the  West  Point  railroad,  near  Fairburn — after 
completely  destroying  the  road  for  some  distance,  you  marched 
to  Jonesboro',  driving  the  enemy  before  you  from  Pond  Creek, 
a  distance  of  ten  miles.  At  this  point  you  again  met  the 
enemy,  composed  of  Lee's  and  Hardee's  Corps,  on  the  31st 
of  August,  and  punished  them  severely,  driving  them  in  con- 
fusion from  the  field,  with  their  dead,  and  many  wounded, 
and  prisoners  in  your  hands.  Here  again  by  your  skill  and 
true  courage  you  kept  sacred  the  reputation  you  have  so 
long  maintained,  viz  :  "The  15th  corps  never  meets  the 
enemy  but  to  strike  and  defeat  him."  On  the  1st  of  Sep- 
tember the  14th  corps  attacked  Hardee ;  you  at  once  opened 
fire  on  him,  and  by  your  co-operation  his  defeat  became  a 
rout.  Hood,  hearing  the  news,  blew  up  his  ammunition 
trains,  retreated,  and  Atlanta  was  ours. 

You  have  reached  during  the  Campaign,  in  your  wind- 
ings, the  distance  of  four  hundred  miles,  have  put  "/tors  du 
combat"  more  of  the  enemy  than  your  corps  numbers,  have 
captured  twelve  stands  of  colors,  2,450  prisoners  and  210 
deserters. 

The  course  of  your  march  is  marked  by  the  graves  of 
patriotic  heroes  who  have  fallen  by  your  side ;  but  at  the 
same  time  it  is  more  plainly  marked  by  the  blood  of  traitors 
who  have  defied  the  constitution  and  laws,  insulted  and 
trampled  under  foot  the  glorious  flag  of  our  country. 

We  deeply  sympathize  with  the  friends  of  those  of  our 
comrades-in-arms  who  have  fallen  ;  our  sorrows  are  only 
appeased  by  the  knowledge  that  they  fell  as  brave  men,  bat- 
tling for  the  preservation  and  perpetuation  of  one  of  the 
best  Governments  of  earth.  "Peace  be  to  their  ashes." 

You  now  rest  for  a  short  time  from  your  labors  ;  during 
the  respite  prepare  for  the  future  action  ;  let  your  country 


484  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

see  at  all  times  by  your  conduct  that  you  love  the  cause  you 
have  espoused ;  that  you  have  no  sympathy  with  any  who 
would  by  word  or  deed  assist  vile  traitors  in  dismembering 
our  mighty  Republic  or  trailing  in  the  dust  the  emblem  of 
our  National  greatness  and  glory.  You  are  the  defenders 
of  a  Government  that  has  blessed  you  heretofore  with  peace, 
happiness  and  prosperity.  Its  perpetuity  depends  upon  your 
heroism,  faithfulness  and  devotion. 

When  the  time  shall  come  to  go  forward  again,  let  us  go 
with  the  determination  to  save  our  Nation  from  threatened 
wreck  and  hopeless  ruin,  not  forgetting  the  appeal  from 
widows  and  orphans  that  is  borne  to  us  upon  every  breeze 
to  avenge  the  loss  of  their  loved  ones,  who  have  fallen  in 
defense  of  their  country.  Be  patient,  obedient  and  earnest, 
and  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  you  can  return  to  your 
homes  with  the  proud  consolation  that  you  have  assisted  in 
causing  the  old  banner  to  again  wave  from  every  mountain's 
top  and  over  every  town  and  hamlet  of  our  once  happy  land, 
and  hear  the  shouts  of  triumph  ascend  from  a  grateful  peo- 
ple, proclaiming  that  once  more  we  have  one  flag  and  one 
country. 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 
Major-General  Commanding. 

Being  again  urged  to  go  North  and  deliver  addresses  be- 
fore the  election  of  President,  he  left  Atlanta  before  the  cel- 
eb: ated  March  to  the  Sea  was  undertaken,  and  before  his 
leave  of  absence  expired  all  communications  .with  his  old 
command  were  cut  off.  Consequently,  either  voluntarily  or 
in  accordance  with  the  call  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  he 
reported  for  duty  at  Washington.  He  was  immediately 
ordered  to  go  to  Nashville  and  relieve  General  Thomas, who 
was  then  holding  the  rebels  under  Hood  in  check.  But  when 
he  reached  Louisville  he  heard  that  Thomas  was  winning 
victories  and  gallantly  protecting  the  country  in  every  way  ; 


OF  JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  485 

so  Gen.  Logan  most  generously  telegraphed  to  General  Grant 
that  Thomas  was  doing  so  well  it  would  be  hardly  right 
to  supersede  him  in  the  face  of  the  enemy.  He  also  asked 
to  go  back  to  his  old  command,  which  had  then  reached 
Savannah.  His  request  was  granted,  and  it  was  a  long  time 
before  General  Thomas  knew  of  Logan's  self-sacrificing 
conduct. 

After  joining  his  corps  at  Savannah,  he  led  them  in  the 
severe  campaign  through  South  Carolina  and  North  Caro- 
lina, where  starvation  often  threatened,  and  men  died  by 
the  hundreds  of  fatigue.  While  at  Raleigh,  with  his  com- 
mand, Lee  surrendered,  and  the  troops  marched  northward 
and  homeward. 

General  Howard  having  been  detailed  for  other  work, 
General  Logan  was  again  placed  in  command  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  and  rode  at  its  head  in  the  great  review 
of  the  troops  in  Washington,  before  the  President.  When 
the  troops  were  mustered  out,  which  occurred  a  few  weeks 
later,  General  Logan  resigned,  and  went  to  his  home  and 
family  at  Marion. 

The  following  is  his  farewell  address  to  his  troops : 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  TENNESSEE, 

LOUISVILLE,  KY.,  July  13th,  1865. 
Officers  and  Soldiers  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee: 

The  profound  gratification  I  feel  in  being  authorized  to 
release  you  from  the  onorous  obligations  of  the  camp,  and 
return  you  laden  with  laurels,  to  homes  where  warm  hearts 
wait  to  welcome  you,  is  somewhat  embittered  by  the  painful 
reflection  that  I  am  sundering  the  ties  that  trials  have  made 
true,  time  made  tender,  suffering  made  sacred,  perils  made 
proud,  heroism  made  honorable,  and  fame  made  forever 
fearless  of  the  future.  It  is  no  commmon  occasion  that  de- 
mands the  disbandment  of  a  military  organization,  before 


486  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

the  resistless  power  of  which,  mountains  bristling  with  bay- 
onets have  bowed,  cities  have  surrendered,  and  millions  of 
brave  men  been  conquered. 

Although  I  have  been  but  for  a  short  period  your  comman- 
der, we  are  not  strangers  ;  affections  have  sprung  up  between 
us  during  the  long  years  of  doubt,  gloom,  and  carnage, 
which  we  have  passed  through  together,  nurtured  by  com- 
mon perils,  sufferings  and  sacrifices,  and  riveted  by  the 
memories  of  gallant  comrades,  whose  bones  repose  beneath 
the  sod  of  a  hundred  battle-fields,  nor  time  nor  distance  will 
weaken  or  efface. 

The  many  marches  you  have  made,  the  dangers  you  have 
despised,  the  haughtiness  you  have  humbled,  the  duties  you 
have  discharged,  the  glory  you  have  gained,  the  destiny 
you  have  discovered  for  the  country  in  whose  cause  you 
have  conquered,  all  recur  at  this  moment,  in  all  the  vivid- 
ness that  marked  the  scenes  through  which  we  have  just 
passed. 

From  the  pens  of  the  ablest  historians  of  the  land,  daily 
are  drifting  out  upon  the  current  of  time  page  upon  page, 
volume  upon  volume  of  your  heroic  deeds,  which  floating 
down  to  future  generations  will  inspire  the  student  of  history 
with  admiration,  the  patriot  American  with  veneration  for 
his  ancestors,  and  the  lover  of  Republican  liberty  with  grat- 
itude to  those  who  in  a  fresh  baptism  of  blood  reconsecrated 
the  powers  and  energies  of  the  Republic  to  the  cause  of  con- 
stitutional freedom.  Long  may  it  be  the  happy  fortune  of 
each  and  every  one  of  you  to  live  in  the  full  fruition  of  the 
boundless  blessings  you  have  secured  to  the  human  race. 

Only  he  whose  heart  has  been  thrilled  with  admiration 
for  your  impetuous  and  unyielding  valor  in  the  thickest  of 
the  fight,  can  appreciate  with  what  pride  I  recount  the  bril- 
liant achievements  which  immortalize  you,  and  enrich  the 
pages  of  our  National  history.  Passing  by  the  earlier, 


OP   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  487 

but  not  less  signal  triumphs  of  the  war,,  in  which  most  of 
you  participated  and  inscribed  upon  your  banners  such  vic- 
tories as  Donelson  and  Shiloh.  I  recur  to  campaigns, 
sieges,  and  victories  that  challenge  the  admiration  of  the 
world,  and  elicit  the  unwilling  applause  of  all  Europe. 
Turning  your  backs  upon  the  blood-bathed  heights  of  Vicks- 
burg,  you  launched  into  a  region  swarming  with  enemies, 
fighting  your  way  and  marching  without  adequate  supplies, 
to  answer  the  cry  for  succor  that  came  to  you  from  the  noble 
but  beleaguered  army  at  Chattanooga.  Your  steel  next 
flashed  among  the  mountains  of  Tennessee,  and  your 
weary  limbs  found  rest  before  the  embattled  heights  of  Mis- 
sionary Ridge,  and  there  with  dauntless  courage  you  breasted 
again  the  enemy's  destructive  fire,  and  shared  with  your 
comrades  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  the  glories  of  a 
victory  than  which  no  soldiery  can  boast  a  prouder. 

In  that  unexampled  campaign  of  vigilant  and  vigorous 
warfare  from  Chattanooga  to  Atlanta,  you  freshened  your 
laurels  at  Resaca,  grappling  with  the  enemy  behind  his 
works,  hurling  him  back  dismayed  and  broken.  Pursuing 
him  from  thence,  marking  your  path  by  the  graves  of  fallen 
comrades,  you  again  triumph  over  superior  numbers  at 
Dallas,  fighting  your  way  from  there  to  Kenesaw  Moun- 
tain, and  under  the  murderous  artillery  that  frowned  from 
its  rugged  heights,  with  a  tenacity  and  constancy  that  finds 
few  parallels,  you  labored,  fought,  and  suffered  through  the 
broiling  rays  of  a  southern  midsummer's  sun,  until  at  last 
you  planted  your  colors  upon  its  topmost  heights.  Again 
on  the  22d  July,  1864,  rendered  memorable  through  all  time 
for  the  terrible  struggle  you  so  heroically  maintained  under 
discouraging  disasters,  and  that  saddest  of  all  reflections, 
the  loss  of  that  exemplary  soldier  and  popular  leader,  the 
lamented  McPherson,  your  matchless  courage  turned  defeat 
into  a  glorious  victory.  Ezra  Chanel  and  Jonesboro'  add*** 


488  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

new  luster  to  a  radiant  record,  the  latter  unbarring  to  you 
the  proud  Gate  City  of  the  South.  The  daring  of  a  des- 
perate foe  in  thrusting  his  legions  northward,  exposed  the 
country  in  your  front,  and  through  rivers,  swamps  and  ene- 
mies opposed,  you  boldly  surmounted  every  obstacle,  beat 
down  all  opposition,  and  marched  onward  to  the  sea. 

Without  any  act  to  dim  the  brightness  of  your  historic 
page,  the  world  rang  plaudits  when  your  labors  and  strug- 
gles culminated  at  Savannah,  and  the  old  "Starry  Banner" 
waved  once  more  over  the  walls  of  one  of  our  proudest  cities 
of  the  sea-board.  Scarce  a  breathing  spell  had  passed  when 
your  colors  faded  from  the  coast,  and  your  columns  plunged 
into  the  swamps  of  the  Carolinas.  The  sufferings  you  en- 
dured, the  labors  you  performed,  and  the  successes  you 
achieved  in  those  morasses,  deemed  impassable,  form  a 
creditable  episode  in  the  history  of  the  war.  Pocataligo, 
Salkahatchie,  Edisto,  Branchville,  Orangeburg,  Columbia, 
Bentonville,  Charleston,  and  Raleigh,  are  names  that  will 
ever  be  suggestive  of  the  resistless  sweep  of  your  columns 
through  the  territory  that  cradled  and  nurtured,  and  from 
whence  was  sent  forth  on  its  mission  of  crime,  misery  and 
blood,  the  disturbing  and  disorganizing  spirit  of  secession 
and  rebellion. 

The  work  for  which  you  pledged  your  brave  hearts  and 
brawny  arms  to  the  Government  of  your  fathers,  you  have 
nobly  performed.  You  are  seen  in  the  past,  gathering  through 
the  gloom  that  enveloped  the  land,  rallying  as  the  guardians 
of  man's  proudest  heritage,  forgetting  the  thread  unwoven 
in  the  loom,  quitting  the  anvil,  and  abandoning  the  work- 
shops, to  vindicate  the  supremacy  of  the  laws,  and  the 
authority  of  the  Constitution  !  Four  years  have  you  strug- 
gled in  the  bloodiest  and  most  destructive  war  that  ever 
drenched  the  earth  in  human  gore  ;  step  by  step  you  have 
borne  our  standard,  until  to-day  over  every  fortrsss  and 


OF   JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  4B9 

arsenal  that  rebellion  wrenched  from  us,  and  over  city,  town 
and  hamlet,  from  the  lakes  to  the  Gulf,  and  from  ocean  to 
ocean,  proudly  floats  the  "starry  emblem"  of  our  National 
unity  and  strength. 

Your  rewards,  my  comrades,  are  the  welcoming  plaudits 
of  a  grateful  people,  the  consciousness  that  in  saving  the 
Republic  you  have  won  for  your  country  renewed  respect 
and  power,  at  home  and  abroad  ;  that  the  unexampled  era 
of  growth  and  prosperity  that  dawns  with  peace,  there  at- 
taches mightier  wealth  of  pride  and  glory  than  ever  before 
to  that  loved  boast  "I  am  an  American  Citizen  !" 

In  relinquishing  the  implements  of  war  for  those  of  peace, 
let  your  conduct  ever  be  that  of  warriors  in  time  of  war, 
and  peaceful  citizens  in  time  of  peace.  Let  not  the  luster  of 
that  bright  name  that  you  have  won  as  soldiers,  be  dimmed 
by  any  improper  act  as  citizens,  but  as  time  rolls  on  let  your 
record  grow  brighter  and  brighter  still. 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN, 

Major-General 


490  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Appointment  as  Minister  to  Mexico. — Elected  to  Congress. — One 
of  the  Impeachment  Prosecutors. — Promoted  to  the  United 
States  Senate. — Originated  the  Observance  of  Decoration  Day. 
— Commander  of  the  Grand  Army. — Prominent  Candidate  for 
the  Presidency. — The  Speech  of  Senator  Cullom. — Gen.  Lo- 
gan's Nomination  for  Vice  President. 

» 

His  retirement  to  private  life  was  but  temporary.  Such 
a  noble  and  valuable  man  could  not  be  spared  from  the 
councils  of  the  Nation.  President  Johnson  recognized  the 
fact  that  much  power  for  good  was  lying  idle  and  tried  to 
persuade  General  Logan  to  take  an  appointment  as  Minister 
of  the  United  States  to  Mexico.  But  the  General  did  not 
take  the  office  for  two  reasons,  viz  :  First,  he  preferred  to 
live  in  the  United  States,  and  second,  he  did  not  like  to  re- 
ceive such  an  honor  from  such  a  man  as  Andrew  Johnson. 
In  1868  he  was  again  elected  to  Congress  and  he  took  his 
seat  again  in  the  Hall  from  which  four  years  before  he  went 
forth  resolved  "never  to  return  to  political  life  until  every 
Rebel  had  laid  down  his  arms."  Then  followed  the  excit- 
ing period  when  the  impeachment  of  President  Johnson  was 
before  Congress.  General  Logan  was  no  disinterested 
spectator.  He  believed  the  will  of  the  people  should  be 
obeyed  by  every  public  servant.  He  was  fearless  and  per- 
sistent in  his  patriotic  desire  to  have  the  States  of  the  South 
restored  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  further  opposition  to  the 
Government  useless.  He  sympathized  with  Secretary  Stan- 
ton  and  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  prosecutors  on  the  part 


OF   JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  491 

of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  present  and  sustain  the 
charges  against  the  President. 

General  Logan  was  re-elected  with  no  noteworthy  oppo- 
sition until  1871,  when  the  Legislature  of  Illinois  elected 
him  to  the  United  States  Senale.  In  1877  he  was  super- 
seded by  Judge  Davis,  which  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
Democrats,  with  a  few  Independents,  obtained  control  of  the 
Legislature.  But  two  years  later,  at  the  expiration  of  the 
term  of  Hon  Richard  J.  Oglesby,  the  General  was  again 
elected. 

In  1868  he  was  elected  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic,  and  to  him  is  due  the  honor  of  put- 
ting into  general  practice  the  decorating  of  Soldiers'  graves 
and  the  setting  apart  of  a  National  day  for  that  purpose. 
It  is  interesting  to  all,  but  especially  so  to  the  soldiers  of  the 
Nation  to  read  again  his  orders  in  1868  for  Decoration 
Day. 

HEADQUARTERS  GRAND  ARMY  OF  THE  REPUBLIC, 
ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE, 

WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  May  5th,  1868. 

General  Order  No.  11. 

1.  The  thirtieth  day  of  May,  1868,  is  designated  for 
the  purpose  of  strewing  with  flowers,  or  otherwise  decorat- 
ing, the  graves  of  comrades  who  died  in  defense  of  their 
country  during  the  late  rebellion,  and  whose  bodies  now  lie 
in  almost  every  city,  village,  and  hamlet  churchyard  in  the 
land.  In  this  observance,  no  form  of  ceremony  is  pre- 
scribed, but  posts  and  comrades  will  in  their  own  way 
arrange  such  fitting  services  and  testimonials  of  respect  as 
circumstances  may  permit. 

We  are  organized  comrades,  as  our  regulations  tell  us, 
for  the  purpose,  among  other  things,  "of  preserving  and 
strengthening  those  kind  and  fraternal  feelings  which  have 


492  THE    LIFE   AND   PUBLIC    SERVICES 

bound  together  the  soldiers,  and  sailors,  and  marines  who 
united  to  suppress  the  late  rebellion."  What  can  aid  more 
to  assure  the  result  than  by  cherishing  tenderly  the  memory 
of  the  heroic  dead,  who  made  their  breasts  a  barricade 
between  our  country  and  its  foes.  Their  soldier  lives  were 
the  reveille  of  freedom  to  a  race  in  chains,  and  their  deaths 
the  tattoo  of  rebellious  tyranny  in  arms.  We  should  guard 
their  graves  with  sacred  vigilance.  All  that  the  conse- 
crated wealth  and  taste  of  the  Nation  can  add  to  their 
adornment  and  security  is  but  a  fitting  tribute  to  the  memory 
of  her  slain  defenders.  Let  no  wanton  foot  tread  rudely  on 
such  hallowed  ground.  Let  pleasant  paths  invite  the 
coming  and  going  of  reverent  visitors  and  fond  mourners. 
Let  no  vandalism  of  avarice  or  neglect,  no  ravages  of 
time  testify  to  the  present  or  to  the  coming  generations 
that  we  have  forgotten  as  a  people  the  cost  of  a  free  and 
undivided  Republic. 

If  other  eyes  grow  dull  and  other  hands  slack,  and  other 
hearts  cold  in  the  solemn  trust,  ours  shall  keep  it  well  as 
long  as  the  light  and  warmth  of  life  remain  to  us. 

Let  us  then,  at  the  time  appointed,  gather  around  their 
sacred  remains  and  garland  the  passionless  mounds  above 
them  with  the  choicest  flowers  of  springtime  ;  let  us  raise 
above  them  the  dear  old  flag  they  saved  from  dishonor  ;  let 
us  in  this  solemn  presence  renew  our  pledges  to  aid  and 
assist  those  whom  they  have  left  among  us  a  sacred  charge 
upon  a  Nation's  gratitude — the  soldier's  and  sailor's  widow 
and  orphan. 

II.  It  is  the  purpose  of  the  commander-in-chief  to  in- 
augurate this  observance  with  the  hope  that  it  will  be  kept 
up  from  year  to  year  while  a  survivor  of  the  war  remains 
to  honor  the  memory  of  his  departed  comrades.  He  earn- 
estly desires  the  public  press  to  call  attention  to  this  order, 
and  lend  its  friendly  aid  in  bringing  it  to  the  notice  of  com- 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  493 

• 

rades  in  all  parts  of  the  country  in  time  for  simultaneous 
compliance  therewith. 

III.     Department   commanders  will  use  every  effort  to 
make  this  order  effective. 
By  order  of 

JOHN  A.  LOGAN,  Commander-in-Chief. 

N.  P.  CHIPMAN,  Adjutant-General. 

General  Logan  has  been  one  of  the  most  diligent  working 
members  of  the  Senate,  and  has  been  a  strong  member  of 
the  Military  and  Judiciary  Committees  for  six  years.  He 
was  an  unshaken  supporter  of  the  financial  policy  which  re- 
sulted in  specie  payments  and  he  has  been  the  foremost  pro- 
moter of  those  measures  which  expressed  the  gratitude  of 
the  Nation  to  its  soldiers  and  defenders. 

It  has  long  been  the  earnest  desire  of  his  State  that  he 
should  be  the  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  three  tinu-s 
Illinois  has  presented  his  name  as  her  choice  and  his  failure 
to  secure  that  honor  was  owing  to  matters  of  political  expe- 
diency only.  Never  was  a  word  uttered  in  public  to  his  dis- 
paragement that  received  the  countenance  of  his  party. 
Wholly  above  reproach  he  is  a  gentleman  of  taste  and  cul- 
ture and  a  man  of  purity  and  honor,  and  one  of  whom  it 
would  be  a  great  satisfaction  to  give  a  more  extended  ac- 
count. 

General  Logan's  speeches  in  the  Senate  and  House  have, 
some  of  them,  been  of  the  ablest  character,  in  manner, 
phraseology,  and  thought.  His  great  argument  on  Recon- 
struction became  the  household  possession  of  nearly  every 
family  in  the  land,  and  some  of  its  oratorical  passages  will  be 
quoted  and  declaimed  after  he  has  been  long  in  his  grave. 

The  legal  ability  to  mass  facts  and  logically  arrange  an 
important  argument,  is  perhaps  most  clearly  presented  in 
his  masterly  speech  on  the  reinstatement  of  General  Fitz 
John  Porter  in  his  rank  in  the  army.  As  a  legal  document, 


494  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

it  could  not  be  surpassed,  and  where  he  compared  the  court, 
which  calmly  condemned  Porter,  to  the  hasty  manner  in 
which  General  Rosecrans  dismissed  officers,  he  was  most 
eloquent. 

The  Republican  Convention  of  1884,  which  nominated 
James  G.  Blaine  for  President,  also  nominated  General 
Logan  for  the  office  of  Vice  President,  by  a  unanimous  vote, 
no  other  candidates  appearing  to  contest  the  honor.  He 
was  also  suggested  by  the  Illinois  delegation  for  the  office 
of  President,  before  the  vote  was  taken  for  the  first  place  on 
the  ticket.  Senator  Cullom,  of  Illinois,  made  the  sugges- 
tion in  a  speech,  which  shows  the  esteem  in  which  he  is 
held  at  home.  The  Senator  said  : 

"Twenty-four  years  ago  the  second  National  Convention 
of  the  Republican  party  met  in  this  city,  and  nominated  their 
first  successful  candidate  for  President  of  the  United  States, 
Abraham  Lincoln.  Abraham  Lincoln  led  the  Republican 
party  to  its  first  great  victory.  He  stands  to-day  in  the 
estimation  of  the  world  as  the  grandest  figure,  the  most 
majestic  figure,  in  all  modern  times.  Again  in  1868  another 
Republican  Convention  came  together  in  this  city  and  nom- 
inated as  its  candidate  for  President  of  the  United  States 
another  eminent  citizen  of  Illinois,  Gen.  Ulysses  S.  Grant. 
And  the  Republican  party  was  again  victorious ;  still  again 
in  1880  the  Republican  party  turned  its  face  towards  this 
political  Mecca  where  two  successes  had  been  organized, 
and  the  murdered  Garfield  led  the  Republican  party  to  vic- 
tory. Mr.  President  and  fellow-citizens,  it  is  good  for  us 
to  be  here.  There  are  omens  of  victory  in  the  air.  History 
repeats  itself.  There  are  promises  of  triumph  to  the  Repub- 
lican party  in  holding  its  convention  in  this  great  emporium 
of  the  Northwest.  The  commonwealth  of  Illinois,  which 
has  never  wavered  in  its  adherence  to  Republican  principles 
since  it  gave  to  the  Nation  and  the  world  the  illustrious 


OF    JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  495 

Lincoln,  now  presents  to  this  Convention  for  its  consideration 
as  the  standard  bearer  of  the  Republican  party  another  son 
of  Illinois,  one  whose  name  will  be  recognized  from  one 
end  of  this  land  to  the  other,  as  an  able  statesman,  a  brilliant 
soldier,  and  an  honest  man — General  John  A.  Logan. 

A  native  of  the  State  which  he  represents  in  the  council 
of  the  Nation,  reared  among  the  youth  of  a  section  where 
every  element  of  manhood  is  early  brought  into  play,  he  is 
eminently  a  man  of  the  people.  The  safety,  the  permanen- 
cy and  the  prosperity  of  the  Nation  depend  upon  the  courage, 
the  integrity  and  the  loyalty  of  its  citizens.  When  yonder 
starred  flag  was  assailed  by  enemies  in  arms,  when  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  union  was  imperiled  by  an  organized  treason, 
when  the  storm  of  war  threatened  the  very  life  of  this  Na- 
tion, this  gallant  son  of  the  prairie  State  resigned  his  seat 
in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  returned  to  his  home, 
and  was  among  the  first  of  our  citizens  to  raise  a  regiment 
and  to  march  to  the  front  in  defense  of  his  country.  Like 
Douglas,  he  believed  that  in  time  of  war  men  must  be  either 
patriots  or  traitors,  and  he  threw  his  mighty  influence  on 
the  side  of  Union  and  Illinois,  and  made  a  record  second  to 
none  in  the  history  of  States  in  the  struggle  to  preserve  this 
Government.  His  history  is  the  record  of  the  battles  of 
Belmont,  Donelson,  Shiloh,  Vicksburg,  Lookout  Mountain, 
Atlanta,  and  of  the  famous  march  to  the  sea.  He  never 
lost  a  battle.  I  repeat  again,  Mr.  Chairman  and  fellow- 
citizens,  he  never  lost  a  battle  in  all  the  war.  When  there 
was  fighting  to  be  done  he  did  not  wait  for  others,  nor  did 
he  fail  to  obey  orders  when  they  were  received.  His  plume 
— the  white  plume  of  Henry  of  Navarre — was  always  to  be 
seen  at  the  point  where  the  conflict  raged  the  hottest.  Dur- 
ing the  long  struggle  of  four  years  he  commanded,  under 
the  authority  of  the  Government,  first  a  regiment,  then  a 
brigade,  then  a  division,  -then  an  army  corps,  and  finally  an 


496  THE    LIFE   AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

army.  He  remained  in  the  service  until  the  war  closed, 
when,  at  the  head  of  his  army,  with  the  scars  of  battle  upon 
him,  he  marched  into  the  capital  of  the  nation  and  with 
brave  men  with  whom  he  had  bled  on  a  hundred  hard-fought 
fields,  was  mustered  out  of  the  service  under  the  very 
shadow  of  the  capitol  which  he  had  left  four  years  before, 
as  a  member  of  Congress,  to  go  and  fight  the  battles  of  his 
country.  When  the  war  was  over  and  general  peace  victo- 
riously returned,  he  was  again  invited  by  his  fellow-citizens 
to  take  his  place  in  the  councils  of  the  Nation.  In  a  service 
of  twenty  years  in  both  houses  of  Congress  he  has  shown 
himself  to  be  no  less  able  and  distinguished  as  a  citizen  than 
he  was  renowned  as  a  soldier.  Conservative  in  the  advo- 
cacy of  measures  involving  the  public  welfare,  ready  and 
eloquent  in  debate,  fearless,  yes,  I  repeat  again,  fearless  in 
defense  of  the  rights  of  the  weak  against  the  oppressions  of 
the  strong,  he  stands  to-day,  and  I  say  it  without  disposi- 
tion to  take  one  laurel  from  the  brow  of  those  men  whose 
names  may  be  presented  to  this  Convention.  I  say  he 
stands  to-day,  in  my  judgment,  closer  to  the  great  mass  of 
the  people  of  this  country  than  almost  any  other  man  now 
enjoying  public  attention. 

No  man  has  done  more  in  the  defense  of  those  principles 
Avhich  have  given  life  and  spirit  and  victory  to  the  Repub- 
lican party  than  has  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois.  In  all  that 
goes  to  make  up  a  brilliant,  military  and  civil  career  and  to 
commend  a  man  to  the  favor  of  the  people,  he  whose  name 
we  have  presented  here  to-night  has  shown  himself  to  be  the 
peer  of  the  best.  We  ask  you,  therefore,  to  give  him  this 
nomination  because  it  would  not  be  assailed  and  it  is  not  as- 
sailable. We  ask  you  to  nominate  him  because  his  public 
record  is  so  clear  that  even  political  calumny  dare  not  attack 
it.  We  ask  you  to  nominate  him  in  behalf  of  the  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  gray,  veteran,  volunteer  soldiers  who  are 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  497 

to-night  over  this  broad  land  standing  around  the  telegraph 
offices  waiting  to  know  whether  that  gallant  leader  of  the 
volunteer  soldiers  of  this  country  is  to  receive  the  nomina- 
tion at  your  hands.  We  ask  you  to  nominate  him  in  behalf 
of  the  white  and  colored  Republicans  of  the  South,  who  are 
here  by  the  hundreds,  black  and  white,  appealing  to  this 
Convention  as  the  representatives  of  our  grand,  old  party  to 
give  protection  and  to  vindicate  them  in  their  rights  in  the 
South.  Now,  my  friends,  standing  in  the  midst  of  this  vast 
assemblage  of  representative  citizens  of  this  grand  Republic 
— aye,  in  the  sumblime  presence  of  the  people  themselves, 
represented  here  to-night  in  all  their  majesty.  If  you  do  so 
he  will  give  you  a  glorious  victory  in  November  next,  and 
when  he  shall  have  taken  his  position  as  President  of  this 
great  Republic,  you  may  be  sure  you  will  have  an  adminis- 
tration in  the  interest  of  commerce,  in  the  interest  of  labor, 
in  the  interest  of  finance,  and  in  the  interest  of  peace  at  home, 
and  peace  abroad,  and  in  the  interest  of  the  prosperity  of  this 
great  people." 

To  the  mind  of  the  writer  the  most  important  question 
of  our  time  is  the  matter  of  education,  and  the  establish- 
ment everywhere  of  a  general,  free  school  system  On  this 
most  vital  question  in  view  of  our  free-suffrage  system, 
General  Logan  has  been  a  consistent  but  determined  agi- 
tator and  legislator.  In  a  speech  delivered  in  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  Thursday  March  16th,  1882,  the  General 
said : 

MR.  LOGAN.  I  ask  the  Secretary  to  read  the  bill  that  I 
desire  to  discuss. 

The  PRESIDENT  prq  tempore.  The  bill  has  had  one  read- 
ing. It  will  now  have  the  second. 

The  bill  (S.  No.  850)  to  appropriate  and  expend  the  en- 
tire income  derived  from  the  internal-revenue  taxes  on  the 
manufacture  and  sale  of  distilled  spirits  for  the  education  of 


498  THE   LIFE   AND    PUBLIC   SERVICES 

all  the  children  living  in  the  United  States  was  read  the 
second  time  at  length,  as  follows  : 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,'  That  from  and  after  the  passage  of 
this  act,  the  entire  income  derived  from  the  internal-revenue 
taxes  on  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  distilled  spirits  shall 
be  appropriated  and  expended  for  the  education  of  all  the 
children  living  in  the  United  States. 

SEC.  2.  That  the  money  so  received  shall  be  expended 
pro  rata  in  the  several  States  and  Territories,  as  shown  by 
the  census  of  1880  and  each  succeeding  census. 

SEC.  3.  That  the  education  hereby  contemplated  shall 
include  such  instruction  as  is  provided  in  the  curriculum  of 
the  public  schools  of  the  country,  and  also  the  establishment 
and  maintenance  of  normal  schools,  teachers'  institutes,  and 
instruction  in  the  industrial  and  mechanical  arts. 

SEC.  4.  That  any  State  or  Territory,  before  receiving 
the  benefits  of  this  act,  shall  be  required,  by  local  enactment, 
to  make  obligatory  upon  all  children  between  the  ages  of 
seven  and  twelve  years,  school  attendance  for  at  least  six 
months  in  each  year. 

SEC.  5.  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  is  charged 
with  the  proper  administration  of  this  law,  through  the 
Commissioner  of  Education  ;  and  they  are  authorized  and 
directed,  under  the  approval  of  the  President,  to  make  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  to  carry  this  law  into  effect. 

SEC.  6.  That  no  part  of  this  fund  shall  be  used  for  the 
erection  of  schoolhouses  or  buildings  of  any  kind  for  school 
purposes. 

MR.  LOGAN.  If  the  bill  now  before  the  Senate  becomes 
a  law  it  will  have  the  effect,  as  heretofore  remarked,  of  dis- 
tributing to  the  States  and  Territories,  according  to  the  pop- 
ulation as  shown  by  the  census  returns,  about  $60,000,000 
annually  of  the  National  revenue,  to  be  expended  by  them 
in  educating  the  children  of  the  country,  provided  the  tajr 


OF   JOHN   A.    LOGAN.  499 

<v  nd  production  of  distilled  spirits  remains  substantially 
ih\  same  as  at  present. 

Yhe  reasons  for  distributing  this  fund  to  the  States  and 
Territories,  and  having  them  expend  it  in  educating  the 
children,  are  doubtless  apparent  to  every  one.  In  most,  if 
not  all,  of  these  there  are  already  systems  of  free  schools 
and  organized  plans  of  education  aided  and  fostered  by  the 
State,  and  also  the  appliances  and  corps  of  officers  necessary 
to  carry  on  this  work.  For  the  General  Government  to  at- 
tempt to  inaugurate  and  operate  a  separate  National  system 
of  education  would,  as  a  matter  of  course,  not  only  entail 
upon  the  people  an  unnecessary  expense,  but  would  bring 
the  National  and  State  authorities  into  constant  conflict.  In 
other  words,  it  is  impossible  to  carry  on  in  the  same  terri- 
tory two  distinct  and  different  systems  of  public  schools  for 
the  same  children. 

The  bill  presented  seeks,  therefore,  to  avoid  this  very  se- 
rious objection  by  distributing  the  fund  to  the  States  and 
Territories,  and  allowing  them  to  apply  it  to  the  purpose  in- 
tended, the  distribution  to  be  pro  rata  according  to  popula- 
tion. 

The  principal  reason  for  selecting  the  total  population  as 
given  by  the  census  returns,  as  the  guide  in  making  the  dis- 
tribution, instead  of  the  number  of  children  of  a  prescribed 
age,  was  on  account  of  the  greater  accuracy  of  this  enumer- 
ation. Another  reason  is,  that  it  is  the  only  reliable  enu- 
meration that  is  made  under  the  Federal  authority. 

If  an  exact  or  thoroughly  reliable  enumeration  of  the 
children  between  the  ages  fixed  in  the  bill  could  be  obtained, 
year  by  year,  this  would  be  a  preferable  guide  in  the  dis- 
tribution, as  it  would  give  a  slightly  larger  proportion  to  the 
rural  districts  and  the  sections  most  needing  such  assistance. 

For  example,  it  has  been  found  in  enumerating  the  chil- 
dren in  France  between  the  ages  of  six  and  thirteen,  that 


500  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

the  proportion  in  the  rural  districts  (communes  of  less  than 
two  thousand  inhabitants)  is  a  little  higher  than  in  cities, 
(communes  of  more  than  two  thousand  inhabitants.)  In 
the  former  the  average  number  out  of  every  hundred  inhab- 
itants was  found  to  be  12.67,  and  in  some  cases  even  as 
high  as  15.72,  while  in  the  latter  it  was  only  11.53.  I  pre- 
sume this  would  also  be  found  true  to  a  certain  extent  in 
this  country  if  we  had  the  data  necessary  for  the  comparison. 

The  bill  further  requires  that  a  State  or  Territory,  in  or- 
der to  be  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  its  provisions,  must  in- 
augurate, and  keep  in  existence,  an  organized  public  school 
system,  open  to  all  children  thereof  of  the  prescribed  age, 
and  must  also  provide  for  enforced  attendance  at  least  six 
months  in  the  year.  As  it  will  be  necessary  for  some  com- 
petent authority  of  the  General  Government  todecide  whether 
or  not  a  State  or  Territory  is  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  the 
bill,  this  is  left  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  and  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  President. 

These  provisions,  as  will  be  admitted,  I  presume,  by  all, 
are  necessary,  in  order  that  the  funds  so  distributed  shall  be 
properly  applied  to  the  purposes  for  which  they  are  granted. 
Another  object  in  view  in  introducing  them  is  to  bring 
about,  as  soon  as  possible,  a  uniformity  in  the  school  sys- 
tem throughout  the  entire  country.  In  defining  the  term 
"education"  as  used  in  the  bill,  it  will  be  seen  that  I  have 
included  not  only  the  usual  curriculum  of  instruction  in 
public  schools,  but  also  that  of  normal  schools  and  teachers' 
institute.  The  advantages  of,  and  I  may  say  necessity  for, 
normal  schools  are  now  so  well  understood  and  so  generally 
admitted  that  it  is  hardly  necessary  for  me  to  say  anything 
on  this  point ;  still  a  few  words  in  reference  to  them  may 
not  be  amiss. 

As  an  evidence  of  the  felt  necessity  throughout  the  coun- 
try for  their  establishment  and  maintenance  I  have  only  to 


OF   JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  501 

mention  the  fact,  as  shown  by  the  la.st  report  of  the  Com- 
missioner of  education  (page  77),  that  schools  of  this  kind 
have  been  established  in  all  of  the  States  except  Delaware, 
Florida,  and  Nevada,  eighty  of  which  are  supported  in  part 
or  whole  by  the  States  and  thirteen  by  cities.  How  the 
opposition  to  these  schools  which  has  manifested  itself 
in  a  variety  of  attacks,  open  and  covert,  has  been  re- 
ceived by  the  body  of  the  people  is  shown  by  the  returns  to 
the  office  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education  for  the  year 
1879,  from  which  it  appears  that  the  number  of  these  insti- 
tutions and  the  students  attending  them  are  about  four  times 
what  they  were  in  1870,  and  that  the  increase  in  1879  over 
1878  was  fifty-one  schools. 

A  proposition  was  introduced  in  the  New  York  Legisla- 
ture in  1878  to  abandon  the  State  Normal  school,  which 
resulted  in  appointing  a  committee  to  investigate  the  subject. 
The  report  of  this  committee,  transmitted  to  the  Legislature 
May  19,  1879,  presents  (report  of  Commissioner  of  Educa- 
tion, 1879,  page  79)  the  following  conclusions  : 

1.  That  the  normal  schools  are  performing  intelligently, 
efficiently,  and  in  good  faith  the  work  expected  of  them  by 
the  State. 

2.  That  the  normal  schools  are  an  essential  part  of  our 
public-school  system,  and  as  such  should  be  liberally  and 
unwaveringly  supported. 

3.  That  without  normal  schools  there  would  be  waste  in 
public  expenditures  which  must  result  from  the  employment 
of  unskilled  and  incompetent  teachers ;  and  hence  that  true 
economy  requires  their  maintenance. 

4.  That  normal  schools  should  have  a  settled  place  in  the 
the  permanent  policy  of  the  State,  and  that  henceforth   the 
only  question  should  be,  How  can  they  be  improved  and 
extended  ? 

It  was  well  said  by  an  experienced  Michigan  superintendent 


502  THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 

of  schools  that  if  he  were  to  undertake  the  education  of  the 
children  of  the  State  as  an  individual  enterprise,  with  the 
school  fund  as  the  fixed  price,  he  would  use  a  tenth  of  the 
fund  to  train  a  body  of  competent  teachers,  and  with  the 
other  nine-tenth  as  wages  would  accomplish  more  than  the 
whole  would  do  as  then  used  in  the  payment  of  unprepared 
instructors.  (Report  Commissioner  of  Education,  1879, 
page  80). 

In  order  to  become  efficient  as  an  instructor  in  any  pro- 
fession or  art,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  the  person 
should  first  pass  through  a  course  of  instruction  that  will 
prepare  him  or  her  therefor,  and  this  is  as  true  of  the 
teacher's  as  of  any  other  profession. 

For  similar  reasons  the  bill  includes  also  instruction  in 
the  industrial  and  mechanical  arts.  I  confess,  agricultural 
schools  have  so  far  failed  to  meet  fully  the  expectations  of 
those  who  have  advocated  and  supported  them  ;  but  this 
has  arisen  chiefly  from  three  causes :  first,  the  want  of 
properly  prepared  and  experienced  teachers  ;  second,  the 
want  of  adequate  support,  and,  third,  a  kind  of  inherent 
prejudice  against  "scientific  farming."  That  it  is  possible, 
by  properly  conducted  institutions  of  this  kind,  to  render 
instruction  in  the  various  agricultural  and  industrial 
branches  advantageous  to  a  Nation  is  proven  by  what  has 
been  accomplished  in  Europe.  Germany  has  at  present 
over  one  hundred  and  fifty  schools  of  agriculture,  horticul- 
ture, arboriculture,  viniculture,  and  meadow  culture,  each 
of  which  has  its  farms,  gardens,  etc.,  attached.  (Report 
of  Commissioner  of  Education,  page  133.) 

Prussia  alone  had,  in  1876,  6  higher  agricultural  acade- 
mies, 46  agricultural  schools,  29  schools  of  arboriculture 
and  viniculture,  and  6  schools  of  forestry.  Even  in  Fin- 
land, which  is  ever  associated  in  our  minds  with  the  land 
of  the  Esquimaux,  they  have  both  higher  and  lower  grades 


OF   JOHN    A.    LOGAN.  503 

of  agricultural  institutions ;  and  even  schools  for  instruc- 
tion in  the  manufacture  of  butter  and  cheese,  one  of  the 
chief  industries  of  the  country,  are  maintained.  (Report 
of  Commissioner  of  Education,  page  132.) 

While  our  soil  was  new  and  possessed  its  virgin  produc- 
tiveness, labor  only,  with  but  little  knowledge  of  science 
or  art,  was  all  that  was  needed  to  insure  a  bountiful  har- 
vest. But  that  condition  is  fast  disappearing,  and  the  de- 
mand made  upon  the  soil  in  the  mean  time  is  rapidly 
increasing.  The  supply  of  meat,  fuel,  and  lumber  are 
great  questions,  which  will  be  pressing  heavily,  not  only  on 
the  minds  of  the  people,  but  of  our  legislators,  in  another 
generation. 

To  meet  these  and  other  important  kindred  questions,  it 
is  our  duty  to  begin  now  to  train  a  corps  of  active  minds  to 
aid  our  agriculturists  in  meeting  these  demands.  In  other 
words,  agriculture  and  the  cognate  branches  of  industry 
must  be  placed  upon  scientific  bases,  and  made  to  take  their 
position  side  by  side  with  the  most  elevated  professions. 
Some  signs  of  a  movement  in  this  direction  are  beginning 
to  be  seen  already  in  certain  sections  of  the  country.  Let 
the  Nation  and  States  foster  and  aid  it. 

Thus,  as  will  be  seen,  it  is  the  object  of  this  bill  to  carry 
this  stimulus  of  education  into  every  avenue  of  industrial 
life,  from  the  daily  duties  of  the  good  housewife  and  her 
farmer  husband  to  those  of  the  architects  who  plan  the 
magnificent  structures  that  adorn  this  and  other  cities. 

The  effect  of  this  bill,  even  on  the  supposition  with  which 
I  am  now  proceeding,  would  be  to  distribute  this  amount  of 
tax  in  such  a  manner  that  it  would  be  felt  in  a  far  less  de- 
gree than  at  present.  Nor  could  those  who  are  engaged  in 
the  manufacture  and  sale  of  distilled  spirits  find  in  this  ar- 
rangement any  just  cause  for  complaint,  as  it  would  not  add 
one  cent  to  the  tax  already  imposed  upon  them. 


504  THE    LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 

It  would  require  too  much  time  for  me  to  enter  into  the 
details  to  prove  the  correctness  of  these  assertions,  but  I 
feel  assured  this  will  be  conceded  by  every  Senator. 

The  inability  of  some  parents,  the  neglect  of  others,  and 
the  unwillingness  of  others  to  educate  their  children,  was 
felt,  at  a  very  early  day  in  the  history  of  our  country,  to  be 
detrimental  to  its  best  interests,  and  a  waste  of  mental 
force  that  should  not  be  allowed  by  society.  The  attempt 
to  remedy  this  began  at  first  in  small  communities. 
***** 

It  may  be  assumed  that  as  the  present  generation  shall  re- 
ceive and  educate  its  children,  and  welcome  the  annual 
swarms  of  emigrants  crowding  to  our  shores,  so  will  the 
land  increase  in  all  that  makes  a  people  worthy  of  everlast- 
ing remembrance.  And  the  same  conditions  which  secure 
this  will  also  establish  our  country  in  all  that  a  free  people 
can  desire  :  power,  honor,  comfort,  intelligence  and  wealth. 
What  some  of  these  conditions  are  it  is  not  hard  to  declare, 
for  knowledge  universally  diffused  is  so  clearly  the  great 
force  that  even  a  statement  to  this  effect  is  unnecessary. 
That  "knowledge  is  power,"  is  a  truism  now  denied  by 
none. 


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